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BFEKCH OF Till: « HON. WM. C. DAWSON, or nxonou. On the bill granting Land to Of' SUU* of I/nna in aid of eomtriniing certain BaUroodt. Deliver'd in the Senate of tho Unit'd Stale*, March 1, IMS. The Senate haring under consideration “ A bi!i E -anting the right of war and makiog a (front of nd to the State of lowa, in aid of the construc tion of certain railroads in said State”— p Mr. Dawson said : 1 will detain the Senntc but a very short time on this subject. The arguments hareneen nearly exhausted, and there is little left forme to say ujion side ot the question ujion which I propose to speak. Before I enter upon the main subject ot the bill, 1 beg to be permitted to reply to the argu ments made, in reply to some suggestions which I offered to the donate some weeks since, by the honorable Senator from Missouri, (Mr. Oeyer.) He replied to three of tho suggestions which 1 had presented, and it seemed to hare disposed of them in a manner satisfactory to himself. The first argument to which the Senator from Missouri replied was, as he stated, that I charged that tho protective interests in this body bad com bined with the new State*, in order to dispose of the public laud* in snch a manner as to diminish theamountof revenue which would otherwise go into the Treasury. That was not ray allegation. 1 aaid thia, ami said it trnly and properly, that it vra* for the interest of those politicians who favor protection for the sake of protection, to dispose ot all the revenue arising from the public lauds in order to diminish the amount of money that might go into tho Treasury, and thereby justify an in crease of the tar.ff; and that all men of all classes whether politicians or otherwise, are di.*[>o*od to be controlled by those rules which promote their own interests; and I alleged that the new States, through their Senator* on this floor, (ledred ap propriation* of the public land* for internal im provements within their respective States, for the purpose of advancing the prosperity of those States ; and although opposed to a tariff in princi ple, yet thoy would combine with those who are in favor of it, and dispose of the lands by bills ap propriating them for railroads, because they thus xusy receive a larger reward than they would by preventing an increase of the tariff. I was right, air, in that principle. It jvu* no charge inconsist ent with the honor or dignity of tho Senate. It was founded in troth, and known to be so. The next is this: That if I, or any othergentle man were transferred to tho vallov of the MissG aippi, I would find that all the railroads to he built there were to be founded upon appropriations of the public lands. My reference was to the speech made by the honorable Senator from Virginia, I Mr. Hunter,] when ho announced that there were some eight or ten bills oil the tabic asking for appropriations for railroads in the new State*, and all verging to or uniting with the Mississippi river; and I defy tho Senator from Missouri to Joint out to mo a single hill upon that table asking or an appropriation of the public lands, which is not the foundation upon which they expect to build these road*. Hence it was that 1 said, throw yoursolt into the valley of the Mississippi, and you will see somo eight or ten railroads, the con struction of which is to lie founded on appropria tions from tho public lands. There was no impro priety in that. It is a just and true assertion, and cannot be denied. The next was this. I observed that it was a do nation of 14.500,000 to the State of Iowa; and the Honator replied that it was no donation to that State. And the way ho illustrated and sustained hi* position was this : He asks if you, the then presiding olliccr, being s cotton planter, had a hundred bales of cotton, and in Mobile that cotton is worth eight cents per pound, and I say to you that I will give you sixteen cents per pound for one half ot your cotton, if you will let me have tbs other half for nothing, whether yon would lose anything or not by the operation ? Oortuinly you would not. But suppose that you hod tho snme capacity to appropriate that cotton in the same way that the individual who applies to purchase your cotton bail, and who expects to make eight ceat* more on the pound, would you not ap propriate the benefit to youraelf f Sir, suppose tho United Stales, for tho purpose of improving the public lands, should authorise tho construction of these railroads, and for that purpose should ap propriate money out of the Treasury, would not tne public property bo equally appreciated by the railroads tints authorized by the Government of the United States, and would not the accumulating value of their lands go to the United States 1 (!cr tainly it would. And mark you, Mr. President, we substitute an individual State, with tho powers wo are said to possess, to do tile same act, and give to that State all the relative advantages arising from it. Those advantages inure to the benefit of the State of lowa. From the General (Jovronment solely and exiiuaivoly these benefits are obtained ; and nance it is that I say that if tho United States have the power to appropriate theso public lands to lowa to construct this railroad, it is better that we should appropriate that amount of money to rause the road to be constructed, and thus improve the vsluo of tho whole land and not of ulternato aactions, andlat the money arising from the im proved value*of tho land bo put into tho Treas ury of the United States ; and when wo shall havo hcen repaid the amount of appropriations for those railroads, let them be national accommoda tions, and let those to whom the land belongs liavo a right to pass over the roads without taxation. Sir, was not the Cumberland road constructed up on that plan ? Did wo not make appropriations to construct that road in order to improve tho value of our land* in the Westorn States ? Cer tainly. And when the improvement took place, what beoamaof the road Sir, the Senate well know that the declaration I nuble, and which may l>e carried out in argument, was true —that it was nothing but a donation. Hut passing nvor that, ns I desire to be brief on this occasion, we oomo to tho public land, and there are but few principles connected with them, llow aiul for what purpose did we obtain those public lands ? Prior to the adoption of the Con stitution, Virginia, by a compact, sold tho North ’Western territory to the United Slates; ami 1 re fer to that merely to show tho relation subsisting between tho Government of the United State* and tlin State of Virginia, arising out of that compact. What wiu* that eorapnot I It was that Virginia ce ded those lands on certain terms and limitations, restrictions, and conditions ; and wlion they were all complied with, what was then to bo done 1 The contracting party agreed that tho whole of the lands, after the payment of tho public dcU, and after certain other conditions and stipulations in that contract wore complied with, were to inure to the benefit of all tho States, Virginia included. Now, wiiat was the construction nut upon that compact i>v the honest men who made it. I It Was that, tho lands belonged, even in kind, to the va rious States of tho Union; and the law rend by ray friend from Kentucky, showing tho distribution of those lands in kina, proves that this const ruc tion was contemporaneous witli the contract. Jleuoo 1 allege that there is a construction of the compact between Virginia and the United States which set tills tho character of tlijs particular com pact. W)u»t boeomos of the relation bufweon the State of Virginia, sud all other States included, with tha General Government under this compact ? If the remainder of tho proporty, after the pay ment of tho National debt and compliance with tho conditions thoreiu spudded, inured to tho benefit of the States, including Virginia, itiuadctlic United States a grout lauded proprietor, having an interest in tho land in trust only, while tho ounitn bla interest was in tho several States ; amt the United States thereby became proprietor merely for tho benefit of others. In I*o2, when the nrtioles of cession and compact were entered into with tho State of Georgia, the same term* add limitations, in noarlv the express words, wore there found, with tho same privileges—that the remain der ot' the property, utter compliance with certain conditions, should imiro to tlio whole of the States, Georgia Included. Thia was one of tho provisions of the urticiesof cession. There the United States again boomin' A ladled proprietor, a* trustee, under that contract. , . Wliuu wo acquired Louisiana, a new principle aroto. All the land* obtained prior to that, period, had been obtained by a contract between tho C»en oral Government and the Suites. In 1808, when wo made a treaty with France, .and obtained the lands ill Louisiana, the question Wits very much agitated whether tho Government of »Jje United States had the power, under the constitution, to acquire Territory iu that v/ny. lint the power was excroissd. When the United States purchased the lands within the limits of Louisiana from Franco, the consideration was paid by the Government of the United States as ths representative of the States, and the title wss tskon by the United Ktat«s. To whom did that title inure! The consideration be ing paid in money belonging to the States in the hands of the General Government, the title inured to the benefit of those who paid tho consideration : and after the payment of the consideration, the remainder of the lands in tho possession of of tho Government of the United States, wore there, as all other lands are, for the benefit of nil States. If B pays a consideration for land, and tho deed is taken nv A, A becomes a trustee in law for tho benefit of B. The United States having paid the oiouoy for tho State* for the land in Louisiana, when that, title was made to tho United States, i: in ured to the benefit of t he State of Louisiana as well as the other States. 1 fojnpontlns broad principle, that litis Government lias how settled the question of power over tho public lands, and has a right to dispose of them according to the principles of equity and justice, among tho Stat*», pr use them for the general benefit of all. Just so when the lands in Florida wore obtained liy treaty. After tho payment of she suiu of money which had been given for them, the balanco was to go into the Treasury with the same limitations and restrictions as other public lands. Thus has been acquired an immense body of domain, n liieli is xegutatod, in part, by compacts and by treat ies with other Governments'; and the great question is, where did tho titles to this property go i They went necessarily to the Government of the United (State*. But is It an absolute property, subject to no limitations and restrictions iu behalf of tho States! It is admitted that.the United States, being the trustee, tho States arc the beneficiaries. That is the prinoipi.e on whioh 1 havo argued, and 1 be lisvo it to be a correct principle, and one whioh should control tho disposition of the public lands. The first question is, bow shall tho lands be dis posed of I 1 answer, firs.*, according to the terms of the compact under which thov were acquired. The land* obtained from Virginia and Georgia have written stipulations whioh ought to he conformed to; and a court of equity, iftho oas« were between one individual and another, would de-tree the exe cution ofthose restriction* and stipulation*; ami thov arc. that after the payment of certain d*b*s, ami making certain appropriation* of land within j their borders, the land* shall inure to the States. What State* f The whole of the Slates, Virginia included, to bo distributed upon the principles of justice and equity. Such lias l.ecn the division of j opinion and of parties among ns, that some say, keep all the piiblio lands for the purpose of paying tho general exponscs of the Government, and then there will bo equality in the distribution. That is mv doctrine. If this could be doue, if the proceeds ofthe public lands could go into tho Treasury and be applied to the payment of the expenditures of the General Government, it would be equal and just towards all theStatos, and all the people of the Slate*, and 1 should have no objection to it what ever. One class of politicians in this country at one time contended that the proceeds of the public lands should l>e appropriated to purposes of inter nal improvement. Another doss maintained that Congress had no power to appropriate tho public lands for tho purpose of internal Improvement. That was long debated, and parties wv»c divided upon that question for a long time. But mark, now; those gentlemen who do not believe that j Congress ha* power to appropriate money or land for internal improvements, will do what ? They ! way. yon havo, as tho Congrea* of the U. States, no j sueh'powcr, but wo will tell you what vou can do. You can give the lands to a State, and the State can direct these land* to be applied to internal im provements. Moreover, you can appropriate these lauds and declare what the State shall do with them, that she shall make a railroad an internal improvement. Now, sir, 1 suggest this question to von and to the State. If Congress has not the pow er to do tliis act, hna it the power to delegate it to a State ? I think ii must appear, dearly and con clusively, that CoT.gr**-> would not have the power to delegate that right t* Aliy single State. But, sir, I pass from thes* general propositions, and come down to the case directly before us. What is the proposition here! Gentlemen say | “We agree with you that Congress has no power j to give us these public lands, unless she it j upon the principle that the remainder will be m- ■ hatiecd in value coextensive with the amount grant ed ;” or in other words, that each alternate section shall sell for #2 50 per acre when the whole of the sections would sell for only $1 25 per acre. Tliat is tho principle on which the friends of this mea sure and these measures seek to take it out of tho position in which I have placed it. Now, what does that principle involve! It goes on the ae •umption that the alternate sections are to increase in value. Lot mo refrr my friend from lowa to this point. The railroad flrom Dubuque to keokuck it about two hundred and forty miles—that is the line as it now rnn*. Mr. Jones, of lowa. X beg tho Senator s pardon : be is entirely mistaken. It is only a hundred and eightv miles. Mrl Dawson. It will amount to nearly what 1 say. I take it to be two hundred and forty mile*. Mr. Jone*. ltamoitnU to one hundred and eighty mile#, and no more. )ki. Dodge, of lowa. My fnenti from Georgia refer* to me. I suppose lie desires to bo correct. Mr. Dawson. Ocrtninly 1 do. Mr. Dodge. I will furnish him with the remit of« calculation by the draughtsman of the Senate, lie says; ‘‘ln comptisnee