Newspaper Page Text
BY WILLIAM S. JONES.
UIiiiOMCLE k SKNTiNEjL
St-t' CJ .HjCa c££ w3o
THK UEBRLY
i* »•»»»*
IT TW» D»LI.A»* m AISIB
Os ADTAttUfc
tO CW3*i or TSUlViaCAUnenHoz o« Ten DoEara
!*£ flXcagfr.oftnv Fap.r t»s v«s* W one Tew, thntfor-
ADhiiif lie* r*"«r el the rat* a.
Kit lioplKij /Ull I’M BOIXAKB,
tr a fro* opy l<> a’l wno «atv proem »> ttot tabecrlbire'
Ml torweri «tkemonry-
CHRONICLE Sc SENTINEL
DAILY AXO THI-Vf YXtil.V.
Irre rir a'.thiso'aos. oc6 ®afle<J to •übtcriber*
* rates,naawtr:
Min-? f Ar-a,{r,cr, bymaiL - fTparanama*
mu #r iDuansisfi.
,« Tnu.-fevco'jr-tvc e-nr* vci soatreflO line* or
* , > [„tu am tKMrUoo, ana ttnr mbu lor e»<* «ab»«-
:»w.t laiartioc.
REMOVAL AND CHANGE.
JVJfpysg AAD ATI E ACTIVE STOCK.
HORKIS L. HALLOWELL & CO.,
PHILADELPHIA,
HAVUVi; HBttOVKB into their •plen'h'l w iew War* •
>. etc- «ntr«o':M No. MI, M .rk,->, ant Wo. 21, Nor It
■M jtn* g|pf,t areopinfog tor the IpriDK tmO ‘ an assert
"* gll.K AWDFAIfOT noons,
Statf-rct! at *n4 e«>i-ly Will tnryr an J rtock ever of
ftr*< -■ <l. .1 mtrk't Knowing invoth dr new «tote which
Ivi'UUirfSlEi.Att'ltSriN AMKRIOA, Witt, a bow-
AaL**.' i *awunt a read* e«*abHah«d, and futend
U§ W .3© OK H Wttll lb<»»« bu /
~ h«« tjvp HIM Pa! .El,they will be c.iupeilM lo
•ela. >■ weal *r proßt thancan poHIV-IbeaflbrdeH
fht't are /irsti.
r,,4-r t tj- (Jav;i am. Mnrr Cbimt ■yrtcw tbs ner.a
--*1?? fcr t*’g< prc/flui, dot* nut exist, andbjr aeli*
►.»«!» ,\-lv«nr<» on ihT Foreld** Coat,
( i)* 9 *, tt make It the iSmißjT of every judge of
ftr !•, to (HIT u i. lh« r IVnriftf
ir.kH*:
C li f "l f.RS will rrcrlve a dtaroont of MX p*r cent,
IT,- • b. ia par f-in'ls, wiimn Un Aaj% from
4|lp <«f bill.
e ri tnoree will only betaken at Ua market Taloe
0Q Ll * 'Uy it ’*» f»' •liP'l.
i ,•* ’male of mri-<iibted alanulng ac redlt of SIX
|ti) a i lid wtll given if <1 wired.
w ie oi aji.re r! i-.i lii of maturity a ol»-
c .i.i I (h. r. <! of TWaLVK PRUOUNr pit annum «riU
X,!~. from mßrchenli »Mt nk the Ewtern cltlte, the
~V„, ' ■ 11.. a'lon of their itok beln|r eailwfled ti.it
Ibepwd im noi. ito that it la not for their lntereat t>
pa; the ;o-'ote if ut are
All, iLUritl.T E BESTIAL
lothc-e who kiteion» cr -lite. . _
H Lamottu., TeenCilk, J. L. HALiowai L,
A W Ur' p T. IV. Swa««r, E. B. HOToaiaana.
J»l*. wU .• ___________ _
T 3 TXE LUJIHEIUN'I AI»U MiLLIfIO IHTE
n ‘JItA
TfflK • *bt :riber»rouM rt spec*.fully Infirm all lntereat
«sd la ti e ratlin h«*lnets iW. havli g hud experi
•oct* n .ii-M t; hoc and at*»|.U*nabt baaluesa, they «ru
pnpn ../-HUiih.NG of every descrip
ti-a, iv a« **r other ©it*,
l i e* *r-a<r viiuLm»foo'tr.icted on the moat simple
pin a. a : .io*h> »f *#ei *g operate Iby one hand, vill be
f . : -i . rMi onable term*.
rr AM KVil xK-1, WATKK WIIEKI4*, MHAfTINO
aad <IK' K*Mb«r with all kltnta of IRuN
for Mmh, «Hi !n forHabad aud put In operation by the
•«’> at *|*o't unlit*.
ftettersald eeHtatba au lacrlhera at Augoata, Ga.,
w;.: "cHv« pr auipt ottvot on.
«Sm KtOHAfiOPON AHaKT.A*.
LOU lb VI LI E FEMALE HIGH SCHOOL.
, < School m the viUsff of
ay nil bn prsparxfi to give lo*
Hr i .u> j jtii {* in tli*) folloiriog branches, at
U> • l ».l -wiug rale* of iu.t.oo :
UtC'M —tS ’in-nury B n rhea, \»-.r quarter.. $1 00
‘ji t‘< —M*i!.eni4UC«, N ttu-H; rcirnccK, Ac.. COO
81 « I >m —Lang i »Ket v DrA/r i.g unci Kioorc-iUe
ry 8 00
UuiL* 10 00
I*. , -.u tn i (i‘« irdian* or* respectful./ inviied to cal'
■pun the •««*•• r.V»-, »i their He So* I Hoorn in the Couii
tlf-u *i,o. ac tfr. B«mI et a i»*id nc •, ao'l QX’iCiluc the fo
al m. * uferad.
KrK:«nc #~L. B. Ho-.tick. A. R. Wright, E. W. Cars
„ ifeli. W. U. DlCKlNfcftN,
Jtl7-w2m M.s «. M. DICK LN HON. __
$25 REWARD.
II AXAHAV froathi tact Ppvtng,
V oaf N*GRO MaN, naiue» Uonnj,or (lonapsr.r*, XzJ
ibaitU ar 8'» jre*ra o’«l; Mack, stout built,
•bc-ut i«ii Mwn.li, about f> I«et, 7 or 8 Inches hub, Ju*
t«rn« * ut hi * tin • very much n. vml log i he Is very urifiil.
a:i4 wile l»r h»r ♦to <• -*H l will give the above rewnru
lo Any person who will loJxe him In a rvfej-tii, so that I
get hint. JOHN McDADtt,
ds-wtr Augusta, li'i.
PIANO FORTES.
r*9l9f! •ibscribcrt w.»old respectfmij
JL me a't«n*i<>a of th«-ir friend) «»ml the
public, tv thirir assortment of Rosewood and
lA .* < . > I * \NO FORTES, from the well * ** * 1/ •
laovn and justly celebrated Manufbcuwrleiof Bacon A Raven,
A. It. Oule A Co., *cu«l iMbois A Hcabury, New York, which
irevvranUNl iti every respect, to be at Wet fully equal to
t! k ‘u»u-w.i.enia laanufaalurtd in this country or awropo.
* % * . it *. v o*citb-rs would sk"** ate than ike instrument* now
8* • in hand are +1 the lat vat patterns and fashion,aQd fresh from
|be »*nuf» turers. For sale at very low prices for oash or
|ltv t. vntancei, «t. GEO. A. OATEB A CO. B
my is Piano, Book aud Music Depot,Broad-st.
I wjujabTll mr'
r 9 wrai,'S»l.T KTSU IWf AU. |>BIKJ«IST,
AtOTTHTA, »,
T* WOW mmiYiaH* a very nr ire and complete
" • 1 **v«orßtfL’<ls.MK.!>lolNl£h.rjrNTK.OlLß,GLAFß,
• EFRFUMKUY, BRUhULf*. DYE tWf FB. and FANCY
/ he has Aalootti, m j*r«on, with the
* * fr***te«u care, N *tn the largest Importers and Manufacto
ri • in t|.lgooumry, nnd whleh. Tor oaantv and cheapness
in; *! »<• f -lit l. He would resoectfoilv Invite the at
tention of Merchants, Planters and Musicians te his
ft*»rk
AM order* will be executed with the utmost neatness
Hf»dWlf
OSAGE ORANGE PLANTS* FOR HEDGING.
riCmimBMIwUI offer for sale, during the
Pa- rn Central Agricultural Hociety,”
TW’N'TY HVK TIIOI i.-ANI> OH AOK ORANGE PLANTS,
effr? i ire* growth, suitable for setting out
Iheoemlng F •’!. t'hey may he set oue foot apart in the
he *p i >w, and *lll ui’ako an Impenetrable and permanent
beH*, with prop r c4ro, in b <*r 4 y. ars. Paa’phlets, »le
tsribii*, the method of tHuiming arid training the plants,
pun husers. Those desirous of engaging
lip/ id advaaeo, will address I>. UEPMONI),
•*ußl-tf Augusta. Oa.