with your directions, I ssv* made an estimate us the amount of tamt* vacant ou th# Ist trf Octo ber, 1851, in the alienist* odd sections toe fiftorn miles on each aid* of s direct line frcai lsibuqas, eta Cedar Rapid*. lowa City, and Fairflsid to K*okuek. and find sM7,74oacres Tb* distance IS one humlrwl and ninety-tne r.il*s ; three sections on each side of the tine would amount tot,lie suc tion a, or 748,M51 acres.” Mr. Dnwaon. The Senator from lowa says the distance is only one hundred and ninety-five miles. I went to the i»ap for my information’ but 1 may lie mistaken. Now, this road of one hundred and ninety-five miles is from two point* on the Missis sippi river, Dubuque and Keokuck, at the mouth or the Do* Moines river—not parallel with the Mississippi itself, forthcrethe river bends, and you make a line from the lower part of the bend to the upper fart of it—one of the finest streams for navigation in the known woftd; and yet it is sought to lake the public land from point to point on the same river for the pntpoee ot making a public im provement, alleging that for two or three months in the year the ice obstructs the navigation of the river, and on this ground we are to appropriate 500,000 acre* of the public land to build a railroad on the Mississippi river from the one point to the other point which I have named. You have to start at Dubuque on the Mississippi, and run one hundred and ninety-five miles below. Now, sir, the first question to be proposed is, is that one of the oppressive eases! Is the public property iu such u condition ** to require that improvement to bo made in order to increase it* value to $2 50 per acre! Not So; every gentleman knows that it is not. It is merely a demand to get an appropriation for a particular State, when tlic circumstances of the case do not justify or sustain it on the princi ple on which other bills of this kind have been passed. But let us go a little further. Thi3 road from Dubuque to Keokuck goes through one of the finest bodies of land in the whole valley of the Missis sippi river; and lam told—and 1 also went to the map for the purpose of obtaining information, and 1 have got the population of the various counties through which it passes—that it is alrfhdy a road which is in the hands of individuals and is incor porated, and will pass through a ftonntrv which is largely populated- The county in which Dubuque lies Ims a population of upwards of ten thousand ; and three fourths of the public land from Dubuque to Keokuck, five miles right and left of that road, have already been taken up, and the portion of the country in the neighborhood of tliat road, is the most thickly populated ami the most prosperous in the whole of that great valley. Now, where is the balance of the public land to come from! It is said that this improvement will increase the value of the public Inna remaining to Ike U. (states. Sir, there is not a foot of land that can be obtained for it 50 per acre for five miles along each side of that rood, unless it be some of The poorer lands, which is valuable only fur its timber. Where is the bal ance ofthe land to come front 1 The bill says, that in the event that five miles on either side of the road shall he taken up, or be subject to the right of pre emption, then the State oflowa, through an agent appointed by tlic Governor of that State, shall have tne right to extend the line fifteen miles on each side of that road, and the alternate sections when taken are not to be put down at #2 50 per acre, but are still to go at |l 25; and lienee it is that all the lamia taken to build the road from Dubuque to Keokuck will not be taken front the section* which adjoin the line. And we are taught to believe, and the country is taught to believe, that we are im proving the public property and throwing money into the Treasury by the passage of these bills, and that our liberality is for selfish purposes; that the Government ofthe United States does not lose a single dollar by tho operation. This, sir, is not sustained by the facts before us; and it is unjust to the country, and unjust to the principle on which tliese bills nave heretofore been advocated. It is time that wc should resist it, and let something like justice and principle prevail in the passage of these large appropriations. But, Mr. President, I pass on from that. How is this road to run ! Mark it well, as it is taken uuderthis bill —and I have the map of lowa be fore me, and she is a glorious State ; and I admire tho warmth, and energy, and success with which her Senators defend her rights here. She is a growing and powerful State, and unless you check her, she will have everything within her limits, and will proclaim in a few years: ‘'Here is the great empress of the West!” Look at our ad vancement, and our prosperity—every dollar of which has been taken out of the Treasury of the United States. 'These are truths which every gen tleman should understand—truths which many gentlemen already know. This road goes from city to city, and then takes n bend more circuitous than tlio great artery of our Western water courses. It goes through tho seat of government, und then runs almost parallel with tlic great Dos Moinos river. I will show you presently what tho United States did in 1848 for this great lies Moines river. There it rims. Well, Mr. President, what injury is this to inflict upon others! Have wo looked to that! Havo ws. Inonr wild and fanciful manner of disposing ofthe public lands, looked to tho in juries imposed upon individuals and corporations ? Where are tho Senators from Illinois ? They ought to look to this, arid they would fee) it, tint from tho fact of having liud tltoir arms up to thcirclbows in tho Treasury. Thoy dare not come out and advocato tho interests of their own citizens, be cause thoy stand on soft ground, remembering the old proverb, that “those who live in glass-houses should not throw stones.” Who owns the road from Chicago, in Illinois, to Cairo? There is the road from Ilock Island to Ltisulle, and the road from Burlington to Peoria, all starting on the Illi nois sido of tho Mississippi rivor, between Du buque and Keokuck. Mr. Shields. As ray colleague t* not here, I would beg of my honorable friohd from Georgia to explain what ho meant when ho said that we had hud our arms up to tire elbows in the Treasury! Mr. Dawson, I meant to'say “up to the should ers.” [Laughter.] Mr. shields. 1 wish tlic honorable Sonator from Georgia would confine himself to the question of land, and not branch off to tiinnoy, because suspi cions might arise, particularly against my col lcnguo. [A laugh.] Mr. Dawson. Why, I must say that I was not the least astonished that tho colleague of tho hon orable Senator from Illinois was instantly nomina ted for the Presidency, after he got tho approprin tion. 1 will have it all out presently; and my friend from Illinois knows very well, it ! ho has not forgotten his Euclid, that twQ things which are equal to tho same thing aro equal to each other; and let me ask him, if lands are equivalent to money, whut is the difference between money and lands! Are thoy not plain equivalents? Hut theso arc the truths. These railroads (the Illinois railroads) are now being constructed, oris operation, and nil by individual enterprise; mid yet we aro authorizing, by legislation, lowa to com* in conflict with thes* various 'Companies. Theso companies cannot ho heard oven by tho Senators of their own Slate; because the Stato of Illinois, ns I will show you presently, has made one ofthe most masterly operations that any Stato in this Uuion litis over done, but at no expenso of the State. Sir, is this nil ? 1 havo now disposed of thp road from Dubuque to Keokuck, and shown you tijat it will not increase thu price of tho public land, and i have shown the character ofthe country through which tho road passes; and if 1 over move from tliut part oftlio country where 1 now reside, and goto tho West, and if the Sene,tors from lowa are then living, 1 will settle in their neighborhood. And what next? Under this same bill—and I desire the Senate and the country to understand it—there is another road running"--where ? Mark you, running one hundred and ninety-five miles iVom point to point on the great Mississippi river. Thou there is a little place oil tlio lowa side of tho Mississippi river, called Davenport from which .place they stall another railroad, and run it direct ly through tho scat of government, lowa City, pass ing over this road from Dubuque to Keokuck, at right angles through tho City oflowa. 1 estimate the length of this latter road at three hundred miles; but Senators say it is two hundred and forty. 1 think my estimate is right. This road makes a cross in passing over the road from Dubuque to Keokuck to tho seat of government oflowa, and a crucifixion it is. Whoso interest does it affect? Whoso money builds thia great city in the interior ofthe State oflowa, and passes olio road directly through it from east to west, and another at right angles to it ? From bank to bank between tho Mississippi and the Missouri rivsrs, the Senator says {;v° hundred and forty miles. But taking the map, if is three hundred miles and more. What is all this ilanp for? They say it is done for the improvement of (ho public lands. The railroad route directly down iron* lowa City to tho Mississippi river, at Davenport, passes, according to the mail, and uncording to the iiitormaliju which I have obtained, one oftlio most beautiful regions in the great valley of tlia Mississippi: but all of it is taken up, and now in a ttno state of cultivation, and it is tlio pride and glory of that young State. Well, if you cannot get the lands of the lino of tlio road oil the right and loft, whore are you to get thorn? Why, you aro to go off thirty miles, and' pick up the lands there. But you uo not improve those lands adjacent the values of a single cent.. And yet they eomo here, and anpounoo to Con gress’and to the country that these appropriations aro asked for on tho ground that the l'uito.l Stales do not lose a single dollar, but that tlic remaining property is appreciated in value. Now, when we set up n principle as true, let us understand whether the principle or the truth betherc. Why, sir, it is wild and fanciful for us to legislate upon this plan, and 1 see, by the smiling countenance of tiie Senator from lowa, [Mr. Jones,] who has pon piti up hero, day after day, to urge attention to this bill, that ha has"got the "sympathy of tho whole Senate, under the belief that he is going to do something groat tud glorious for tho United Slates by increasing the value vi*kiu> public lands, when, as I unJarstiuid, there are no puttie lands within five miles of the road on either side. Now these are facts which no man can deny, Let no Senator go home to his people and say, i have given away these land* to increase the val.to of others; because it will be a mistake. Let the people be informed ns to this matter. Let us stand upon principle, and do justice. No roan upon this floor has over hoard me utter a word of opposition to anything founded in justice and right. But when you com# to put your hands into the Treasu ry of "the United States, to aid otto section or State at the expense of the rest, 1 am required by principles of justice and honor to oppose and do what I can to" prevent it; fir tiie land is not mine to dispose of. W'ere it my own, I might do with it as l pleased. 1 But, Mr. President, is this all! It would really ! be an interesting thing if Senators would take this j map of lowa, as 1 hat e done, and examime it ns I j did. 1 did this because 1 wished to be honestly I advised and correctly informed. J have tho map i hero before ute, and l have traced out all these I routes; and what are they? After passing lowa I t’ity, approaching the great "Missouri, what do you ] find? You eomo to a country, perhaps a hundred i tunes from the river, that has not been surveyed to this day. I will ask the Senator front lowa, wlwther the lauds on the Bank iff the Missouri have been surveyed and formed into counties ? Mr. Jones, of lowa, Certainly thev are survey ed. ilr. Dawson. Then they are not settled. Mr. Jones. There are settlements ; but I lx>- liovo, however, the laud is not surveyed for tiie whole distance. Mr. Dawson. This is ' the point wh'eli I wished j to get at. When you pass lowa City for twenty i five miles, you go through a country which is un settled and only partly surveyed, and not in mar ket ; uad fortlio pur[w>-e of increasing the value of that land, you say, give us the right to build I the railroad without any limitation with* regard to ttute w ithin which t« complete the rend. They snv, »• want an appropriating to give us posses’- siou of the hind; and as tho country grows np. these lands wilt improve and Ik‘loii2 to ti„. State of lowa, and then wo’wili build the road. But they call for the lands now. If a railroad were to be j dropped from heaven, and laid batireen lowa Gitv and the Missouri river, it couid not support itsclt. for there is uo population there ; and yet we are called on to .noopt this measure. lam told that I i am too fond of land. No, 1 am fond of justice, aud 1 love liberality, and if your cause was one j that you could stand upon, and which you couid j defend upou principle ofriglu and iq>o:i jusl liber- i olitv. 1 would sustain it. But. Mr. President, I said something about the river Dcs Moines. And mark von, sir, Keokuck is i the point where the great Des Moinc-s river enters . into the Mississippi, and it runs nearly at an angle i of forty-five degrees through the State- of Iowa; j and tow*City is between the Mississippi and the • Hu Moines fiver. The Dcs Moines is one of the ; finest navigable streams in the w hole West, lias ' Government done anything for the Des Moines I river? Whyts it that this little spot of earth be- ! tween the town, ar.d ton..’ssipp! river, and Des ; Met m‘.- rivers should be eatlMng *qrappropriations < from Government more advantagedu» Loan any ! spot in the Union, not even excepting the re*ip;, j around Boston ? Win is it so ? It is altogether ■ owing to the energy, skin agd fine representative j qualities of )he Senators from tow*, and their pop- 1 uiarily here. But I hare found t];;it it is almost impossible for ] me lo get a proposition adopted ; and when we ' wish to advance tiie interests ofthe States we rep- I resent, we luaJ better watch them. Now. sir, let me read tlic act passed in 1840, to show'what was 1 done on the I)e.