WATCHES AND JEWELRY \
BENT BY MAtL lo ANY *’AUT OP TUE UNITED
tiTATEM.
THU subscriber ha* Jost rece*ved a large atid well as*
-.Mt**d ato l cf new «nd beeuil ul VYATUIIEB and
JKdrgl.>iV t ti. •Ui-ihho would call the attention of the
purllc generally.
Among tbo m .ny«rtu < ie« of JEWELRY which he offera
f orsalv, ii »y !»•* fraud ibe following, via:
O I! * avert, fbllJcwHed sl9 hO
« 4 1 'lr» 31 00
fi'Vrr Lever*, hunting css>s IT 00
l « ver l**vrr*, o, L -u face roly. 18 00
W rs U-p.nc* 8 00
Co il Finger tci g- 1 lo 0 00
4t>l t»‘eu l s»n'y 1 ‘43
t*oll Pm», silver COid»*r* 1 00
«M t;r**- <• Btolt 00
l> .mom • ir kings.".*. . » t * 800 IX)
Anv.dth* sbovr nr*kl » esn te aafely forwarded by
rant to m< part «l the United Mates. Aov perjons de
atiiog ,nHi ♦W A *CII, or other artiola of JEWELRY, can
b ' b.. w.ah fled by sending mo, by mail, the frlct
of i * »»«■!*, and b* shall nweivt It by return msl .
Ali *-,vM ' Pdl) R. H B W I*M NT.
Wa'« '* u« r and Jeweler, Bo* 2T, Chapel Hill P. 0., N. 0.
flv*«*
... - i
PJ*B IXTEBO COTTOif BMD. i
rj-UR « s ~l> COTTON
1- !> p,! <■ Id two mulr'.i k.at »S_p»r sack, or l
for iw hf. r tS, and fiv*,ac«*rra *M. The unrivaled «
ex ,; t, i ,■ iif t UCo--on.no onty tor > ield from tho field, 1
ho u jaeti y nud •> p-rtorliv of lint, has now born c
fori, .1. d and fully »ipttvi»»«l by then* who havelited I
It. Tv . 11. .y be fl 0 ol Mown. DOU .IITY * lIiAU. I I
. , * o\> i 'l ART. Aueimi ;or on application to the i
i i r r. st ll.iysvi.ln, deltvetral or any Depot on the
Oc- pi, ’drupa. J. W. U. OOLHNB. .
ll* -,f 1
BuDJUK DaPJT IN ATLANTA.
tKK OkKATtSi DISTRIBUTING FIRM IN GEORGIA,
ri 'HI- -ab«o» tokerpconstantly on han-l %
1 • *r.» Hint «'f md«l Tc*i.hpOi*i6 PROI'CCB
of *li * :* mch BACON. 1 \IU>, CORN, FLOUR,
O%T«, IKt'lT, .% • 8,000 hut hr Is ch.»lo«j SEED OATS,
n nr m |i-xt Mid for so e »t Cite. per huthe), sack* included.
a lord s, . osmpiftl d w th cmh or MUiifictory refe
rences, w d fetprontpUj Q UJ.
AGO, ABBOTT A 00.
Atier**. re*. 8, l-M. w»iy
HAND, Willi IMS * WILCOX,
IVHOL3 AL*C (.BOCKHit,
CHARLCi.TO!», *OCTH CAROLINA.
ri>HK **l»ol’n‘- h vnc e.*tv 1 aied thr*ne*!eee In
X Chari f.i th tr n-acti »a * f a GEN EKaL GRO-
C;.nV re octet fully rvicit your nUcn.ion to
IkrtiW'-te -mi wr»i stHc’ed eicck.
T . «r *t enh c<»wprbe nil art Wei neua'ly kfpt
(a'*t «tr line, L’quora,) will be constsntlf re- \
j e.o h d, sudd n t?-m# as favorable k» nre ,
* $ * ! r mv si mU» cvtnbC hrcut.
-• **»*s «ni earvtfdt «<uuion sha l bs glren to filling
Af4;ra
ir pll b• .or nrjeot (o do kneinen with PROMPT And
B>« ONSikLt M ol mbub Planter., thereby en-iblKg
u> to tell at small profi t*.
HAND, WILLIAMS, A WILOOX,
No. 1 lUyno llMt |
Pimm. ITiuid, j
C1A..1 W. •• tULUXS,
IUM.i. «tu»x. fIT-wSm
CAEBIAtoSS.
TITE HAVE ON HA.M>. Mia are rwtvljM f»4
>Y MWirniMt of CARKIAGUi; ROOKAWAVB, BA-
NtYUC Ea BUUOIBS, Mid Li.bt CARRYALLS. AIM,
H.c* and Road WAaoNS.tommi«WKn »n *«onm.mol
PURNKSN JUOC.Y, UMPRSLI.AP: WHIPS: TRUNKS;
CAR-KT BAGS: VAWI'KS. CHILDRENS’ CABS Mid
WAvi.'x? ; , IKRIAOK bOLTB. p» in. uaoiaceoreUwle
, o»; Ml of whi. 'i w-ll b- told on riiwnMr term*,*! th.
•tor. form-v'v nva|-.ov by the late d. A HaAOCIT .
nr REPAIRING don.(t MKornoiio..
Auyusta, April 1,-.SW, WYMAN A HARROW.
»p»8-wly
WANTED. ~ ~~~
AT the Auxti-ta Cotton .1.d,.d:-y power Loam WEAV
ER-, a d da or r ata families of four or more OPK
KVTIVRi, earl' Inquire at the Pactorp, of tlie Soperin
irC‘le:u,or .i the ofti ~ Broad-.treet. Jalb w,f
BOAHD FOR TRAVELLERS.
ANA' o-rne filer,d- adU aetiui.nt-nee* viiitlnf Aajtis
t>, it they will cad vp n mo, at oiy ree d nceon
Rriid-rtitet,aboi» thelTp,cr Market, I will do all that
l> in my ro e» r to reoder tneir stay pteaumt and aatisfiie
t.-rr .1 a i oerai chat ye. W ILLIAM B. SMITH.
lalS-wly
1,000. E&ADICATijR. I.OCO.
THIS eicMlent preparation for Ule ear* of Rhenma
t'*m ..nd other 1 \-ai Pain*, Ac, prepared by J. E.
MARSHA'L, la f. -me by Havdand, Rialey A Co., M.
" tl. «J. Turpiu, D. B. Plumb A Co.
N. thoaamd : ef-re:icts can be (firm in thia city
ii T lia't b.n* >" I ° ¥tr -a? other remedy nowtn
'’ir,' a R , jworui acd T-tter WASH, al-o for sale
.'l-rV. HAYtLAKD, Rib LEY' A CO.,
CLAhkI. s CO , D. R. PLUMB A CO. nIS-wly
FRENCH BURR MILL STONE MANUFACTORY,
corner broad and cummino-streets,
a tiiuiTi, Ha.
THE srBSrRIUP.K UVe. ttp, o.r*,ion loToform
hts oumemtu foeud- and the dmmio eeprrally that
h han cr-minced tlie nbore bmsnw nnder the most fa
t *r*t)!e *us} >c •, fc lvlcj. engairen tfi» srrv.ces of » a eX
p *.Jence4 *u<i ki(Vr d vnrsmnn.an.l OntterahLa
•rl th it hts wc:s mil compare wim aav other manufuo
lercr in the Unite*! Mates, lie sir* bees to apprise the
dUsurimmat'.pg public, that nil oraar* nui which he may
bs fur .red, shall have hi» person*! aueruun. prompt exe
eci o', and 'e<«atch. A fharr of couai rMr<nsgt Is re
•pectfuiiy t »* :.aed. PATRICKMcCUE.Prourietcr.
MpU-Pty
AN OPENING FOB A MERCHANT.
rpm seh-crlber oilers for rent a fePORK-HOUAE, in tk«
X must basin- part of ihe tiwo c f GteensViro*. The
bmlding is two ••> Ua hlfh. and has a front cf "I feet. The
(resent tocupjnts, with limited means, etii from 16 to
per annnnj; and, as they deaiftu from
buis'W <4» the fin,t day of January n xt, any cue «se
%ft uln • t* * ,> ir mn'isuly, wul have the riftual of their
ira i», whM-It. wiih proper management,can, with e«se. be
|p Teased u*tf of f3o,<K>o. Any wisbioc further Inforraa
|k>c,e^#ddjref 0 A. D4VIA.
Greensboro’, Ga.
■pKTir bI'LF tOTTOHi NKRD, war*anted genuine
X WHITLOCK,COfiKERY a CO.
Weekly Chronicle & Sentinel.
FOR SALE.
VALUABLE PLANTATION FOE SALE.
TUR Ai<ler»sgned,irJahiDg to charge hit buainc«»,coir
offers bis PuANTATIGN for tale, lying on r.e
of Bearrrdam and Ready creeps, and within o~.« mile of
the iUyi' »n Depot, on the Wiliuw ISrsnch Eaiiro rJ, con*
I taming 410 acres, more or leas, on wh ch there it one body
of 60 or 7d acres of well timbered muu*.« Land ; the «o«i
comprising larg.-bUck oak, hick .ry,ash and poplar, be*
aides other boolee of bottom and gre viand wools. There
is In euiti vatioa about §•* \ert s of bottom
1 land, aud the other Unot free and prod zr.‘Art. Ihere is
r*n the place a oouifortabie Dwelilng aud o t*buiidings.
Terms to suit the buyer. For any informal, jn
tppy to WILLIAM F. NANCE,
fP Laytovru Deoot,'fAiia f erro county.
VALUABLE LAKDtt FOR SALS
IN EWEET WATKL VALLEY, EAST ILNWEfSEE.
1/k/|A WHIM of L\XD, whereon I now reside, ad
*UUl/ joining Hwceiwater Depot,on the Eaai Tennes
see so » Georgia r abroad, in Monroe county, E. Tenn ,is
offered for aa>e. The farm i•.ln a good at* eof colti ration
aud it io fix for a crop this year. Das on it u com
fortable, but not fine Dwelling Douse, and out boua. a, good
barn and rubles, a beaui.ful Apple Orchard—graf:t of
the best fruit of the c ountry—and many other fruit trees,
and tnftf-v never falling apring* of pure, »>oeet water. It
it capable of brine di vi led into two very good, well watered,
weil tiLioered and C;nve3.«-Dt farms.
An early purchaser ca:i have the privi'rge or raising a
crop the preaent year, and eau be supplied with atoclr,
grain, t>oU. Ac., and some ’ik.ly Neg roe-; as these will
be for vale when the place is sold. J. T. LLNOI&.
jtftftai
PLANTATION FOE SALE.
l>KflfeOa\H wiaheiig to make a good bargain are re-
JL to call aid look at my LAND before they pur*
chase elat where. The P.auuticn licain Norton coun.y,
between Alcovaand Yellow Livers, aud contain* 9<m>
more or lea«, with about 500 acres woodland, of whi ;h 50
acres are bottom land, as g ed as auy In Georgia. It has
a comfortsble Dwe.liog House, K.tcuen, Negro House*,U-n
House, Hcrew, Well, Harden, and almost every desirable
con»eiileoce. It iauneoii.ef.Mn Aioova Factory, one aud a
half from Newton Factory,ar*d eleven miles from Coring
ton.
all who wish to look at the land, or make any enquires,
are invited toca lat my house, or address me at Newton
Factory, Ga. OSM-toj 11108 0. HEARD. .
are ci eared and inclosed, it la in the 18tb District and 3d
Section, and divided by'the lately established line between
the counties of Gordon and Murray, and within *l% miles
oi the Western and Atlantic Rail Road. A spring of g.od
water near tha dwelling house. A number of lots can ke
added on reasonable terms, forming a large settlement.
Forother particulars, apply to the subscriber at Rome,
Ga. j*3o-wtf J. 0. MoDAZfIIL.
FOB SALE!
A LARGE and convenient URICK STORE, altnated
in the cenlro of business, in the city of now
occupied by Bobt Batty, Druggist. Thfe store was fitted
up as a Drug Btere, without regard to any reasonable ex*
Os use, and with a little alteration could be converted Into
an eiegitntiy arranged Dry Goods Store. The situation for
thesaleof Drugs, Dry Goods,or Groceries can hardly be
equalled in the city. Terms easy. Apply to
GEORGE BATTY,M.D.
Rome, April 4th, ISM. spr6»tf
LAND F 0B _ BALE.
Till; HUBSCKIBUR offers for sale 1400 acres of
LAND in Hancock. ThisLandllcs HI; has plenty
of timber; Is under good fence, and hr / fair improve*
merits. Persons wishing to buy Land , are invited to
come and look at It.
Also, 1400 acres in Oarroll connty, r sich lies upon the
Ohattaboochee River, and embrace the Mclntosh Re
serve. Host. 11. Brumaia will sho this pi ace to any
person who may wish to buy. ELI H. LAXTER.
Mount Zion, Ga., June 9,1958. jel9-wtf
CHEROKEE LAND OWNERS, LOOK AT THIS
subscriber offors his services to persons owning
L Lan in Ho>k county, arid living atadi taoce, as agent.
He wdi cirefully ex*m>ne each lot, and faithfully report
its situation and va ue, and prevent intrusion and tres
pass upon them for oue ye ir, for five dollars a lot, in ad
vance. He will also attend to the selling of Land, for t*n
percent on the amount ot sales; and, for one dollar in
advance, he will inquire into and r- port the value of each
lot of Land Polk o muty is of the f >lUwing dls
tricts : in the 4ih sect on, the lst,9d and i7th; in the 8d
section, part of the 18th, theftlih and2lstdistricts, ftaiia
facb-ry reference given when required.
Addres« the subscriber at Oedartown, Polk county, Gs.,
enclose the fee and piy postaKe, end > is services will be
procured. d2U*wtm bTKPUEN A. BORDERS.
FOR SALE.
I SOW or KR forsvlemy entire River PLANTA
TION, 28 or 80 miles south of Columbus, Ga , ia Bar
hour cuunty, Ate., lying on the Chattahoochee river, con
tain ng 1400 Acres ; some 1200 acres in a fine rt-ie ofcul*
tivat ion aud sood repair. A good water Gin and Ferry
across the Chattahoochee river. The above will be for
sale many time until-old and posses ion *Mven. Terms to
suit purchasers. Ja2l ts MATHEW AVERETTE.
RARIETTA TOWN PROPERTY FOR SALE.
T'tilt subscriber has just completed and offers fir sale,
on accumm .latlug Urms, one of the most desirable
residmoes iu the city of Marietta, situated about 2M)
.varus south of the Court House, convenient to the
Ghurches and business part of the city. The lot contains
about two acres, neatly enclosed, and planted in
ornsmentaluees, Ac. The house is two story, contains 8
large rooms and tw<- fronts, all finished in fashionuble style,
together with all the necessary out-buildings tor conve
nience aud comfort, all new and well finish d. All of
which can be purchased on good terms by making timely
uppheati nto the subscriber on the premises. For fur
ther particulars, refsrenoe Is respeo fully made to the
Rev John Jones, of Savant ah, and Mr. J. S. Wilcox, of
Augusta, Ga. This desirable property is offered for sale,
not bee ruse the owner is dissAiisfled, or that he expects to
leave the city, but simply because hr han too much of his
means invested In real estate. Those wishing to purchase,
would do well to call and examine the premises.
JlrifcK J. NORTHOUT.
Marietta, Geo. fi7-dlwawßm
NOTICE TO BRIDGE BUIF DEBS AND CONTRAC
TORS.
BKIDUR Builders and Contractors take notice that a
ch mge has been made iu the plan of building the
Causeway and Bridges across Ogeccheo Stamp on (heroad
leading from Louisvi le to Milledgeville.