« Moines. In 1 5 45 the following i act was {Kissed, aid listen to what its says ;| * ! “/* ft efwiWerf, dr., Th-' ! Hawe lie, and Vreliy b j (RUikd to the Territory of leva, for the purpose of aiding •atu Territory to iirprore the navigation of tbe Be* Moines river from it* month to the Racoon f,rk (so called) in said Territory, one e-pul moiety, in alternate sections, of the pebik lauds i reuuminsr an-nkl, and not -lli-nri*- -lupo*e-l of, enembered, or aiiproprialedi in a strip five miles in width on each side c t said nrer: to be selected within said Territory by an agent or agents to be appointed by the Governor thereof, object to the approval of the Secretary of the Treasury of the United State*." And then at goes on to say, that if one section is taken np, they are to go to another. Now, how man v acres of land were granted under this act of 1845 ! I have ascertained tliat it amounts to’l,- 400, 000. Add that to the 1,800,000 acres proposed to be appropriated _bv this, and you have 3.200,00e to be granted to this State or to companies within the narrowest strip of land in auv portion of this country where internal improvements are being or have been made. t\ here do these lands come from ? Look at it! Whv some of the lands on the Des Moines arc worth $2 an acre. There are ma ny acres in Michigan which would sell at that price. So in Illinois. When lowa was a territory in her territorial character, we gave her alternate sections of land five mile* on each side* of the river, making ten miles in width np>the valley of the Dcs Moines, the value of the whole of which to day would be #lO an acre, making #14,- 000, 000 if the lands were held to this day. These lands were granted to improve the »Df-s Moines river, and were taken in 1*46 ; yet I am charged with illiberaiity and injustice to the new States.! Why, the representative.* of the old Stale* should rather be charged with illiberaiity and injustice to their constituents, by permitting a common bene fit, obtained by common treasure and common blood, to be thus improperly taken and distribute 1. 1 have no unkludness towards lowa—none at all. I am merely speaking the truth; and 1 form an issue on any assertion which I make. If lam wrong in any single assertion, I hope to be cor rected : for I wish to say merely what is the truth. I do not refer to lowa out o* any unkindness to her. I merely illustrate the principle by reference to that State, as the bill before us proposes a grant to her. I look at the great whole. I am opposed to the rfppropriations of the public treasure of this country, whether laud or money, for local or sec tional object*. As new States are added day after day, they call for appropriations of public lands, either by their Legislatures, or they wish to have them given to companies ; and strange to say, we have appropriated millions of acres without the Legislature ofthe States asking for the appropria tions ! Senators rise and tell us for what purpose it is wanted, and under such mistaken apprehen sion- we v< It- the appropriation*. ]am not now Apeaking of lowa. 1 will look into Illinois. lam sorry tliat one of the Senators from Illinois (Mr. Douglas> is not now in his sent; but many Sena tors who were with me on this floor when the Illi nois railroad bill was passed, will recollect that it was said that it would be four hundred miles long from Chicago to Cairo ; in other words from the furthest northern boundary of Illinois down to its most southern on the Mississippi. Alternate sec tions we donated for ten miles in width. 1 oppos ed it then on the ground of it* injustice ; but Iwas not even aided by many friends from the old States. 1 then proclaimed the injustice of it; but 1 was not sustained. 1 saw that the rights of tho old States were to h* thrown over; and 1 saw what would Jic the result. .The Senator from Illi nois threw himself in for railroad* yet in embryo, and took land lying six hundred and ninety miles along fora road, as 1 will show you. Upon that, I suppose he thought he would ride triumphantly right off to the White House, and he is driving there now. I do not wish to interfere with the gentlema#* aspirations, but I do not like to pay for his platform. I have a statement before me showing the lands granted under the Illinois bill. I call upon Sena tors and 1 call upon the country to look this matter in tlio face, and see whether we, tiie old States, can pass these biiks and do injustice to ourselves. Does any Senator on this floor xsow the length of the road from Chicago to Cairo, for which we grant ed land during the last Congress ? If lam wrong in my statement I wish to he corrected. For that road which was unsnrveyed; whioh was not located; which was not called for except by the imagination of Senators ; from Chicago down to Cairo, instead of appropriating lands for the length of four hun dred miles, at was represented, we appropriated for six hundred and ninety miles, including the branches. We appropriated money or land, which is its equivalent, for two hundred and ninety mile* of railroad which we did not know wo wore buil ding. Yet you will not vote a dollar for a light house, for a fortification, or for an improvement in any of the old Stutos, unless surveys have been made and estimates have been presented. Still you will suffer Senators and others from the northwestern country to come hero and take more in millions than you would grant to tho other State in thousands, and cal! it correct legislation, and charge those, who opppse it, and make these presentations of facts to the country, with a want of liberality and justice. Here then is a mistake. Instead of granting lands for a railroad four hundred miles in extent, wo were granting lands for a railroad six hundred und ninety miles long ; and we did not know it! Let 11S go a little further. The land whioh was granted under that act was taken up by Illinois: and how many acres do Senators suppose it was? Why 2,700,000 acres of laud. My friend from Illinois knows it to bo so. I do not blame tho Senators from that State for it. They presented the claim. They made no misrepresentation. They were asked for no informatiun us to the true con dition of affairs; and they said to ns “If you aro willing, let it pass;” and gloriously for them it did puss. I will show you now how it was carried out, who were the bcnofioiarios, and whut was the ob ject and churaeter ofthe appropriation. Mr. Shields. IVill the honorable gentleman per mit me to ask on what basis his calculation is fbund ? Mr. Dawson. From information given by tho oollcagho ofthe honorable Senator. Mr, Shields, 1 wish to know the authority oftlio gentleman for sayidg that the road is six hundred and ninety miles long. Mr. Dawson. I learn from the gentleman’s col league that the main road, including tlio branch to Galena and other branches, will be Bix hundred mid ninety miles long. Mr. Shield*. The road from Chicago to Cairo will not be quite four hundred miles long, but I find that tile gentleman includes the branches. Mr. Dawson. Thesis hundred and ninety miles include all. It is immaterial whether it is cross firing or direct firing, the lands have been taken. The Senator corrects mo on u part that does not in volve any principle. I have not said that the Sena tors from Il'inois acted wrongly. If I was a con stituent of theirs, I should probably have approved of their course, by which their Sta’te got 2,700,000 acres of land to construct six hundred and ninety miles of road. What does the Senate suppose, what docs the country suppose has become of these 2,700,000 acres of land, which are said to be the finest lands in Illinois, and all the lands in that country arc said to be of excellent quaility. It is one of the most beautiful countries In the West. 1 was reading the other day the remarks of a gen tleman on the subject, ami ho astonished me; he says it is the finest part of God’s globe—the finest country on which civilized men over settled—prom ising, healthful, and fertile. Two million seven hundred thousand acres of this land have been taken for the construction of the Illinois railroad. Why, it is but a little more than one year since we passed the bill authorizing the appropriation of tiiis amount of public lands to build the railroad. Illi nois, through her Legislature, passed an act au thorizing certain agents to dispose of these lands to companies who would construct these railroads. Those agents disposed of these lands toa company formed in Boston and New York, (through their agent, Mr. Kautoul, who made a speech in the other House on this snbjecta short time ago which astonished me, coming from a Representative of one of the old States,) who undertook to build these railroads and complete them in four years from tiiis date. Illinois, I believe, reserves to her self seven per cent, of the gross receipts of these railroads thus to be built with the proceeds of 3,700,000 acres of the public lands. This number of acres is now in the bauds ot a company formed in Boston and Now York, who, in their corporate charter, are the sole and exclusive owners of the land. Mr. Shields. Lest there might be some misap prehension about tiiis subject, I would take oeca siou to state that the company only get control of the land as they make the railroad. They are not the absolute proprietors; they only obtain the land in proportion to t lie progress of the road. If they fail, the land reverts to the State. Mr. Dawson. Exactly. The Senator’s statement shows that the company receives the land in in stallments, instead of getting it all at once. Wlmt undertaker would pay a man s'>,ooo,ooo for work and labor to be executed? lie would not pay at all until all the work was done, jt is admitted, how ever, that the title to the laud is vested contingent ly in the company, and as they finish the road from point to point, the title absolutely vests in them. 1 have gone into the estimates and calculations, and 1 find that the cost of building a railroad in that country will not exceed SIO,OOO a mile for lay ing down tlie rails, including excavations, embank ments, and superstructures. The oust for these, and then for putting on the engines and cars for these six hundred and ninety miles will bo $6,900,- 000. What is now the estimated value of tiiis land by the corporators themselves —by the gentlemen of the corporation in Illinois ! The Senators from Illinois know its value. It is tlie finest land, as is admitted by the Senators, in the whole valley of tho Mississippi, and worth at least ten dollars an acre. There arc 2,700,000 acres of laud gone into the hands of this company, to build a railway worth to them $27,000,000. Thus, by our legislation here, this company will receive a profit of $21,000,000 on six hundred and ninety miles of railroad. If we laid acted properly, that might have been done bv the U. States, and the same profits been received into the Treason-. And yet it is said that this is honest and just legislation towards every section of country I Why, it is un outrage upon the justice and rights of the Slates which were present here, aud one which ought not to be again permitted to occur. Nor is this all. These gentlemen sav that tliev will not allow u division of the lands, and will not let the old States hold lands within tiic limits of the States of lowa or Illinois, or any other of the new Stales. They tell us they will not allow other States to hold lands within their limits. Is a State more unkind than individuals ? Illinois will allow a corporation of individuals to own 2,700,000 acres of land within her limits. 1 present this to show that all these ideas arc fanciful. They arc unjust to ourselves, and unjust to tlie country. It did not become us, as representatives of tlie people, intending to do what is right and just betwecu State and States, Wby may not a Slate hold lands within another State ! Could not the Governor of Georgia have gone to Illinois and purchased the lands as Governor, by undertaking to execute tho contract, aud then he could have held tho land ! Why, where is the constitutional provision to pre vent one State holding land w ithin the limits of another! Nowhere. This is the reasoning got up to encourage what are called State-Eights men to support tiles* appropriations. Here is the work ing ofihe system uow illustrated before the coun try, and l wane thg country to know it—2,700,000 acres of land have gone into (.lie hands of a com pany to build a road six hundred and ninetv miles long, which will cost £6,900,000; and the land is worth not a dollar less than #27,0i >0,900. Then here are $21,000,000 gone by our legislation into the bands of a comi>auv—gone by our legislation where we were not thinking of what we were doing. Tiiis is no fancy sketch. lam telling the truth, and gentlemen know it, and I stand by it. But. Mr. Ere* icut, 1 promised to be short, and I have been. Ihave taken everything in the way of u calculation out of my speech, because my friends from Kentucky [Mr. Underwood] and Ten nessee [Mr. Belli argue j those matters so fully that I felt it would be unjust to the indulgence of the : kciiate to go over them. I have only gone over j questions which they did not touch upon. Wliat | 'text occurs ; My friend from Missouri [Mr. Gev i er; talked about the great connecting liuk which ■ was to run and bind this country together bv iron | bars. I hat was the idea, though, perhaps, lam j ■ a little more fanciful than he was. And he said j j that these appropriations were made to carry ou 1 great roads, for Che purpose of internal transports- ! tiou upon land from place to place. That is true. ! | Now, let me present a thet to this country. You ! • say, gentlemen, that it is for the public good vou j ■ do this; ami if it did not increase the prosperity ! of the whole country, it would be wrong, because, : under the Constitution, we have no power to bcc j efit a part at the expense of the whole. You say : you want to form a great connecting liuk in the i country. Let us begin at Boston. Who buiit the [ railroad from 80-ton to New York ? Who built the railroads from New York to Philadelphia, from Philadelphia to Baltimore, from Baltimore to Washington, and ou, on, until you strike the Geor gia line! These are great connecting links for transportation, for convenience, for rapidity. Who built them ? The)’ were buiit by the People; they were built by individual capita! and enterprise. What people ? The people of the Dinted States, equally entitled and equally bound first for he benefits, aud then for the consequences, of our government. These people did it. And when you gw to may own State, one of the youngest of the Old Thirteen, g*hieb was kept down for years and years because she e(i»Li not extend her possessions Co-extensive with her lines or limits, as they were in the possession and occupancy of the Inmans— when she saw the condition in which the country I was pkuaai—when she perceived that a connection witii the North :ual South was desirable—that in tercourse must be rapid aud improve our knowl edge of each other, increase our atfeetions for each other, and make us love our Government and love one another—she did what? In tlie midatofher poverty what did she do l the commenced the line which had ended by the railroad from Charies ton to Augusta. She commenced on the Georgia bank of the Savannah river, and with her own en