The Gommissiuuvrs, after mature deliberation and con
suliation.havu de«ermi*ed toaß*rihe plan of bat di»g
both Bridget and o*u*»,w*y, and in lieu of the plan as
heretofore publisLed, the fallowing one is substituted:
Sealed proposals will be received until the 25 h day of
APRIL next,for building Bridges acd o«uscway across the
SWftmpof the Great Ogeechee, on the road leHiling from
Louisville to M Ueigeville The Oontr.tcis for building the
Bridges and Causeway will bu let separately, and the per
son making the lowest bid fur the Causeway, and biddtrg
as low as any other person for the Bridging, will be preferr
ed, and the same rule will be regarded in the biddiLg for
the Bridges.
The so-lowing is the plan of building tho Bridges There
are to be six Bridges in the Swamp, ior a ted at such plact-s
and distances as will be designated by the oommi<a;oners
and to be of the following leuxtb and structure;
Ibe Brat Bridge adjoining the old one across the river,
and extending Sot) feet; no ond Bridge 82 feet in le r gth;
third 15b feet long: fourth Bridg 82 feet long ; fifth Bridge
100 feet long ; sixth Bridge Vi feet iu length; making in
ail 540 ieet of Bridging in length. All these Bridges are
tobebui toft r therol'owiug plan and specifications
£ach Bridge is to be 18 feet wid >, the posts are to be 10
inches square of h»>art Pine, there are to be six sleepers 'o
each aron, each sleeper t.i be 8 by 12 Inches; the arches
are not to exceed 2' feet iu length or distance; th're are
to be 8 posts for each arch, ami to be driven ; Cap-sills to
bo 10 by 12 inches; the Hooting to be of heart pl&uk, 2 by
10 wl ie: eachßridru is to be banistered with scanning 4
by oinches; thorai-ingto be mortised, and to have a
oentt r post for each rail. The posts of the hand rails are to
rest on soantiiug 8 by 0 inches and extending 2 feet over,
and are to be braced.
The Causeway wRi be 800 yards, more or lees, to be
builtia eoune tion with the Bridges. It will be 1» fee* on
top wlieu finished It most be built of logs and dirt. Trie
upper or west sloe ofthe Causeway must becovired with
dt tat least 8 feet deep. The building of the Causeway
will be let by the cubic yard, and botn the contract for
Bridgii g and building the Causeway, must be completed by
the Ut day of January next.
Tdc O moil sioners desire to inform those who Intend
bidding fur then contract., thnt a. to the height of the
O.ucteay or Bridge.,they »r» not prei'.redtjisydefnl e
Ijr, but from the ettlm.te now made by the n, the .Ter.te
het In o! the Causeway will be about I feel, perhap. a
little more—the Brldgre will he of a oorretponding height.
Monti and .eturllt wt 1 be requited of the contractor fbr
Ihef.itb.u! perrorma ceof ih« oon'ract' n hie part—far
titer, that timber may be oatalued on three term*, Tig: the
coniraoiortn.y uae such t «ea. may be aeoee.ary, aid
the price, if uot agreed upon between the contractor and
owner, may be settled by arlltraaon—the contractor
ohooung one, the own. r another, and In care of their illm
gre< meut, they mar ehoreea third mao, which ehatl.eule
the price. Ae to the dirt neco«e ,ry, n ■ chargng will be
made. If taken along the line of the canaeway.
The Commlettl net e are authorised to .ay, that S7OO hae
been placed at the disposal of the Commbstonera, to be
adeauced duriog the prog-eta of the work, at ruch ttmes
and Id inch auoiaaa they may think p oper, and at tho
completion of the work g.lutt m re shad be paid, and 'he
balance du ■ will be paid at the earlieat ooneentente of the
Oonrt. The remaining unpaid portion bearing interest at
the leg a 1 rate.
Those who »i.h any Information In regard, to the letting
of either the Bridge or Caneeway.oao oblaiu It by address-
Ini th. Oommlsal ne a, at Um-avtlle,Jefferaon county, Qa.
L. C. BKI.T, 1
],. B. BOsT OK. I
UOHIitT sTRVKNg, } Oommiaiionera.
AU'CUITK WaLkKs, 1
mhlh-wtd t. i. AKBINtffON, J
SBO REWARD.
STOIEN FROM THK .TtBLR of the
sabscrioer, on the night of the 8d uit., a large
and rather long mab< gany Bay UOKBK, with a iiuau star
in hi. forehead, ha. a white ipot on hi. rump, leit all |
black, and snppoied to be about II hand, btgb, 8 year,
old, acd trou entirely when rode. Th. above reward
will be paid to any one who wtll bring me tbe Horse, acd
a larger one for the arre.t and convicti- n of the t'.ief
who stole him. hARAU B. U IKDYVICK.
Davis', oro 1 , Washington 00., March 8, IBM. mbfi-wtf
SCHOOL WANTED
AY GENII man, who profe**** t) teach ail th» ENG
LISH Branchs, usually taught in Common School*
ami, also, the GREEK and LATIN LANGUAGES, desires,
situation a. Teacher iu some healthy lxation. Address
mhl-wßt GAMMA RUO, Beailla, Ga
AUGUSTA FRINCH BURR MILL STUB KKAHU
FACTORY.
TIB icbecriber.th ankf nifor the kind patroragrheretofor*
eztanded to tbe late firm of Schiuou k Wiuabd, woald
f-iepectfuUj inform hiefriende and the public, that hecontin
■eet> execute orders for hie well known Warranted Franck
BURR MILL STVNEB.of every desirsblesf.e, at thelowe*
nr ice and shortest notice. He aleo furntsbea
180PL's and COLOGNK STONES,
SMUT MACHINES, of various pattens,
BOLTING CLOTHS, of the beet brand,
01MKNT, for MIU use.
And every other artlcUneoeeraryln a Kill.
Also,for Planter*,small GRIST MILLS to attach la Gil
Gear*.
Alt ordereprompUyat tended to.
WM. R. SC HI RM IK,
Surviving partner of Schirmc; A Wtgand.
lalß-lwawly
PRIZE POULTRY FOR BALE!
nV/ FLl^ttf^
ttmingTand Shangl-itie ol the iuUtnNir were awarded all
the prises in tnese claaiet at Hie late Pair of the Soothern
Central Agricultural Pociety; aad that he also received
the highest premium for the •• b*st atui ffrwitwf rririek,
ofVo.tUry exhibited.*' Addrem D. KEDMOND,
fcOl-watw-tf Augusta, Ga.
GEORGIA STATS 6PSR CEHT BONDS FOB SALE.
WILL be aoiri, at paHie incUon, on tbe Ani Tnetdxy
in A{ ril next, »t the Uwer Mirket Ho §e. in tht
city of AcguiUk, wi:hin the leeul hours of sxlo, Three Thoa
s%x.d Dol.xrs 6 Per Cent BONDS of the £t*te of Georgia,
hypothecated by Jams L. McKnight, tD secure a debt dot
to the Bank of the State of Georgia, at its offl *e at Augas*
va. £jA&6-dlvarwtu] L HENRY, Cashier.
S2O BEWABD
RAX A WAV from the subscriber, In Jefferson •
county, on the first of December last, a Negro
WOMAN, Isabel!, or BeU, about 80 or £5 yews ofmSjjt
age: weighs 185 or 180 pounds, yellow complexion.-jS!
quick spoken; meet of her front teeth ia out, and she is a
good cook. Batd woman hut husband in Augusta, acd it
is supposed the will try to mike her way there. I think
she was raised about Charleston. I will give |BO reward
for her delivery to me, or If io»»ed in tome safe Jail so that
1 get her; or 1 will take SI,OUO for her as the runs
fU WM. J. WEIGH AM.
SBOBXWABJ).
l> from tbe rub-crihor, residing in
" w Patu *® Co «£ty.Deai* Herrin, ia August lae:,jg>
?Ja s,wx5 ,wxk * Eei# * boat fCVt old.^X
s!twht t lL!2si lnct,e ? W,h » of met,?um 8is «» has k«£L
4 « bis speech, and has lost the **lght cf
i r “*<|l? v,r *<ola. and he. bran in Geor-
AGENCY.
ritllE mbfcribarp-oposes to enpralo'end th.
JL am' ebipm* nt of all kind, of PR'_'DCo«,*uch w Bacon.
Lard, Oran, ** heat, ao., at the «au»l comm, a ton offiv.
ptrccoL Ordere manbeaccompMl.il with caah t« in
,ore attention. Adore** me at this place
„ GEO. GUNBT. -
Rinrgold, Ga., Feb, 11, 'SM. fl* im
RED OATRc—MB buebele Be*d OATS la store. For
•ale by I*ll U. t. KCbULL.
WEEKLY
CHRONICLE & SENTINEL
BCsfelA AMI Tl’BftttY.
TUX POIKTB IM DUCTS.
The subjoined article from tbe Philadelphia En
quirer, so thoroughly explains ail the pcinte in
dispute between Russia and Turkey, that wo con
ceive it will be perused with interest at this junc
ture by all our readers:
We are indebted to a friend in Lendon fora
very vaiuabie pamphlet on “Tho Eastern Ques
tion." It is from the pea of Leonard F. Simpson,
Esq., a gentleman who is connected with the
British prtts, and it contains a connected narra
tive of events, from the missions of Count Leinen
gen and Prime Mcnschikotf to the present day.
It occupies upward, of one hundred closely printed
page., aud is therefore too long to be given in de
tail. Bat a giance at its prominent statements
cannot but refresh tho memory of the reader, and
prove deeply interesting at this time. For more
than a tweivemontn the Ottoman Empire has been
the great point of attraction to the leading states
men oi Europe. Foar hundred years have gone
by since tho foundation of that empire, when j
Mahomet 11, in 1455, stormed Constantinople, and
drove out Constantine l’aleologu*, the last Empe
ror of tho East. The Crescent lias ever since
glittered over the minarets of Stambool. Os late
year, it has been announced, in a kind ot pro
phetic voice and language, that the hour is at hand
tor tbe eross to be raised on St. Sophia, and a
new Christian empire to be founded in the East.
But however desirable this may be regarded in a
religion, point of view, the Ottoman Empire has
become indispensable to what is generally recog
nixed as “the balance of power in Europe;” and
hence the difficulty between the six nations (more
immediately interested. The first symptoms of
the existing crisis in Europe manifested them
selves in the Tnrkish depea Joney of Moatcue
gro. T*-iU%- ntn’.n'.tia *‘ i'Mik, t&HajUMg'
about sixty square miles of territory, situated be
tween Dalmatia (Au.triar,) and the province ot
IJerxo Oorvina, aud Albania (both Turkish.)
Close upon the Adriatic it forms a natural fortress
of mountains. The iuhubitans, mixed Sclaves and
Sclav onisas, number about 100,000, and are a
warlike race, inured to hardships. Their govern
ment oocsista of aViadica or Prince, who oom
b nee in his person the Episcopal dignity also, and
this dignity has, for many years, been hereditary
in tho Petrovilcii Family. Montenegro is in
tiriet tbe key to Turkey, and Austria as well as
Russia, have often desired its possession. Roth
powers have always treated the Petrovitches with
the greatest distiuotion, aud Russia acknowledges
tbeir independence.
Eurly iu December 1852, a band of Monteucgri
ans stormed the Turkish fortress of Zulj-ljik, and
Omar Pacha was sent with an army to quell the
insurgents. So convinced was tho Divan that tbe
insurrection was excited by Austria, as a reprisal
against Turkey for her conduct in tho case of tho
llungHriuc refugees, that she immediately declared
the whole coast of Albuuia in a state of blockade,
and various sanguinary conflicts took place be
tween the insuigents and the Tarki.li troops.
ThoAugsburgh Gazette, of December 1852, and
well known as a somi-iffleial organ of the Austrian
Government, in tbe oourae of a nolle ?of the con
fl ct, alluded for the first lime to the Holy Places,
and to the religious difficulty which Russia was
subsequently to take up. The Cz*r soon after ad
dressed a note to the Divan offering to mediate
with Montenegro, but this was declined on the
ground that "the Sultan would v/dt ll hie own
i iff/itn.” Nevertheless, Russian troops, as lar back
as December 1852, commenced a movement to
wards the Principalities «f the Danube. Thus,
then, long before tho mission of Prince Menschi
koff, tbe occupation of Moldavia aud YVal'acUia
bad been determined upon. At tbe same time,
the Vienna journals announced that an Army of
Observation was assembling on the Austro-Turk
ish frontier. These events, as chronicled by letter
writers, aud as communicated by ageuts of the
Government, had net fttiled to create alarm with
the Western Powers, England and France, and
thus on the night ot the 6th of Decombor 1858,
Lord Malmesbury made a celebrated speech in the
British Parliament, iu trhich ha announced the
indepet.'ienco of Moruonugro, aud conlerrcd a
patriarchal dignity on tho Czar. Astor alluding to
tho throne ol Creeco ho turned to Montenegro,
aud Haid:
‘ 1 believe that no change whatever has taken
place with respect to ite political relatione. Tho
ohiet of that country boars a double title. He is
head of the Greek Ohuteh in that country, and he
ia also the temporal sovereign. But with respect
to his ecolesiasticai position, he it under tkejurie
ditticn if the Emperor of Huttia , tcAo it contuiered
toletht hiad <f the whole Greek Church. Tho
chief of Montenegro has been (as I believe all his
ancestors were before him) accustomed to receive
lrorn the sanction and recognition of the .Empe
ror his episcopal jurisdiction and titles. With re
spect to the independence of that ooontry, what
ever the opinion of diifeient persons may be as to
the advantagss. of such apposition, tho fact ia that
Montenegro has been an independent country for
something lik a period of 16ti years, and though
various attempts nave boen mado by the Porte to
bring it into subjection, these attempts have
failed one after another, and tho country is iu tho
same position now that it was somo 2'JO yearn
ago.”
This speech created much sensation in Con
stantinople. Lord M. was Secretary of Btato for
Foreign Affairs at tho time, and his acknowledge
ment of the independence of Montenegro, to
soilier5 oilier with his admission of the supremacy of tho
zar overall tho Christian subjects of the Porto,
created considerable alarm.
Early iu January, (1858) the Austrian Govern
ment sent Baron Kellner de Kollenstein (an Adju
tant of the Emperor) to Cattaro, to watch tho
course of ovonts. Kussia now played hor first
oard ; M. D’Ozeroff, tbo Bussian envoy at Con
stantinople, handed iu a protost to the Divan
against the concessions made to the Latina on the
question of tho lloly Sepulchres.
On the 19th of January, an extraordinary artiolo
appeared in tiro semi-official Vienna Lloyd :
“Austria.” says tho article, “cannot withhold
her sympathies irom a people professing the Chris
tian faitn." Allusion is then made to the refugee
question, and the offioial recognition of political
adventurers, known ns enemies to Austria. The
stops taken by tho Turkish authorities, to “throw
obstacles in the way of traffic witb Austria, and
injure the interests of the subjects of the Empe
ror,” arc recapitulated with the additional ro
mark, that “all theee grievances remain nnre
dressed.” “Austria will be obliged, (it says,)
sooner or later, to take a strong resolution to encot
a change.”
This was the first hint thrown out of Count
Leinengen’s mission.
Soon ufter, it wasannonneed that Count Loinen
gen had boon despatched to Constantinople by a
spocial steamer, to demand in tho name of the
Austrian Government, the immediate withdrawal
of the army commanded by Omar Pacha. It was
also unuouncod under tho same dato, that Prince
Petrovitoh, the unde of the reigning Prince, had
arrived at Vienna on his way to St. Petersburg.—
The Augsburg Gazette, uuder date of Bucharest,
Jan. 18th, mentioned a report that the Uussiaus
would enter tho Principalities in the Spring, and
tho very General, Kudgier, who did enter, was
named On the Both January, Count Leinengen
arrivod at Constantinople, and on tho 3d of Feb
ruary he delivered a iettor, from the Emperor
Francis Joseph, to tho Saltan It was currently
reported that he was instructed lo deuiaud tho
cession of Sutorina and Klcek. Tho Porte re
fused to comply with tho demands of Austria,
when Count Loinougsn sont an ultimatum, sl
lowit g four days for an answer. Then upon the
Porto placed itsolf under tho protection of England
and Franco. Subsequently, however, Turkey
yielded, aud on tho Both of Pcbruary Count Loin
ongen arrivod at Vienna. On the same day,
Princo HenßChikoff, the Russian Envoy arrived
at Constantinople. The lotlowing is a copy of
the ultimatum ot Count ds Loiuongen to the
Poite :
Tho Porte yieldod entirely, saving in that clanro
concerning an inquiry into Muebulman fanntaclem.