terprise and with her own money ran that foad to 1 the Valiey of the Mississippi, and it ia now in full operation". She went to Tennessr-e. and ask ed an act of incorj>ora»ion and permission to run her road through that State until we should strike the waters of the valley of the great Mississippi; and i wilh invite mv friend from Mi-sonri [Sir. Atchinson,] who said that Georgia wanted lands, and would t>e qnict if she only got them—l will invite him, 1 say. to return home with me by that route to Missouri. I wili pass him over that road at the rate of twenty mile* an honr—over moun tains and through tunnels. I will place him upon the waters of his own great Wcst bv steam, from one end of Georgia to the other, and 1 will connect him will: a steamboat to carry him in the direction he wishes, and then I will ask him to tell me why was all this done, and by whom ? Now, who join", the roads at Cairo with this link of ours? We have now eleven hundred miles of railroad—at the expenditure ot a capital of something like $7,000,- 000 within our own State, ail paid out of our own funds—running to the valiey of the Mississippi; and when yon get to Cairo, and want tojgo up to Chicago to see the President, if be should ever be there, what do yon do ? When you land from your steamboat at Cairo, and go over that road to Chicago, six hundred and ninety miles with its branches, if the honorable .Senator from Missouri should ask who built it, the people of Illinois would stand on tliat road and look as majestic, as magnificent, and as consequential as if it Lad been done out oft eir own hands, when they got from u* six hundred and ninety miles of railroad built at an expense to the Government of the United States of $6.1K5),000, and by the contract for which a company will make $21,000,000. That will be the result; and then for the Senator to say that Georgia wants her share! It Illinois is entitled to this great benefit, why is not Massachusetts or Georgia, llcc.su-e Georgia has done these things by her enterprise and energy, is it a reason why any fair, just, or honorable man should say : Yon have done the work already; you have expended labor and money, and ought to be satisfied? No, sir. The question which ought to be apprehended is this, whose money is it ? How should it be di vided? To whom docs it belong ? Butmy friend, I believe, will go with me, and when he gets into Georgia will say: By-the-bv yon ought to have yonr share. He says that now; but he is fearful of endangering the bill by the adoption of this amendment. X said—l make the observation now, andjt can be explained—l was astonished when I saw the course of some Senators and Bepresentntivcs from the old thirteen States, upon the land bills, who come out to vindicate the right of the new States to take up all these public lands. I read a speech, as I before observed, made by a gentleman in the other branch of the l.e. islature, which perfectly astounded me, vindicating these vast appropria tions of the public money qr public lands, and de ny ing to his own State the rignt to have her share. 1 asked why is it so ? \V hen I came to search it out, 1 found he belonged to one of the companies which purchased these 2,700.000 acres of land from Ihtnois. 1 make this as no charge. It may have been all honest and fair ; but lean sec how it is that gentlemen here to-day jumped upon the Baltic, because it was the representative of capital, and denounced the idea that capital should Vie brought within the view of this Capitol to influence, members in their course here; and yet vonjwill do acts here that give capital to the the amount of $27,- 000,000 to those who combine together to do a thing, in consequence of your own legislation. I trust those gentlemen will become alarmed at this idea, that the public lands are all to go into the hands of capitalists. Where is the Senator from Wisconsin, [Mr. Walker,] that he does not raise his voice against this accumulation of wealth and property in the hands of great landed proprietors and moneyed corporations ? Not a word is said; but let Georgia. Massachusetts, or Nortli Carolina, or any other of the.old States, ask for what justly ought to be given her, and they will sav, No: we will never submit to such a great landed proprietor withiuthe limits of our -tates. Look at the ques tion, and meet it fairly. But gentlemen ask where is tho power thus to dispose of the public lands us we desire ? I have taken occasion to look at this thing, and just let me stute what Congress have done. Congress have made grants to communities and individuals for various purposes. They have made grants to the States for education, for internal improvements, for public buildings, and have even granted lands to corporations, Arc., for education, and granted them for the deaf and dumb. Where did vou get the power from the Constitution to do all these tilings ? If you can benefit all the rest of the world, why can yon not benefit the old States? Where is the principle in tho Constitution that gives you the power to do that for others that you cannot do for your own? It is an insult to the understanding, and calculated merely to awaken fears in the minds' of the people and keep them confused on this sub ject; but if light ever fully dawns upon them, and they see how these public lands arc taken from them, woe be unto that man or that party that seek*to deprive them of their rights. But is that all ? You have given land to cultivators, to men to raise olives, and to raise grapes from which to make wine. Where did you get that power, when you cannot give lands to the Stato of Georgia, or North Carolina, or Massachusetts, to educate even the poor, and save them from starvation ? You cannot do that! Oh, no 1 but you oan givi them to foreigners to cultivate tho olive and grape; and then to stand up before an honest and intelligent community and toll them you cannot do this, for you have not the power. Gentlemen who do that must have very little respect for the intelligence of tho people. 1 feel amazed at these arguments, and I fee] worse than astonished when 1 find them pre vail in some sections of the country over the minds of the people. But is this all ? Since that period you have giv en lands to Lafayette, an individual. It was all right. You have mado a donation of the proceeds ofthe publio lanis. Now, if you arc entitled to the proceeds of the public lauds will any one tell me the ditferenec between the land aiid the money for which it is sold ? Where is the principle ofthe Constitution which says you have a right to sell the lands and then divide the money, but which prevents you from dividing the lands among the States, and letting them dispose of them in their own way ? There is none at all. It is discredita ble to tne country to attempt to infuse such dis tinctions in the minds ofthe people and lead them from the main object ill view. And, Mr. Presi dent, what do wo all submit to ? 1 appeal now not to the old thirteen States alone, but to all the States which have eomointo the Union whose lands are nearly gone. What is the effeetof this policy upon our own section of the country? We nre'callcd upon here to vote away public lands in this way —for what ? To diminish our population, to urge them to emigration and seduce them from the old States, thereby impairing the value of ourown lands at home and increasing the value of those ip the new states, all at our expense. And yet we are called upon to sustain these propositions. Gcntlei men, see it, and understand it. lint 1 will not com ment upon or illustrate these positions. I hasten to a conclusion. I drop everything else, end come down to the last point upon which I shall speak. The great question which has been presented is, what dis tribution shall be made of the public lands ? Are the States of the Union all equally entitled to par ticipate in the advantages growing out of them? Is there a Senator on this floor who dares, in vio lation of his own good sense, get up and announce that each State in this Union is not entitled to its ahare of the public lands ? Is there one who dare do it ? And yet they will waive that question, and adopt a course of jolicy by which they deny the principle in their action. They will not dare to avow it in their places in the Senate, but they are pursuing a policy that will bp degrees sap" the whole of the public lands, take from them, time after time, the best land,grantingtwoorthreehun dred miles at a time to particular neighborhoods, like the Dos Moines; and then at another time ma king a grant of lands ten miles deep for.an extent of six or seven hundred miles, and nil this for the benefit of individual States, and without any re gard to an equal distribution. If we, the members of the Senate of the United States, composed of sixty-two persons, were part ners in this great land fund, and owned it as the United States do, it'two of ns lived in every State of this Union, if we held the lands under the same compacts, under the sum'o articles of agreement, under the same treaties that the United States hold them, is there a man who would violate his honor and that taitli which is due to integrity, by saying that he would dispose of these lands to the injury of his distant friends in other States, by giving th’c benefit of them only to individuals living in the State in which the lands lie ? And if they were to do so, would not the Supreme Court of the United States instantly urrest this attempt to deprive one or more of the copartners of their just rights, and force them by the whole power of the Government to do justice among ono another ? Yet here we arc, without any just cause, without any good reason for it, disposing of our public lands in just the same inequitable and improjier manner. Mr. President, let me suggest that this is the only question remaining between the two old parties of tho eonntrv. The tariff is settled. The question of internal improvements is settled. Neither is now strictly a Whig or a Democratic question. Portions of "both parties take different sides in regard to them. The disposition of the public lands is now the only question left unsettled, and I wish now to present this idea. Is it right, is it prudent for Congress to legislate in such a way asto give dissatisfaction to any poition of the country in relation to their rights ? And is it not known that this partial mode of distributing the public lands has produced discontent? And this discontent will grow greater and greater as more and more acts are passed of this character and description. If this is the only question remain ing, what ought wo to do? Settle it; adjust it. Do it amicably; do it witli justice; and do it with unlimited liberality towards tbew new States. lam one of those who, in such a distribution, would go us for ns the farthest in being liberal towards the new States—-towards the younger members of the Confederacy, who have had to grow up in the wilderness and the forest. 1 witl do for tliem as much as any other man. But we all know what has been done f r them. My worthy friend from Kentucky [Mr. Underwood] lias told you of the advantages they have received; and I have, through his kiiiduess, before me here a statement of what the three per cent, fund, and tho two per cent, fund granted the new States, have amounted to. And how much do you suppose has boon paid out of the Treasurv under these land laws, in actual cash, to the new States ? Four millions ai d some liuu drods of thousands of dollars—all gone to them already, besiJos the immense quantity of land they have received for educational purposes and for purposes of internal improvements. Ido not mention,this for the purpose of creating discontent, or dissatisfaction: nor does it spring from any fceling of unkindness towards tho new States. What I say, is, that wo have showed liberality upon liberality; and if the representatives of the now States are willing to come to an equitable adjustment of this question, I want to know when they arc going to begin ? Was there ever a more modest, diffident, unassuming requst made, than that which is made by the amendment of my frieud from kentneky? ’He asks 14,000,000 of acres for the old States! lie says, give it to us; | we want it to educate our poor people; we want it to increase our internal improvements. Look I at what Illinois has got ; look at what lowa has j got; look at what Indiana has got; look at all ; the new States; they arc making railroads charm ingly, successfully, and prosperously at our ex pense. Gentlemen of the new States, will you not do something to aid us ? If you intend to do us justice, what time will be better than this to be gin? What evidence car you give of a returning I sense of doing that justice to ns which tho com pact and the articles of cession require should be be done, than to allow this amendment to pass ? It is small and limited, to be sure—scarcely enough to j do much good. Still, if adopted, it would be the t beginning of a system founded upon equity and j'.istiee, which might grow, and grow, until" con tent and satisfaction would reign throughout those States, founded upon the justness and propriety of your legislation. But if you stop now, and de clare that this distribution shall never take place, j my word for it, this pnblic land question will be the great question that will disturb the harmony i of parties and the aspirations of individuals. I am resolved, for one, that this injustice to the State which I, in part, represent, shall never be perpe trated by any set of men with my approval. If they do me injustice in a case where 1 am oieirly entitled to justice, I shall calculate that they would dome injustice oa other grounds: and 1 may make j it a foundation upon which I would make a stand, | even against a friend who would not do us justice i when it is claimed, and when he knows he ought ! to do it. This public land question should not only he mr.de a question in politics, hut it should be made a question in morals. By what right can we here combine toge ther to take from one another's peo ple that which justly should be devoted and ap propriated to tUeir use. contrary to the law of trie land and theWoral law ? Are we to forget every thing here. and go into one common metn for the purpose of seeing who can get the most! There is a want of morality in that which I cannot ap prove. I would prefer that a man should win my fortune, and then enjoy himself in splendor nnoh it, than to get it in such a wav as this. There is a want of morals, and a want of principle in this, which should be looked into. I make "no charges against any bodv. We have forgotten what is due to each other. The section of the coantrv in which I reside, is willing that the proeeed* of these lands jkvulJ he paid into the Treasurjj and be ajq.ro printed ftirtlie payment of tho genera] expenses of the Goverdincnt. I have so voted. But tlio repre sentative* of the new States will not permit it to be done hereafter. It is given away for every other purpose than that which would benefit the people of the old States. I have looked into this matter in every form aue shape; and tho more I have looked into it, the more I have become discon tented with the manner in whidi the public lands have bee n appropriated. I have felt uie necessity of a system founded upon equity and justice, by which the pnblie lands may be disposed of. W hen will the period arrive when that may be done ? Never, unless we begin; and there is no better time to begin than the present. Hence it is that I say, tliat if this proposition is rejected, it will ahow that you never intend to adopt any proposition by which the old Slates of this Confederacy may be benefited by the public lands. If that is" done, we will understand you. I ask pardon for having detained the Senate so long; and I assure them that it was not my inten tion, when I arose, to have spoken more than thirty minutes. Mr. Underwood. I hope the question will not be taken now. I think it would be better that it should not now be taken. The truth is, that if you foroe me to vote at this time, I do not know but that I shall have to contradict myself. I stated the other day that if my amendment was not ac ceptable to the Senate," I should still vote forthe bill. I told the worthy chairman of the Commit tee on Public Lands this morning, that I doubted very much whether I ought to do so. And under the feelings which hsvo been inspired by the speech of ray friend from Georgia, I really feel almost disposed to retract my former assertion, that I in tended to vote for the bill in any event. I feel a sense of the injustice which has been practiced towards the old States to inch an extent, that I do uot know whether, if something like justice is not done to my own State. I can vots for the bill. I therefore hope that tha question will not be pressed at this late period or the day, but that it may lie over in order that ws may all think about it, and that, as the speaking is "pretty well ovqr, when we meet again we may b* prepared to take up the bill and vote upofa it. There is no imme diate necessity for acting on the bill now. Tne further consideration of the bill was post poned. weekly Cjjnnticlc & Sentinel. BY WILLIAM S. JONES, daily, tbi-weekly a.\d weekly. TEEMS: DAILY PAPER, to City Subscribers, per annum, in adTAnce $6 00 DAILY PAPER, mailed to the country 7 00 TRI-WEEKLY PAPER, mailed to the country... 400 WEEKLY, (a mammoth sheet) 44 ... 200 CASH S\ STEM. —In no case will an order for the paper be attended to, unless accompanied with thh mon it, and in every instance when the time for which the subscription may be paid, expires before the receipt of funds to renew the same, the paper will be discon tinued. AUGUSTA,. GEORGIA. “ WEDNESDAY MOBNING, APRIL 7, 1852. &T THE SOUTHERN CULTIVATOR FOR APRIL HAS BEEN ISSUED. Senator Dawson'* Speech. T*s speech of tho Hon. Wm. C. Dawson on the lowa Land Bill, should be read and its truths pondered upon by every Georgian. It boldly ex poses the game about to be played upon the old States in relation to the Public Lands. “ The true and only policy is that which find* most favor. It is the policy es Buchanan, Doug las, Stockton, and their friends—it il, to »ay noth ing about the compromise, but to treat it as a thing Sassed and gone — as a question on which the party ivided, and agreea to disagree about.,” Thk above extract is from the Washington cor respondence of the Columbus Times, and is taken from a letter written by the editor himself, who has been for some time at the Capitol confering with the muster spirits who will control and diroct the policy ofthe Baltimore Convention. Georgians have not forgotten with what zoal that editor ad vocated secession, and how vehemently ho de nounced the Northern Democracy within the last few months, alleging that the Southern Democracy could not affiliate with them without treachery to the South. But we desire not to bring up in judg ment, against the editor, this portion of his politi cal career, and would only remark in reference to his present cooing mood, that the spoils arc sup posed to exercise a very potent influence, particu larly with those who have sucked the publio teat and are especially desirous of again obtaining a hold. The absence of the nutriment, for a time, has been thought by some to operate very power fully, in some temperaments, upon the prospects of the incumbent, and therefore, to produce de jection and great depression of spirits. Hence their great anxiety to obtain a second hold is not at all surprising. But to our purpose in copying tlio above extract, which was to commend it to the consideration of the Union party of Georgia, especially those who advocate the expediency of sending delegates to the Baltimore Convention—and to ask them if such action, as the editor asserts will be the policy of the Convention, will satisfy any man in Georgia who is attached to the Union party from principle ? Are you willing to go into a convention with Free soilers and Secessionists, and for the sake of secu ring a prospect for the spoils, yield your principles —abandon the Compromise to its fate—as a ques tion on which you “agree te disagree'' and unite in a common struggle with Frccsoilcrs nnd Secession ists to elect a President. Are you willing to do those things ? It is very apparent to every intelli gent, reflecting mind that the policy intimated by the editor of the Times will) be adopted by the Convention. The leading spirits advise it and their advice will control the action. Let the Union men take heed. The Democratic Convention. Our readers have already been informed of the meeting of the late Secessoin Party in Convention at Milledgcville, on the Ist inst., assuming to themselves tho name and stylo of the Democratic Party. As a part of the history of the times, therefore, we publish their proceedings, that the reader may see with what alacrity they liavo rece ded from their positions of last year, and how readily they now acquiesce in the necessity of sending delegates to tho National Convention of the Democratic Party. Although, buta few months since they proclaimed to the world, that no party at tho South could affiliate with either of the great National Parties of tho North, without a betrayal of the rights and interests of the South. Yet strange as it may seem, they are now not only wil ling but anxious to go into such n convention, nnd to go in without demanding any pledge or guaran tee for the protection of those Southern interests, to which they have so recently affected such pecu liar devotion. But like the Free-soilers of the North, all they ask is the adoption by that Conven tion of the platforms of 1844 and ’4B. To this, the Van Burens, Bryants and Preston Kings of New York, Wilmot, & Co., of Pennsylvania Ran tocl and llallett of Massachusetts, and Chase, and his associates of Ohio, will readily accede; and thus a Union and fraternal embrace between the late Secessionists of Georgia, and the Free-soilers of the North will bo secured. The Meeting Yesterday. As wc anticipated, the meeting ofthe Constitu tional Union Party yesterday, was unusually large for a meeting of tho character, indeed much the largest meeting of any party we have ever seen as sembled in the city for the mere appointments of delegates to a Party Convention. It was not only distinguished for numbers, but also for-intclligence, and the extraordinary degree of unanimity in sen timent as indicated the vote op adopting the sub stitute in lieu of the original resolutions. We do not think there were exceeding half a dozen votes in opposition to tho substitute. This is a degree of unanimity, in a meeting so largo and on a question of such grave import, as is very rarely, if ever attained ; and we confess was a source of high gratification to us, not, however, unmingled with regret, that among the opponents of our views, were-some with whom we have long acted in undisturbed harmony and for whose opin ions we entertain a very high respect. “Oflate there seems to he a disposition in some quarters to interpolate a new article into the creed of the National Democratic party, and one which if carried out at the next Nnlional Convention at Balti more, as the bidders for Southern influence design, will work for more serious injury to the Democra tic cause than can very speedily‘be repaired. The only position that can or ought to he taken in re gard to tills distracting subject is that which the Democracy of the state of New Y'ork have already assumed, and that is, that no particular opinion on the subject of slavery should be required as a test of political orthodoxy.” The above extract from a prominent Democratic journal, in the State of New Y'ork, is adduced in support of the position we have maintained, that it is not the purpose of the Democratic party in any section of the Union, that the Baltimore Con vention shall give any pledge or guarantee in re ference to the finality of the Compromise as a settle ment ofthe slavery question. That this is appa rent to every candid mind who impartially inves tigates the facts, we think, cannot be denied or successfully controverted. Nor indeed, is any such pledge to be reasonably expected, especially as the Southern wing of the party have expressed their willingness, nay readiness, to acquiesce in the necessity, of avoiding the question to secure the harmony of the Convention. It is not to be | expected, therefore, that the Northern wing will voluntarily adopt a policy, from which they antici pate such disastrous consequences to themselves. The object of the Northern wing is to secure the votes of the Frecsoil Democrats, who support ed Vax Bcrex in 184 S; hence they remonstrate against the interpolation of any new test in the platform of the party. While the Southern wing, ! to secure the harmony of all the discordant fac tions ofthe part y, content themselves with asking only for the re-adoption ofthe platforms of 1844 and ! 48; and upon this they agree to go into Con vention, to nominate a Presidential candidate. In the language of some of their leaders, the slavery question, mast be left an open question, for every : man to enjoy his own opinions, otherwise the ex ; tremes cannot meet and harmonize in the Conven tion. The South and her interests and rights may, therefore, be sacrificed at the shrine of party, and to secure harmony between the fanatics of the North and the ultraists of the South. In such a convention, thus composed and organ ized, Union men of the South certainly cannot de sign a place, or a representation. Southrax Bicim Orgamzatiox. —The Southern Press, taking it for granted that Gen. Cass will be the Democratic, and Gen. Scott the Whig, nomi nees forthe Presidency, urges the Southern rights party to refrain from going into the national con ventions of either party. It prefers the organiza tion of a third party, which, it thinks, will hold balance of power, and tho* oontrol the Presi dential election. “ Extravagance of the Administration.'* Tub Editor ot the Columbus Timet, writing from Washington to his journal, (perhaps under the influence of no little chagrin at his inability to get a finger in the public printing and that pocket some of the money which, ho snvs, is squandered with such a lavish hand by the Ad ministration,) concludes a long tirade against the “extravagance of the Administration'’ in tho fol lowing strain : “ G reat Britain has a homo armv of 11 8,000 men: she has a naval marine of 600 ships, and a civil li*t of enormous expense, and vet that Govern ment spends but one liundred millions per annum, exclusive of the interest on her public debt. The U. States has less than 8,000 soldiers, loss than one hundred ships-of-war, and her civil list mode rate as to salaries, and vet expends 50 millions, or one half as much as Britain. What makes the diftercuce ? The answer is, vatic, improvident management, corrupt contracts, favoritism, and a shameless diregard of economy. Reform in this matter is loudly called for, and greatly needed. The first and indispensable step towards it, is to push the present V\ hig Administration from pow er.” This is the first time we have ever heard or seen the government of Great Britain set up as a model of economy, worthy of imitation, to America. It is indeed remarkable, that in this Republic, there should be found men—those too, who affect to be devoted advocates of retrenchment and economy, save when their own hands are in tho public crib—who should laud a government for economy whose prodigality was so profuse and reckless, that a tax is assessed upon its subjects for the light of heaven, to sustain its extrava gances. What matters that! The Administra tion must b* assailed. However pure, self-sacri ficing, economical and patriotic, it must bo “push ed from power”—because it is not of our house. Who ever heard of the Columbus Timet urging a complaint against tho Administration of Mr. Pout for a usurpation of power or extravagance ? That, according to tho Timet, was a marvelously proper administration. Now, however, the scene is changed, wonderfully changed—and all the changes are wrung upon this story of “fifty millions of expenditure.” It is an easy matter to write “fifty millions,” more easy than Ihirty-fioe millions, yet the Timet would write either as it might serve its purpose of assailing the Administration, as is very conclusively shown by tho following article from the Rational Intelligencer: Tiik Deficiency Bill. —The necessity for pass ing, at each session of Congress, a Deficiency Bill, as it is now called, but which was formerly desig nated as “a partial Appropriation Bill,” was sup posed to have been remedied by the establishment by Congress, some nine years ago, of a rule by winch the fiscal year was niade to fun from the Ist of July in one year to the Ist of July in the next, forth* purpose of making appropriations for each year in season to meet any demands upon tho Government for the following year bofore the ox piratiou of the year that is current. And that object would have been readily accomplished if Congress had in fact appropriated for the expenses of the fiscal year the moneys which the sovcral Departments of the Government had estimated to be necessary to meet its expenses, instead of cut ting down the estimates, without rhyme or reason, so as to withhold from tho Executive Officers, Civil, Military, and Naval, certain sums essentially re quisite to carry into execution existing laws and contracts. The authors of the Deficiencies, to supply which a bill has just passed one brunch of Congress, 1 were not, therefore, the heads of the several Executive Departments—comprised in tho gcnenfl term of the Administration —but of the two Houses of Congress, nnd especially of those who refused the appropriations, which, in tho exercise of a duty imperative upon them, tho Administration had estimated for. There