Thi* wan not pree-etl ; but in its place, Austria
gained the concessions, that, for the futnre all tho
Christians of Bosnia and Herzegovina should be
protected by the Austrian military authorities of
the frontier.
This was the prelado to the attempted die
memberment of the Ottoman Empire, and tbe first
sncccßsfal blow struck against tbe balance of
power n Europe, and tho influence of England in
the East.
We have already stated that Prinoo Menschikoff
arrived at Constantinople on tho 88th of February.
The attitude he assumed on his arrival was ono of
extreme arrogance, well sniled to the mission
upon which he was engaged. He arrived with a
suite of twelve persons, including the admiral of
ihe fleet of ihe Black Sea, a G-neral of division, a
Colonel, and differerent Rtaff offloers, and M. do
Nesselrode,(jun.,) as secretary of embassay. They
came oc board too Russian steamers. The Rus
sian legation in full dress, all tbe Rnßsians in
habiting or staying at Constantinople, headed by
about ility Greek papas, went to moot the prince
at the stairs of Tophano, and escorted him to the
palace of tho embassy, in the midet of a crowd
of Greeks of all cloeres, who came (probably ap
prized of hia proximate arrival) from all sides, to
stare atth* representative of their protector. So
dense was tbe crowd that it waa impossible to pass
that part of Pera-street where the Russian emW
sy is situated. On tho day of his arrival, and on
the following day, Prince Mensohikoff received the
official visit of tlie introducer of ambassadors and
high officials of tbe Porte, who oame to compli
ment him, ss usual. Ou the 2d March he went
to the Porte; but although the other ministers
expected him, he would only see the Grand Viaier
with whom he remained closeted nearly an hour
and a half. This slight ao irritated Fuad Effieudi,
Minister of Foreign Adairs, that the following
jay, Id, he tendered his resignation. In hi* visit
to the Grand Viaier, Prince Mensohikoff went
dressed iu plain clothes, and not, as is usual, in
fall nniform ; and when the Grand Vixier wanted
him to pay a visit to the Minister of Foreign af
fairs, in conformity with the usual custom at Con
stantinople, he replied in a load tone, and with the
most disdainful manner, that he had no wish to
seo that minister whom 'he Government that he
represented, and especially M. d’Ozeroff, the ac
credited representative of Russia at Constanti
nople, had charged with several acts of bad
faith.
“1. Immediate evacuation of Montenegro, and
the establishment of the tiatui quo ante Uiium.
“2. A declaration by which the Porte is to en
gage herseif to maintain the ttc.hu quo of the terri
tories of Kleck and Sotar:na,and tc recognise tee
marc ciauttum in favor of Austria.
“S. A strict inquiry to take place oonoerning
the acta of Mussulman fanaticism committed
against the Christians of Bosnia and Herzcgowina.
“4. Removal of nil the political refugees and
renegades at present in the provinces adjoining
the Austrian frontier.
“5. Indemnity of 200,000 florins to certain Aus
trian merchants whose contracts had been arbitra
rily annulled, and the maintenance of these con
tracts for ail the time they were agreed on.
‘*6. Indemnity of 50,000 florins to a merchant
whose ship and cargo had been nnjnstly seques
trated.
li 7. Indemnity for a crowd of broken nghta of
Austrian merchants.
“S. Establishment of numerous cocsa atee
in Bosnia, Servia, Henegowina, and all over
Boomcha.
“9. Disavowal of the conduct maintained in
18t0, in the affair of the refugeee.”
Fund Effendi was replaced by Kifaat Pasha, who
had been previously appointed ambassador at
Vienna, and who was considered as me of the
leaders of the party known at Constantinople as
the Auatisan party. The Turkish ministers held
a cabinet council on tnc same day, and at once in
formed the representatives of the other power* of
what bed taken piece. In consequence of these
commnnicatioDs, Colonel Hose, the English Charge
d’Affaires (in the absence of Lord Stratford da
Redriiffe,) at the request gs the Turkish ministers,
intimated on the 4th, hie willingness to send notice
to Admiral Dundee, the Commander in obief of
the Britieh aquadron in the Mediterranean, to ap
proach the Dardanelles with his fleet. On the 6 h
the Turkish ministers hesitated, bat on the Bth re
peated their request. On the seme day Colonel
Rose Sent tee British war steamer Wasp to Malta,
with despatches to Admiral Dundas, end the Homs
| Government. The Waep reaohed Malta early on
I the 14th, and the Caradoc cteamer was immediate-
I ly ordered to get op her steam, when she staffed
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDICfeSDAY, MARCH 22,1854.
for Marseilles with a special messenger in charge
ot the despatches.
It is deeply to be regretted that the English fleet
■ did not at once rail tor Be.ika Bay, in compliance
I witb tbe information contained in Colonel Bose’s
despatches. A firm and energelie line of conduct
et that early stage of proceedings would, in all pro
beibility, have prevented the war which has en
sued.
The difficulty bes been deepening since that
honr. The British and French Governments saw
in tbe efforts of the Czar, a determination to un
dermine the independence and integrity of the
Ottoman Empire, and they revived to resiat it.—
The Russian Envoy demanded nothing less than a
re ins'.atesnent of the Greek Patriachs in the civil
jurisdiction which they had exercised at former
periods. A specie! gavrante*. for any race or olass
in the Ottoman dominions, would have made the
Czar the arbitrator in all disputes between the
Porte aud its Greek anbjec, aud have rendered
impossible a good and efficient government of the
Ottoman dominions. On this point, therefore, the
negotiations were broken off, though the Porte
consented to all that oonld bs re-onably claimed
on behalf of the members of tho Greek Confession
And it is well that it did so, for had that demand
been granted, Russia would have soon found s
pretext to interfere, for the purpose of consolida
ting its influence in Turkey to the final overthrow
of the Empire.
I The first note addreeaed by Prince Menschikoif
to the Porte is dated Pera, April 10th. It is quite
arrogant in its tone, as may be inferred from the
following passage:
“ Tbe Cz.r demands a convention for the guar
antee of the strict Coin quo of the privileges of tbe
Catholic Greco Rusßian warship of the Charcb of
the Erst, and of the sanctuaries which are found
in the possession of that worship exclusively, or in
participation with other rights at Jerusalem.”
This was rtfuttd by the Porte: whereupon
Priense Menschikoif, under date of "Pera, May
sth," submitted another demand, somewhat simi
lar in tenor. This was replied to by tho Porte,
firmly, respectfully, bat in the negative, and on the
IBth tbs Enssian Minister declared that be regsrd
od J! firirdniftd, vr.dcc.Stus;.: whb
a threat that the Emperor would have recourse to
force to obtain the guarantees he domandod. This
threat repeated on the 221, when the Russian
arms were taken down from the Embassy, and all
the employee embarked, with a aiuglo exception,
who remained non otfici .liy to take care of the
archives. In brief, Russia attempted to bully and
coerce Turkey oatoi htr nationil independence,,
while at the same time the Czar endeuvored to ca
jole the Wes ern powers.
One great object was to remove British prejudi
ces and apprehensions on the subject, lo familiar
ize the pnblio,always under the pretext of philan
trophy'and Christian fraternity, with the possibil-.
ily of Turkish expulsion, and to pavo the way lor
fbe realization of tnose projects to whio': Russia
has adhered with unerring steadfa-.tDO'-s sinoe the
days of Catharine. Had the Czar obtained tho
conoess.ious he demanded Turkey would have
been reduced to the condition of a Russian pro
vinca. The scheme happily f,died. Toe ministers
ot tha porto were firm, aud the representatives of
England and France wore not the dopes of tho
wiles of Russian diplomacy.
British apprehensions wore considerably arous
ed, notwithstanding the assurances ofthe Govern
ment that no aggression was to oe leered from
Russia on Turkey. In the House of Lord*, on the
271 b May, Lurd Malmesbury asked the ooblo lord,
the Secretary of Foreign Alfairs, whether it was
true that Prince Mensohikollliad, on the part of
Russia, demanded of the Ottoman Porte the signs
tare of a convention securing to all the Greek sub
jects of Turkoy all the privileges and indemnities
which had at auy time been granted to them, and
investing Ru-aia with the right to intervene, as a
guaranteeing po •er, in order to see that the terms
of the convention were observed; whether it was
correctly stated that this demand was made in
thoform ofan ultimatum ; and whether the Am
bassadors of France and England were acting in
unison on tho subject in support of tho credit of
the Porte.