may have been cases, doubtless, in which there was, in the opinion of Congress, and in fact, just reason for reducing the ■ appropriations below the estimates. But, as a general position, it will hardly bo denied by any candid man that the deficiencies which liavo re sulted from the curtailment of the estimates made by tho Departments must be laid at the door of the last Congress, and not of the Administration. This is a position which will, we think, be admit ted to be generally true by those who have familiar ized themselves with tho constitutional duties of 1 the different branches of tho Government, and tho establishments recognised by the Constitution and the Legislature of the country. Without supply ing such deficiency by supplementary law, it is plain to every observing and reasoning mind, that the wheels of tho Government must come to a stand-still, nnd its character seriously compro , mised, before the end of the fiscal year. If reade.s of the Opposition presses would im plicitly confide in statements which havo been made by them upon this subject, they would be i lieve that the idea of a Bill to supply deficiencies in tho Annual Appropriation Law was a new one, for which the people ure indebted to this Adminstra tion. The “Union,” for example, hada paragraph, , on the dny following the passage of the pending , partial Appropriation Bill by the llouso or Repre sentatives dilating, with conscientious earnestness, upon “the evils of anticipating appropriation bills to supply deticiencesurising from tho necessities of the i serviceand expressing its trust that tho Execu tive branch of tho Government would not again furnish a precedent so much at variance with the 1 guards thrown nround tho public treasury,” <fee. A “precedent,” oh? Why, our contemporary is more than usually at fault as to the facts of history when ho supposes this Deficiency Bill to be an orig inal sin, either on the part of Congress or the Aa f ministration, or even of the Wliigs. To go no i further back than the Administration of I’rcsidcnt , Polk, who came into office in March, 1845: Con gress met in the December following, and, if the ' worthy hut erring Editor of the “Union” will con ’ suit the Statute boos, he will find that, on the Bth i of May, 1846, an Act passed Congress “to supply a i deficiency in the appropriation for certain objects made for tho service of the fiscal year ending tho ■ 3uth of June, 1846 one item of which act was $630,000 for the Quartermaster's Department, for , which an additional appropriation is now so vehe mently denounced. He will also further find, that in every other year of Mr. Polk’s Administration, i 1847, ’4B ’49, and in each intervening year, 1850 and 1851, appropriations were made to supply de ficiencies in the Annual Appropriation Bills of the 1 preceding years. Again : In tho discussions which have tnkon glace, in tho newspapers and elsewhere, on the i nancial question, an attempt has been made to ' hold the present administration responsible for an alleged lurge increase of tho expenditures of the i Government. With the growth of the Govern ment, and tho additional cost of governing newly acquired and distant territories, it could not well bo otherwise than that the expenses of the Gov ernment must be somewhat increased, but not to i anything like' tho amount at which it has been i stated ; as, for example, in tho “Union” of a few i days ago, in which ttho expenditures of Govern ' ment were charged to have reached fifty two mil ! lions of dollars, instead of the thirty-seven millions , which they had reached at one period of the Van , Bnrcn Administration. Let us briefly analyze this sweeping charge. It is not true, in the first place, thut the expenditures of the Government last year amounted bo high as f fifty millions. In so large an expenditure, liowev , er,’a few millions more or less would by some per sons bo thought to make little difference. But the actual payments during the year amounted to only forty eight millions of dollars, instead of fifty two millions, or fifty millious us estimated by [ others ; ns will be seen by the following statement, made up from authentic hieterials: The payments (not expenses) of the Govern ment for the fiscal year ending 1860 and 1851 were $48,005,378 From which deduct— One Mexican instalment $3,242,400 Mexican indemnity claims 2,516,691 42,246,787 Duties refunded on Sugar and Molasses wrongfully collected (see decisions of Sn reme Court) $513,850 • Debentures 867,263 • Excess of duties 696,024 Expenses of collecting the revenues and sales of lands 2,051,708 87,917,982 Census expenses 672,500 Three and five per cent fund to States and repayments of lands erroneously sold 74,345 Smithsonian Institution 80,910 * 87,140,177 And mail service—Navy Department 1,302,665 85,887,812 Payments to volunteers 635,880 $85,201,432 Os the expenditures of tho last yefir nearly six millions of dollars, it will be seen, wont to pay in part for our little properly in California. The duties refunded, and tho expenses of col lecting the revenues, &c., amounting to more than four millions of dollars, would under former Ad ministrationsj according to the then existing laws, have been paid by and deducted from the revenue by collectors. Now everything is paid into the Treasury and repaid to the employees, &c. The items under the third division of tho above statement are surely not “ordinary expenbos" of Government. The revenues from the Ocean Mail Steamers not appearing in the receipts of tho Treasury, the fourth item of the above should not be added to the expenses. The volunteers (comprising the fifth itom) ought to have been paid years ago. Whv,theu, does that hold a place in the account of “ordinary expenses” of the Government ? A just computation of the “ordinary” expendi tures of tiie Government for the year 1851 is therefore, by this analysis, reduced toa little more than thirty-live millions of dollars, being a less an nual amount, as before stated, than tho Govern ment expenditure had risen to before the W higs had ever any effective share in tho administration ofthe General Government. Gigantic Railroad Project. The Western Journal <b Civilian, of St. Louis, contains a bold and stirring article in favor of a direct railroad communication between New Or leans and St. Louis. To accomplish this gigantic project it is proposed to extend the New Orleans and Jackson, Mississippi railroad, via Holly Springs, Mississippi and Helena, Arkansas. The Picayune in a notice of the bold enterprise manifested in the article remarks: “The distance between the two cities might be reduced to 650 or 700 miles, which, reducing the Journal’s figures a little, can be made regularly dWith all ease in less than two days, and connect New Orleans by the shortest route with the valley of the Upper Mississippi river, so often and for such long periods inaccessible to ns. Oi course no survey has yet been made of the route from Helena north; but the inquiries of several years have led to the opinion, that all the swamps may be entirely avoided, and that a table land of high f round extends all the way to the southern boun ary of Misssouri, presenting as favorable a line for railroad construction as any in the United States. Considered as a scheme of connection, what is new of this plan is the road through Ar kansas, and the contemplated branch to Holly Springs. The southern portions are already pro jected" and will certainly be completed within a few Tears. Entering Missouri in the very heart of its mineral regions, it meets the local interest which has already projected a railroad to St Louis. “This is a speculation indeed, bat a very inter esting one. worthy of being examined with atten tion. To bring St. Louis at all times within two days of New Orleans, and the Western and Up per Mississippi regions more close to us than they can ever expect to be to any eastern market, is a scheme not to be lightly regarded, or dismissed without a fair and full examination ofthe merits of the project. We are seeking to go half-way in that, direction and should be anxious to hear arguments and proofs to show that other States will find it to their interest to buiid a line on the other side of tha Mississippi, to open the way for the expanding commerce of that vast region to come down to a point, where by Lnd or by water it must at length reach New Orleans. These are interesting themes for discussion.” Hon. Robert Toombs arrived in this City Fri. day afternoon and left this morning for his resi dence, to spend s few weeks, with a view to regain his health. Though very feeble, he is very much improved, and we doubt not a few weeks recrea tion will entirely restore him. Otto and Jenny Lind Goldschmidt will sail for Europe in the steamer Atlantic, in May next; but previous to their departure, it is said, they will give three concerts in New York. They will take place the last of April, Tub Mineiial Spuing Near Columbus. —The Citizens of Colambns are quit* elated with tho recent discovery of a spring, thought to poseoss valuable mineral properties, on tho cast bank of the Chattahoochee, about four miles above the city. The Times furnishes the following account of it; It seems, that originally, this Spring was covered by the water of the river; and hence it remained unseen, although within, a few feet ofthe east bank. Recently, howover, a well constructed stone wall, forming the eastern side of a canal, conducting tho water of the river to the mills and factory, was ex tended on the bed of the river, paraliol to the bank, and,but a fewyards from it. Uponthe completion of this wall, aud bv means of it, the water of the river, was turned off from the narrow space, intervening between the wall and tho bonk. Within this space, and by the east sido of the wall, near its upper ter minus and junction with the bank, tho Spring gushes forth, with considerable foreo, from a thin eleft, of a few inches in length, in tho solid rock forming the bed ot the river.—The discharge, we guessed, was about twenty-fivo gallons por minute. The water unusually cioar and cool. Wo arc not awaro that it has been analyzed. But no such test is necessary to prove, that it contains in ample proportions, iron and sulphur. Any ono who has tasted the water of the Indian Spring, will at onee, recognize the first, and any one who haa drank at Woolten’a Chalavbeate Spring, can testify' to the presence of tho other; without notic ing tbs deposit, which coats the bed and margin of the stream, that hurries off, from this delightftil, health-giving, and life-polonging fountain. It is pleasant to think, that the Railroad from Columbus to West Point, which will and must he constructed, will pass within twenty step*, of this great gift of nature to our city, and the surround ing country. There is no doubt, that the owners of it, enterprizing and intelligent as they are, will do what is neeessarv, to a proper dcvelopoment of its value to themselves, and to the public. An ENTBBrmsiNO Blacksmith. —We learn from the Newnan Banner, that a Mrs. Fostbb, the wife of Claibornb Foster, a blacksmith of Heard oountv, recently gave birth to three children — two tons and one daughter ; two weighing ten pounds each, and the other, nine and » half pounds— making in tho aggregate, tncsnty nine and a half pounds at a birth. We are further informed that all three are hale and hearty, and remarkably stout; and that the mother and children are dbing well. This is evidently a progressive age—ono distin guished, eminently distinguished for its enterprise aud industry, and we aro ploasod to know that Hoard county ia not want ing in tho elements of progress. Appleton's Popular Library. The Maidbn and Married Lite of Mart Powbll, afterwards Mistress Milton. This work protends to bo a Journal kept by “Mary Powell, afterwards Mistreas Milton,” aud although, like the old monkish poems of Chat teuton, it is a palpable forgery, thoro is in it such a strange mixture of actual occurrences in the lifo of Milton, and a fresh, picquant nud natural style of narrative and description, that it is difficult to believe that it is anything but what it purports to be. It givos a very faithful and graphic picture of of English lifo in the 17th century, even to the quaint phraseology, and will richly repay a perusal. For sale by Geo. A. Oates & Co. LaGrange amd West Point Railroad.— The La- Graisgo Reporter contains the following informa tion in reference to this progress of this road: “From a recent conversation witli one of the heaviest contractors and largest stockholders con nected with the Company. We learn that the su perstructure is ready for the whole route be tween this place and Newnan. About three fourths of the qrading ia alao finished, and sever al heavy sections will be completed in a few weeks. The Passenger Train now runs out to Chandlor’s, about six miles on this side of Nownau, and, by the first of June, it will reach the twelve mile sta tion. The progress of the enterprise was greatly hindered by the severe cold ofthe late Winter, now that the delightful season of Spring has set in, we may hope that the work will go bravely on to con summation. With these prospects, we safoly pre dict its completion between tho first of November nud the Ist of December ensuing.” Slavery in New York.