Lord Clarendon replied that it was quite true
that the project of a convention was presented by
Prince ilenechikotfto tho Porte, on the sth May,
and that an answer was requested in five days.—
It was not, however, au ultimatum, as other notes
had since been presented. The Government had
not yet reoeived official intelligence of what an
swer had been given to the demand, although in
common with tbe public, they had heard by elec
tric telegraph that it had been rejected. Her Ma
jesty’a Minister, still considered it important, not
only for the Interest of Euglaud but of Europe
genorttlly, to uphold tho Turkish empire; and up
on this subject there existed a complete identity of
fading between tho English and French Govern
ments.
In the Common*, a similar question was put by
Mr. D’lsrsuli, to which Lord John Kassel! replied,
lie said that ho wasdesirone to communicate what
ever could be slated without injury. The English
Government had been informed by that of Russia,
that a special Russian embassy to Constantinople
had been deemed necessary, in order to obtain
confirmation of concessions made at other times
te members of the Greek Church in regard to the
Holy Places, and as Russia has had occasion to
complain of the withdrawal or modification of
such concessions, some security, the nature of
which was not explained (as diplomatically reg
ular) would be demanded. The Russian embassy
arrived at Constantinople, and subsequently the
Grand Vixier entertained apprehensions whioh in
duced him to request Col. Rose to sond for the
British fleet. Admiral Dundag, iu the oxerciso of
a wise discretion had abstained from removing
the fleet, and ultimately the Vizier had apprised
Cot. Rese that there was no longer any need for
suoh a step. The negotiations proooedod; and
Lord Stratford, from his oharacter and experience,
had been able to materially aid Prince Menohi
koflf, and it hsil been hoped that no othor difflcul-
ty would ariso. But it appeared that the further
proposals of the Prince were suoh as though in
the opinion of Russia necessary, in the opinion of
Turkey and of tho representatives of England and
of France, wore dangerous to the independence of
the Porte, and even infringing on treaties. This
was the extent to which the official information
had been received. liis Lordship stated that per
fect concert existed between the representatives
of England and France, and that their instruc
tions wero to maiutain iuviolato the faith of troa
ties and the independence of the Torkish empire.
This declaration of Lord John Russell was re
ceived with loud cheers. The declarations of the
two ministers, in some measure allayed the feeling
of disquietnde which had oommenced to manifest
i tsolf. It is only da bo regretted that the Govern
ment did not put into practise what was so ably
laid down in theory. Three days before the de
bate took place. Prince Menobikoff had arrived
at Odessa, and the rupture between Russia and
the Porto had taken placo.
As soon ns the nows of his abrupt departure
reached England, interpellations were again put
in both Houses. In reply to the Earl of Hard
wiolte, Lord Clarendon declined to Bay whether
orders had been sent to Admiral Dundaato hasten
his departure trom Malta; and in reply to Mr.
D’lsraeli in the Commons, Lord John Russell made
a similar refusal.
The Frepch Government was the fist to break
silence. On the 10th of June, the Moniteur offi
cially announced that orders had been sent to the
English and French fleets to approach the Dar
danelles. Tne statement led to interpellations in
both honscs on the 18ib June, in reply to the
Marquis of Clarincarde, Lord Clarendon allowed
the declaration in the Moniteur to be a correct one,
and at the same time declared that the most cor
dial understanding and couoert existed between
the two Governments on the subject. Lord John
Russell made a similar roply to an interpretation
by Mr. La>ard in the Commons.
On the 28th May, the Porte addressed a memo
randum to the representatives of the four Powers
at Constantinople, expressing its regret at the con
dnot adopted by Russia, an. the necessity of
making preparations to meet every emorgenoy.
On the evening ot the 7th June, the despatches
from the English Government reached Malta, and
the Mediterranean squadron, uudur Admiral Dun
das, immediately made Fail in the direction ol
Constantinople.
The subsequent ovents are pretty generally
known. On the 18:h of last June, an official
Manifesto was addressed by Count Neaselrode to
all ihe governments of Europe, in which the idea
of invasion on the patt of Kuseia was utterly ois
claimed. It affirmed that the point at issue was
only the question of the Holy Places, and endoa
vored to prove that the Proteotoruto claimed oy
the Czar over the Greeks in the East, could not be
contested, either in princip’o or in faot. It con
cluded, however, with an intimation, that should
the Sultan still persist, Russia would be obliged to
take more positive steps. This dispatch opened
the eves of many who had blindly blie ed m the
paoifle intentions of the Cxsr, and induced the
French and British Governments to pursue a still
more decisive course.
The eight days allowed for the acceptance or
refa al of the Russian ultimatum by tbo Porte,
expired on the 16th June. Notwithstanding the
exuortations of M. de Brock, the Austrian minis
ter, who had suddenly ai rived at Constantinople,
the iDivan refused to accept the ultimatum, and
M. de Bxlabiue, the last member of the Russian
Legation, who had remained at the Hotel of the
embassy at Constantinople, embarked on the 17th,
bearing the refusal with him Before embarking,
M. do Balabine caused all the archives of the Rus
sian embassy to be put on board the steamer that
was to convey him to Odessa.
There can be no doobt that the advice of the
English and French Ambassadors, and the an
nounoement of the approach of a combined English
and French squadron to the Dardanelles, encour
aged the Sultan to reject the Rnssian altimatnm.
Under date of list May, Count Nesselrode bad
addressed a letter to Bedachid Pacha, urging him
to indnee the Saltan to accept tbe nltimslnm.
Tbe following passage occurs in that letter:
“ In a few weeks the troops will receive the order
to oross the frontier ot the Empire, not to wage
war which it is repugnant to bis Majesty to under
take against a Sovereign whom it has always
pleased him to consider a sincere ally, bnt to main
tain tho*e material guarantees, nntil the moment
when, brought to moro equitable sentiments, the
Ottoman Government will (five to Russia the moral
securities which she has in vain demanded far
two years, through her representatives at Con
stantinople, and in the last instance, by her Am
bassador. The draft ot the note which Prince
Menachikoff presented to yon is in your bands.
Let your exoellency hasten, after having obtained
the consent of H. H. the Saltan to sign that
note tom rai ionke, and to transmit if without de
lay to our Ambassador at Odessa, where he still
sojourns.
Rescind Paoba observed that he would sooner
cut iff bis right hand thsn sign a dccument so
detriments! to the interests of his country.
“ His M.jesty the Suitin'' say s Rescind Pacha,
“ by an Imperial firman, bearing his august hatti
sbeiiff, has just confirmed anew the privileges,
rights, and immunities enjoyed by the members
and the churches of the Greek rite al antique.
“The Sublime Porte will never hesitate to main
tain and give the assurances contained and prom
ised ip the project of a note transmitted to Prinoe
Menechikoff a short time before bis departure. —
The despatch received trom your Excellency
speaks of causing the Russian troops to cross the
frontiers. That declaration is incompatible with
the assurance of peace and of the friendly dispoei
tion of his Majesty the Emperor. It is, in trnth,
so much opposed to what one is justified in expec
ting from a friendly power, that the Porte knows
not how he can accept it. The military prepara
tions and works of defence ordered by the Porte,
as it declares officially to the powers, are only
those rendered necotaary by the considerable ar
maments of Russia. They constitute a measure
purely defensive. The Government of the Saltan
saving no hostile intentions_ against Russia, ex
presses a desire that the ancient relations which
his Majesty, moreover, regards as so precious,
and of which the numerous advantages are mani
fest for noth parries, may be re-eetabliejted in their
primitive atalf."
The Russian troops crossed the frontier and en
tered the Danubiau princ palitiea on tbe Sd July,
under General Danr-i.berg.
Tuikey soon after declared wer against Russia
and already thousands of lives have Deen sacrificed
in the struggle. Within a few months England
and France have lost all faith in the Cjar, and at
our last advices they were preparing to participate
in tbe struggle, determined, if such a course should
be forced upon them, to strike with a their
strength.
A elide on the Naahvilta and Cbattanocga Rall
road, In consequence ot the recent very heavy
rains, will delay the running of tbe oars for a day
or two, bat not longer.— Qmttmfga 44, 1 ukintt.