-A Glimpse at the Past. It appears by the following advertisements from the Lansingbnrg (N. Y.) Gazette of April 10,1804, that it is not yet half a century sinco tho “peculiar institution,” which now affects tho fanatics and “blue lights” of the Nortli witli such “holy horror,” was in the ‘full tide of successful experiment’ in tho very hoart of the Empire State, whore now the Smith-ites, tho Garrisson-ites and tho Abhy Kelly ites incessantly pour outthoir violent denuncia tions and insano ravings on tho people ofthe South, fordoing that which they themselves aban doned only when it ceased to yield them any pe cuniary profit. That tho abolitionists of the North aro willfully and entirely ignorant of the truo condition of tho negroes of the South, is per fectly plain to all northorn men, who havo had an opportunity of informing themselves on the subject, and yet they prefer darkness to light, and will not jllow themsolves to be convinced by evi dence the most conclusive and incontrovertible. But, to our extracts : For Sale. —A likely active negro boy, about 8 years of age. He is accustomed to do many kinds of work in aud about a kitchen; ho is good nn tured, and sold for no fuult. A negro Wenoli, of nearly an equul age, is wautod in his place. En quire at this office. Lanßingburg, Dec. 6, 1803. For Sale. —Anactive, likelynegro woncli, about 26 years of age, with a niulo child about two years old. The wench is woll acquainted with all kinds of domestic business, and can bo well re commended for her honesty, sobriety, and indus try, and the child is active nnd healthy. Apply to tho subscriber about four miles cast of Lnusing burg. Nicholas Whebler. April 8, 1804. The same paper contains several extracts from tho New York Keening Post, (now one of the main pillars of tho “Dimmecrat” party,) in which that immaculate and “unterrified” portion of our“fel lar citizens” are styled “bloodhounds of an intol erant nnd persecuting faction and in speaking of Jefferson, the same print calls him “idol of the day, which folly has set up and hypocrisy maintained.” Shipment at Produce. “Our Railroad Depot now presents a most stir ring appearance. Every up train is laden with merchandise, wliish is delivered st sur Depot, while the shipment of produce to points bslow, averges about ten car loads daily, exclusive of Cot ton. There are now 21 locomotives employed on the Road, and mors burden cars are being sent this way as the pressure is relieved at tlis Depots below. The shipments wo think, nre now gaining on the receipts, so that the piles es Cotton bales may be expected gradually to diminish from this time onward.” We clip the above from the Chattanooga Adver tiser, not only to express our gratification at tho intelligence it contains, but, also, for the purpose of enquiring of the Advertiser if he can inform ns how it happens that a certain son-in-law of the Agent, Gen’l Bishop, has facilities for shipping produce which no other merchant in Chattanooga enjoys ? Within a sow days we have seon a private letter, frqm a highly respectable house in Chatta nooga, declining te make engagements to forward corn to middlo Georgia, alledging as the reason the uncertainty of obtaining transportation; whilo the son-in-law of Gen’l Bishof had every facility af forded him. Perhaps Mr. Wadlet can throw some light on this subject I If se, we shall be very glad to be informed. W* know well the authors ofthe letter, and know them to be men of the highest ebaracter for Terasity, who would not mako assertions without foundation. Speak out, Mr. Wadlet, and let us se* if you can explain, satisfactorily, tho conduct of your Agent at Chatta nooga—and if not, whether you will attempt to ▼indicate his acts, with a view to retain him in office, regardless ofthe interests ofthe State. Kobßuth Travelling South.— The visit of Kos suth to Vicksburg is thus noticed by the Whig of Tuesday last: Ex-Govcmor Kossuth and lady, Mad. Pulzsky and several members of Kossuth’s suito arrived here on the Steamer Aleck Scott, on Sunday even ing, about 8 o’clock, and took lodgings at the Washiugton Hotel. There was but little' interest manifested on his arrival, and no largo assemblage or formal reception. lie remained in our city un til half past two o’olock on vestorday and left on the cars for Jackson. During tho forenoon of yesterday, quite a number of persons—many of whom were prompted by mere curiosity—called at the Washington Hotel to get a glimpse of one who lias caused such a commotion in our land within the last few months. We leurn that Hungarian bonds were in tho mar ket yesterday, and a few quite active in endeavor ing to dispose of them, but we havo not heard that they met with sueefrs. When Kossuth left the the" Hotel for the depot, the crowd about the hotel was not very much larger than usual after dinner, and there was no public demonstration in his favor or display of enthusiasm. At Memphis, Kossuth made no stop at all. Tho Eagle & Enquirer says an agent of his was busily engaged there on the 19th, trying to raise the ne cessary “aid and comfort” by selling Hungarian bonds and Kossuth medals. The latter at a dims apiece appeared to be about the extent of most per sons sympathies. He arrived at New Orleans on Friday the 26th ult., tho Picayune ofSaturday says : The committees appointed by the General and Third Municipality Councils to receive Kossuth, met yesterday morning to await bis arrival. H* came unexpectedly, however, and went immedi ately to the St Louis Hotel. H* was then visited bv the Mayor and the committee, was welcomed to New Orleans and was tendered tne hospitalities of the city. He was also given to understand that he would receive every attention during his stay. Kossuth replied briefly ; he said that he has been misunderstood in the South, but was glad that be had come here to disabuse persons of any errone ous impressions which they may have formed re specting him. He desired to repose and consider for twenty-four hours before entering into any en gagement to appear in public. During the even ing the Yagers and a large number of our fellow citizens of German origin were standing in front of the St Louis Hotel in Exchange Place, in the expectation of seeing Kossuth, but we have not heard that he had presented himself to them. A Vulgar Practice Rebuked. —The offensive and decidedly vulgar practice of street smoking is thus properly rebuked by the N. Y. Mirror. We confess we always associate it either with a want of breeding *r a disregard of the proprieties and courtesies of life: “ Smoking in the street is sn offence against pro priety, the frequency of whish in this city is un accountable. What must a man be thinking of who whiffs the smoke from his mouth into the fa ces of ladies and gentlemen behind him, for a half mile? Would it be good manners to esrry * P a f* of burning snrphnr along Broadway? Would it be thought endurable for one to shake from his basket a cloud of ashes #r charcoal dust, to sweep, over those to the windward ? What right then has any man to discharge tobacco smoko along the crowded street ? Besides, is it not s vulgar act for other reasons ! Why take this refreshment in the street more than any other ? Why not smoke, as well as cat, at home ? Why not cat yonr candy and yonr fruits in the crowd ? Vastly more gratc ftil to others would this be then the sucking of yonr cigar. Let those who wish for tobaoco smoke enjoy that which has not passed through another man's mouth. Let them select their own cigars. They may have a choice among flavors.” Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad.— The Advertiser learns from Mr. Grant, the Chief Engi neer “that the track laying is proceeding at the rate of a mile and a half per week on the W r estem Division. He is Cbnfident in the opinion, that the Road will be open for through travel by Novem ber next—connection being made at the River by steamboat, More about (In- Knocking*. Our philosophical readers will remember that we recently published mi explanation of the causes of tho so-called “spiritual knocking*,” or rapping*, and similar mysterious “manifestations;” and those who were capable of comprehending that ex planation need hardly be reminded of its conclu sive and unanswerable character. There are, how ler, (we regret to say,) some people in this world who arc never satisfied with any “pie” in which they cannot have a Auger, and who would fain build up for themselves an undeserved and nn merited reputation upon the labors and scientific attainments of other pcoplo. Wo are constrained to bltish for the editoriul fratornity, whoft wo find in its ranks men of this character; but without in tending to indulge in any otfensivo personal allu sions or visit the sins of tho delinquents with un due rigor and soveritv, wo will just call tho atten tion of the public to tho followihg artftil attempt**) mislead their judgment and to get up a “false issue" on tho true causes of the mysterious knockings. Tho erudite and profound editor of tho Georgia Citizen, after quoting the lucid and forcible re marks of our friend, whom ho is pleased to stylo “a learned Pundit of Augusta,” attempts to refute and overthrow tho said “Pundit’s” argument by tho following rather ingenious spocimen of “special pleading.” “ All this as clear as mud, but it fails to fully ex plain tho phenomena or point out the modus' ope randi of so deadening tho fibrous sensoriutnof tho auricular membraneous aporturo, that the painful rappings will cease to resonate upon the pineal protuberanco of tho cerebrum. The plienomona, we oxplain ns follows ; It is all owing to an anti-phlogistic diathesis of the physopathie system. Food and drink taken into the stomaehieal brewing vat, requires a cer tain quant, stiff. of phlogiston to make tho pot boil and pormit the gastric secretions to assimilate the fodder to tho condition of pulque. Now according to the laws of dynamics, when this phlogiston is minus, a dangerous dysernsy is involved and a high-tillutin condition of the gosometer is suporin ducod. The ncrvo-sangnincous system of the piza rintum is deranged and a proto sulphate explosive miasma is conveyed along the spinal column to tho auricular region, producing a sound liko the tap pina of a drum upon tho sentient follicles of the medulary concretion. “ The pathology of tho ease being, tints stated, no pathogcuctic system of therapeutical agency will answer to bring the ganglions into a healthy tone of musoulosity and, restore the functional equisonnnee of the animal economy. Tho truo hygienic sanative is to equilibrate ttio erethism of the oxeandeseent to the isothermal diagnosis, and this is done by passing down through the (oesopha gus an ounce ot lignum vit.r, mixed in a pint of bald face, by which the flamingo is pushed into the duodenum and a peculiar hydrastin is formed, which neutralizes the gaseous’ characteristics mid by a propliylaotio properation of the intestinoga*- trito functions eliminates the rccromiutitious re siduary through tho natural scuppers of the corpus. Tho spasmodic subsultus being thus deprived of its molecular momentum for want of an ethereal media, the morbid resonance of the auricular ro f'iou is sympathetically removed, and this prophy aetical prospieioncc is demonstrated. Now, at tho first glance, all this sooms'so plausi ble and carrios with it such an air of scientific and professional accuracy and precision, that most peo ple would bo disposed to tako its assumptions for granted and rest satisfied with it; but we think that oven a hasty dissection of tho writer’s argu ment will demonstrate the utter fallacy of the pre mises from which ho reasons, and bring the whole edifice crashing about his ears. Id tho first place, wo would like to know how it is possiblo, even “according to the low of dymna mics” (which have nothing whatovor to do with it) for a “highfalutin condition of the gosometer to be suporindueod” by on absence of “phlogiston!” Second—What does tho Doctor mean by the“nervo sanguineous system of the pizarintum?” and whore is it located ? Third—ls tho “proto sulphato ex plosive misasma” of wliioli lie speaks, composed of gun cotton, detonating powder or saltpetre? Fourth—Will saltpetre explode! Fifth, and lastly, does ho not think that instead of throwing any light on tho subject, lio has involvod it in deoper obscurity ? and will ho bo kind onongh to accept as our final explanation of tho true state of the case, tho following additional remarks of the “loarn ed Pundit!” “Tho a'sthctical and transcendental solution of spiritual manifestations is attended with preterna tural and hypothetical fatuity; and tho parnlent opthahnia of tho steatomatous ovarian liyosciamus in a comatose stats produces a flnstoreation of tho parabolioal digitalis which can only be accounted for by referring the anomalous and parturient mus cipilar condition of tho patient to a concatenation of unavoidable circumstances. Hence, we porcoivo that all attempts heretofore to explain tho physio mental phenomena connected with the rappings havo most signally hailed, and that tho Diastaltio Norvous ganglionic contractions of the hypogastric plexus and chrono-thormal membrane and its fibro-cartihiginou*consistence can alone account for tho sero-sanguiuolent fluid that porcolatcs through tho frontal sinuses and hybridizes tho galvano-cu tanoous excitation in harmony with tho dolaribus simue oborlit non in eodttm loco vchementior obscurat alterum ! ! ” Mr. Fillmore wrote n letter in 1848. in which he said that Congress had tho right, and should exer cise it, to abolish slavory in tho District of Colum bia, and restrict the internal slavo trade betwoon the States.— Fed. Union. The Federal Union, if we were to judge from the above spocimen, belong* to that class of jurnals who ontertain such a profound rcveronco and re epeot for truth as rarely or never to approach it, for in the above paragraph, about tho only truth con tained, is, “that Mr. Fillmore wrote a letter.” To gain credence for sueli assertion', it will bo nocos sary for the Union to produce tho bttor. . Aye, produce tho letter, or stand confessed before tho country a wilful calumniator. It is exceedingly unfortunate for tho character of American journalism, that there are those connect ed with it, who do not scruple at any means to de tract from tho morit of an opponent, and who hes itate not, to make any assertion, however desti tute of truth, to accomplish their purposes. “Political. —Every day devclopes something new in tho political world, the current is now set ting in favor of u distinguished son of Georgia, for a nomination for President of the United States—a no less personage than tho Hon. Howell Cobb. This nomination will bo made bv the Bal timore Convention, who will receive him in full fellowship, with a full knowledge of his Constitu tional Union principles, ono whoso name is so generally associated with the Constutional Union party, that you cannot name the one without think ing of tho other. Tho Georgia platform will be eugrafted on the Baltimore platform which will cause the name of llowoll Cobb to bo more con spicuous than any other, and as we predict will re sult in the nomination of tho lion. Howell Cobb for President. “So mote it be." The above paragraph we clip from the tlafclon ega Signal. IRoally the Georgia Secessionists would be in a most ridiculous position, supporting Gov. Cobh for the Presidency. However, tlioy have a most remarkable capacity for adapting themselves to any state of circumstances on the political chessboard, and can as readily fall into line with Gov. Cobb as Jefferson Davis, or any Freesoiler as their standard bearer. It is quite immaterial who he may be, if there is a prospect of obtaining the spoils. Thoy’l swallow the pill with a gusto, though it bo Rantoul or Hallevt, if their past history'affords any index to their future course. Rbtbrnino to Capital Punishment.— The Legis lature of Michigan, some years since, abolished capital punishment, and sufficient time has elapsed to test fairly the operation of the new law. At the Court recently held in Detroit, the Grund Jury in their presentment say: “ The increase of the crime of murder and man slaughter since the abolition of capital punishment, not only among us, but throughout our fcitnte, has become most manifest and alarming. The records of the court* of this county show that, at each of the four terms, there has been at least, ono aggravated case of murder, und at one term two cases; whereas, previously to the existing law, and since our State organization, no conviction of murder had ever been had by any of the courts of tho State. The facts were regarded as a proof of an alarming disrespect for and undervaluing of hmnao life, legitimately referable to a change of the legislation upon this subject. We hare no doubt that the records of tho coun try will always furnish similar evidences of the increase of crime wherover the punishment of death it abolished. In Georgia we feel eonfldent the cul pable course of tho Legislature, in the exercise of the pardoning power and the recklessness of juries have contributed in bo small degree to the increase of crime. We are not, therefore, surprised that the juries of Michigan arc in favor of introducing the gallows to its wonted position among civiliza tion. The Cumberland Alleganian of Friday says:— A discaso which has buffled tho best medical skill has been prevailing for seme time past in the Glades, the upjier part of this comity. Its approach is known by a slight pain, which soon extends over the system, drawing the body nearly double, and causing the most excruciating pain to the per son attacked, who is only relieved by death, which usually takes place in a few hours. Families have been almost entirely destroyed by it, and we hear of an instanco where a widow and throe children wero attacked, and diod—one little child only es caping. Post Office Operations.— During the week end ing March 27th, the Postmaster General has estab lished forty-nine new post offices, discontinued five, and changod the names of six. Os the new offices established, two are in Geor gia, viz: Polksville in Hall county, and St. Cloud in Heard county. Lectures by Lola Montez.— We see it stated that the former Countess of Landsfelt is preparing a series of lectures on the politics and public men of Europe, which will be in direct contrast in its theories and descriptions, with the recent ora tions and speeches of Kossuth. Lola Moktez claimß to be a republican—but not a red-republican. Bailkoao Meeting as Atlanta.— The Atlanta Republican says: A meeting of the Superintendents of all the Railroads, interested in their connection with the Western & Atlantic Railroad, was held in thie oity on yesterday; and we learn important regulations have been agreed upon, for the purpose of produ cing greater uniformity in the trans-shipment, freight, &c. of goods from Chattanooga and other points, to Savannah and Charleston. Particulars will be given hereafter. This move, is but another evide t that the va rious enterprising Railroad Campanies, conneoted with the State Road, will not, neroafter, be per plexed, bothered, and provoked with the irregular ities, detentions, of cars and freight, which have the management of our great Mr. Wadley goes shead, and demonstrates daily that the State work can, and will pay its wsy and make money for the State. North eastern Railroad Cowant.— The fol lowing gentlemen havo been elected officers of the Northeastern (S. C.) Railroad oompany: D. L. McKay, President j Directors —John Rsvenel, Smith Mowry, Jr., Hy. A. Middleton, Wo. M. Martin, Edwarjl Sebring, W. S. Boyd. Dr. T. A. Parsons, of Burke county, has been ap pointed by Gov. Cobb, one of hie aids, with the rauk of Colonel. House Rent In Aiew York. Si.ncx tho rise of real estate in Augusta, we have heard a great cry about “high routs," “difficulty of gctflng houses," oto., but our sufferings are very light whon compared with those of the resi dents of largo cities who aro crowded into narrow and “tuokod up” tonomonts, In obscure streets, at a yearly rent, that would here almost purchase onb of our pretty little cottages, with Its garden and tasteful surroundings, and enablo the oocupant and owner to “sit down under Me own vine and fig troo, with none to molest or make him afraid.” To show some of our readers the “ difficulties” attending a residence in a large metropolis, as well as to innko them better satisfied with our own beau tiful city of wide, shady avenues and lovely ’gar dons, weoondonao tho following statement of tho rates of house rent in Now York from a late num bor of tho Evening Mirror : Tho villagor who has been aocuatomed to hire a satisfactory houso for SIOO, would bs frightenod at tho rates in New York. In Broadway some dwellings still remain. Above Broome street there aro houses of inodorats tizo and style—houses which appear to havo been erected with very sobor views ; these have risen in rant sines last year, from 20 to 2)1 per oont. They will probably com mand (moderate three story houses) from 1,200 to SI,BOO. But going out of this famous street, let us inquire elsewhere. In Chambers street, which in 1800 was quito an outside streot—one from whioh you could look into meadows and apple orchards, medium houses now rent for from $1,400 to $l,lOO. Warren and Murray streets may bs set down at from 1,200 to $1,500 for medium houses. Park Ploco is becoming a place of stores. It is a very desirable location for them. The large now buil dings there wil> rent for from 4,000 to $6,000, and some perhaps highor. In l esey St., whioh is somewhat less desirable than Barclay, Murray and Warren Sts., the best threo-story houaos rent for from SI6OO up to—say SIBOO. A very modorats thres-story has rentod for SIBOO tho past year! These Streets, which open upon the Park are in reality desirable, and rents in thorn will asmimo Broadway figure* before long. As to tho up-town fever, it is diffloult to report tho rents there in any general way. In 11th St. a threo story which was built eight yenrs since, and tiion rented for SSOO, has since paid s7o*, and now will command SBSO. In 28d St. a house Sf only 20 feet front commands SBOO. Perhaps the general statement may be made, that in the up-town streets, three story houses rent ier from (600 to SIBOO. Os course, houses of extra height and style have various highor rate*. As far up as 81st. St. a well finished throe story rents for $760. For some reason tho 'Eastern section of the oity —the 7th Ward for example—hae bean lesseought. It is now somewhat looking up. East Broadway is n fine, airy and well built street, which hae hardly roeoivod its deserts, for some years, rerhaps the diffioulty of reaching it has had something to do with tho unattrsetivenoss. Certainly the streete in the 7th Ward are neat and pleaeant. Thore are many families es respeotaqility, whs feel as if the/ oould not go beyon S6OO for house-rent. They wish for a pleasant aud convenient dwelling, end ere ouulifled to enjoy a tasteful style of living, and yet do not aim at extra accommodations. There scene to bo n lack of houses for suoli flmiiliea. The S4OO houses are all below the point of swholesomenese and comfort—at least until yon are far to the Northward. Tho families referred to cannot find suitublo dwellings abort of S6OO er S7OO. Some who have obsorved Parisian crowding, propose that we ehould hiko trans-Atlantie lesion*. It is thought that by skilful devices of building, e much largor number of fttmilies might comfortably and safely oocupy a given apace. It ia probable that something of this kind ia possible; but the American dreads toonter upon auoh a oondeueing After all, tho charm of life is found in these fins villages where overy house hss its side-ysrd* end its garden in tho rear. There is population enough for society, and for businee* acoominodatien in the way of stores, markets, Ao., and yet there is roera enough to breathe freely and live happily. The villages combine oity convention with rural" beauty aud salubrity. Ileme. A debating society out somewhere near snnsot, lately discusaod this question: “A e twine ot» monthe old a pig or a hog't" Tho question wse er guod at groat length and with “marked ability," but the arguments an both sides were so nearly equal in point of force and ingenuity that the Pre sident was called upon to deeide the question, which he did in the following words: — "Ji'e the eptn, ion of the chair, gentlemen , that the animal' e a good sized chunk of a ehoat." An Irish paper says that among those mortally wounded at Waterloo, was Major O’Brien, ctftor toarde Mayor of Dublin. White Partuidqb.— A gentleman in Hopewell township, York county, Pennsylvania, trapped a few months ago a partridge that was perfeotly white, with all the other marks peculiar to the race. A Live Seal, three and a half feet in length, and two and a half in girth, was taken hy a fisher man on Folly Island Beach, on Wednesday last, and brought up to the city of Charleston. It hsa been preserved and placed ia the College Museum by Prof. Holmes. Tho New York papers say there are 800 miles of gutters in that oity. No wonder so many psopie are found in them. “Motlior,” said a girl of nineteen, “they say mar riages are made in heaven—do yon think they arc ?” “Why, my dear, it is a vtry general opin ion.” “If they are, mother, they seem a long tim • coming down to some of us.” Murder I —A Western Judge thua dearly and forcibly defines tlio crime of murder: “Murder, gentlemen, is where a man is murder ously killed. The killer in such a cnee ie a mur derer with a gigi. It is the murdering which con stitutes murder in tho eye of the law. You will bear in mind that murder is one thing and man slaughter another; therefore, if it is net man slaughter, it must be murder. Self-murder has nothing to do with this case. “One man cannot commit felo de non another ; that is clearly my view. Gentlemen, I think you cun havo no difficulty. Murder, 1 sav, ie murder. “Tho murder of a father is fratrieiJe ; hut it is not fratricide if a mail murdei his mother. You know what murdor is, and I need not tell you what it is not. I repeat that murder is murder/ You may retire upon it if you like.” In Charleston, there is a natural phenomenon on exhibition, namely, a common house oat, nurs ing a rat with her kittens. It is stated that (he rat was brought into tho family circle about ten days ago, very young, sinoe which time it hai imbibed a portion of nutriment from the cat, and has re ceived tho parental attention in common with ita legitimate offspring. Theory' vs. Practice.—“ You will lose nothing in tho long run,” said an eminent divine, from the pulpit, “by being kind, affeotionate and oheerfbl.” Before night thj eminent divine flogged fix of hia children within an inch of their livei, and gave his wife a tremendous “blowing up" because eha had forgotten to sew a string on his night oap. Hon. Horatio Seymour, of Utica, N. T., reaent ly siiot, in the northern wooda, an enormous Moose, measuring in height six feet and eix inohee at tho fore shoulders, and in length seven foetfroin the head to the apology of the tail, for the moos* is not honored with much, if any, of this appen dage. The length of the head is two feet end four inches, and that of the earn, some tan inohee. Gen. Cass, who ie so often the viotim of oirouru stancos,” in his specoh at the Koeeuth banquet said— 1 “Shall wo sit here blindfolded and tee tyr rany prevailing in every region of the world t No!” lion. Henry Clay flrat took hia seat in tha Sonata, in December, 180#, nearly forty-six yesra ago. There wore then but aoventeen Statea in the Union and of the then thirty-four Senators, it ia believad that Mr. Clay alone survives. The recent frosts have greatly injured tha tohaa co plants in Maryland. To livo incapable of disinterested love, ie mla ory. This is tho misery of the selfish man. lie seeks happiness in receiving; it ie found only in giving. Ho seeks it in his own gratifloation ; but until he loves something beyond aalf, he oannot bo hsppy. We heard the following Interostiag conversation a few days since, between two oandfdatea for aoad emio honor: “Bill, spell cat, rat, hat, bat, ftt, with only one letter for oaeh word.” “It can’t be did.” “Wbnt! you just ready to report verbatim r phonetically, and can’t do that I Just look here t cBO cat, r 80 rat, h 80 hat, b 80 bat, fBO fat." Obadiah thinks the “ tree of knowledge" waa the birch tree, the twigs of which have done mere to make man acquainted with arithmetic than all the other members of the vegetable kingdom com bined. “Short visits are best,” as tho fi/ said when he lit on a hot cook-etove. The New York Express of Thursday, speaking of the Money Market in that city, says that the influence of the European news received by the Canada, and the arrival of another geld eteamor from California, imparted a very buoyant spirit to tho market. Income securities found purchaser* at enhanced prices, and rates for money were re duced. We understand that In conseqnenee of the con tinued illness of R. L. Stewart, Esq., Cashier of the Bank of Charleston, So. Ca., and the resigna tion of A. Moise, Jr. Esq., Aassiatant Cashier, the following gentlEmen have been appointed pro tom pore, to fill their offices :—J. K. Bass, Esq, P. T.; John Chcesborough, Esq., Assistant Cashier, P. T. — On. Chur. Politics in California Both the Whigs end Democrats of California have held State Conven tions and appointed Delegates te the National Conventions of the respective parties, leaving them without instructions aa to whom they shall support aa candidates for the Presidency. The Democratic Convention did not adopt any platform. The fol lowing are the resolutions on the subject of the Compromise whioh were adopted by the Whig Convention, viz: Reeolved, That the scries of measures passed during the last Congress, and known as the Com promise measures, constitute an adjustment of conflicting Beotional interests and opinion* which should not. under any circumstances, be dis turbed ; and that it is the duty of every State and every section to adhere honestly and constantly to this settlement of these various vexed questions. Reeolved, That it ia especially the interest and the duty of theiieoplo of the State of California to stand by these measures, and to deprecate any aetion which will tend to revive here, or in Con gress, an agitation now so happilv allayed. Reeolved, That these are the fixed end defined principles of the Whig party of California in re gard to these questions, and aa such w# expect them to he acknowledged and vindicated by our Representatives in the National Convention. Reeolved, That the Delegates from California in the National Convention be instructed to cast their vote for no candidate for President or Vice Presi dent of tho United States who is not a friend of the compromise measures of tho last Congress, and an ardent supporter of the preservation of the Union. Liberation of the Irish Statx Prisoneb*.—The N. Y. Tribune is indebted to the Editor of the Irish American for a slip from the Dublin Free man’s Journal, of March 20, containing tha follow ing important announcement, whioh ia believed te be reliable: “It ia reported that order* hav* aotually been issued from the Colonial Office, or shortlv will be issued directing the immediare release of the Irish Exiles, subjeot to the condition that they are not to return to any port of the Britiqif lelande. Mr. Whiteside had been aa active interoawor forlikaaa tien."