> | HMBBABtU
> SPEECH OF HON. R BERT TOOMBS,
! of escftsiA,
, In the Senate, Felruormjt, 1854. on Ue EUI to
organize the TrerUorhedp Eebraela and Kaneeae.
Mr. Toons said : 'k
Mr. President and Serijiprs :—Being somewhat
indisposed. It may bs.dMcult for me to enter
upon the discussion of tIW question now before
you to day; but being desirous that it shall not be
delayed, I shall proceed tq offer some considera
tion. in favor ortho bill eiprnpon your table.
I oomo to the ooneidaNjpon of this bill with a
heart filled with gmtitndafo the Disposer of hn
maa events, that after the onflicta of more than
tho third of a oeuturyy (his great question has
found its solntiou, not iMemporary expedients
for allaying sectional disMM, but in the true prin
ciple. of the Cor'.rtUtatioWand upon tbe broad
foundation of justice and right, which form the
only true basis of f raterat»_" aml of national cou
oord. In tbe argument wtieh I propose to sub
mit, I would imitate tlie peat Athenian orator,
who never addressed an assembly of hia ooaatry
meu without praying to tki gods of his country
that be should utter no wojd that might bringdis
credit upon tha oause ot’fruth or injury to the
intereste of hieoountry. Tfare has been a marked
difforenoe in the mode Oi, discussing this great
q uestion, exhibited by itaai vocatea and its friends.
I have heard no argument jfrtt would stand Die
test of nationality, or whigfe oonld bo addressed to
o mixed assembly of my countrymen, from the
opponents of the bill; and l have heard none from
iu friends that might notjie addressed to Ameri
cin citzaus everywhere, ffcrth and Sonth, except
to Freesoilers and AboliiOuista, who 'hive and
move and have their heisp” and poittiaal hopes
in sectional The friends of the
measure place tho.r sappOK Ot it upon its confor
mity to the Constitution, jo the great American
principle or popular ttovorggrniy, aud upon the ab
solute requirements of peg-'jc-l juitios snd equali
ty. I•- is not J*sy<M%fcTwwi i. .?* sf justice to
the South, though such is its effects ; but it Is de
manded as an act of obedience to these sound
oath olio nations! principles.
This quality of nationality is deeply f.lt by the
Abolitionists and Freeaoilers, and ludicrously ex
hibited in tbeir frantio ravings against the friends
ofthe measure North aud South. Writhing un
der this great faot, the Senator from Massachusetts
and his confederate* not only traduoe the men of
tbe South and their institutions, hut pours forth
the bitterest streams of their tronbled eloquence
against those Senators and other citizens from tho
non-slavebolding States who dsre to exercise the
i rights of American freemen, asd differ from them
l on this question. It appears, from the speeoh of
the Senator from Massachusetts, that all such tro
“white slaves,” whose manhood hss been debased
and enervated by the irresistible attractions of the
“slave power.” Others who hsvi joined him on
tbe same side ofthe subject, have declared that
Executive patrouage, and other irnoble motives,
and not the great question itself, controls these
northern gentlemen, That, in my judgment, is a
libel upon the North. But, if it were true, is this
the argument which they offer to ns to change our
institutions, and to bring us to the adoption of
theirs in their Btoad I But, sir, I bavo said that it
m a libel upon the North ; end recent events have
famished the most conclusive proof that it is a
libel upon them.
What Bir, have we seen within the last twelve
months ! A large body of American freemen in
the State of New York, belonging to the dominant
party, oonieofihem holding office under the Ad
ministration, refusing to unite with Fraosoilers
and Anolitionistsas the enemies ot the country,
and surrendering office rather than anrretderiiig
their principles. Thissnbiims act of national pa
triotism, of disinterested devotion to truth for its
own sake, we have ail seen pass before oar eyes
within the last twelve months, and we have seen
it backed bv one hundred thousand freemen of
New York, I say, then, that I am justified in say
ing that the Senator in this charge ia a libeler of
his own fellow citizens of the North. Sir. neither
the North nor the South oan truthfully make the
boast of Ireland, that she never produced a
reptile. Under the ezhnberance of oar institu
tions oven reptiles will spring up, and may be
safely allowed to crawl on till smothered in their
own slime.
Senators, you may disguise this question as you
will ; you may oover it up with sophistry; you
may give plausible excuses tor your opposition to
it, but it is precisely the old naked question, ol
whether it ib right and expedient or not for Con
gress to restrict slavery in the Territories and the
States applying for admission into the Union
That is the question. It is the sole question.
Gentlemen have talked about compacts, sacred
compacts, inviolable compacts, binding npon the
national honor. I shall advert to, aqd comment
upon this point, in its order; but I will now
stop to inquire who are those who would now
teach ns lessons of personal or of national honor I
Sir, they are men of whom no oaths can blind, no
covenants can restrain—men who despise and
trample nnder foot tho Constitution when it comes
iutooonflietwith their personal objects—men who
have stood in moral complicity with treason, ar
son, and murder from the dsy that the fugitive
slave law became the law of the land even to thie
hour.
Theso are our teachers of honor. One of them,
the honorable Senator from New York, (Mr. Sew
ard,) who, as Governor of that Stale, sworn to
support the solemn compact, the Constitution of
the United States, failed to perform that duty,
upon the ground, or rather pretense, that a slave
could not be the subject-matter of felonious “as
portation.” Compacts, constitutional compaola,
cannot bind them. These are our teachers of
honor and of the inviolability of sacred compacts?
What do they undestand of compacts ? I think
against the American centimes,
widen and spread and deepen throughout all our
borders, ignominious compact* have been mado
—“coalitions.” I think they call them—by which
the offiaers or a great Commonwealth wero barter
ed and sold for the sake of sending a man to
this fleor who does not represent Massachusetts
sentiment—a compact so odious and flagitious aa
to be justly amenable to the low morality ot the
oommoulsw. These are the gentlemen wno talk
about sacred compacts.
But again: the honorable Senators, from New
York, [Mr. Beward,] from Massachusetts, [Mr.
Sumner,] and from Ohio, [Mr. Chase,] in their
speeches on this floor, deolare that they cannot
and will not oarry out even this compact whioh
they commend to our honor. Yes, Sir, with a to
tal destitution ofall shame, they deolare the eighth
section of the aot of 1880 a solemn compact be
tween the North and the South, that itextends to
all the territory acquired from Franoe as the Louis
iana purchase, and then declare they will prohibit
slavery in all the territory of the Unite - States,
not excepting that portion of the Louisiana Ter
ritory lying south of 88 deg. EO min. Thoy oail It
a oompact, and avow their readtuons to violate It.
in this let them road their own, bnt not another’s
degradation.
In the disocaslon upon which I am about to en
ter, It is my purpose to show
let. That toe bill upon your table is constitu
tional, and etmaintenl with the trno thoory of onr
GovermncSV.
3d. That It makes a wise, just, and proper dis
position of IBs qaescion of slavery.
Bd. That Sift eighth seetion of the aot of 1880 is
nnconstituHenal, unequal, and unjust, that it is
in no sense a oompact, or obligatory on anybody,
and therefore ought to be repealed : and
4th. I shall endeavor to show that the question
assumed by the Senator Irom Massachusetts, [Mr.
Sumner, ] that we propose to violate the establish
ed policy of the fathers of the Republic, is wholly
without foundation, aud not sustained by either
principle or authotity.
That tiie provision affecting slavery, contained
in ihe bill, does not violate the Constitution of
the United States, I believe ia admitted on all
hands. We have differed, and differed greatly, as
to the power of Congress to leg slate either upon
the one side or the other of this question; gon
tlemen from the Nottb, in favor of restriction,
whether in the form of the ordinance of 1787, as
it is sometimes oalied, sometimes the Missouri re
siriction, sometimes the Wilmot proviso, while
they claim the power to restrict, do not contend
that its assertion is inoperative. Wbiln the great
er number, both at the Soghh end the North, who
wholly deny the power to restrain slavery in the
common territories of the R-pablio, insist that the
omission to legislate against it, which the billdoes,
is in obedience to the imperative oommauds of the
Constitotion itself.
Mr. President, the main difficulty anddifferer.ee
between Senaiois on this and similar questions
arises at the starling point—the very baa-s of the
constitntionai construction, and from the school
of polities to whioh we respectively Delong.
Those of the republican party hold that this Gov
ernment ia one of limited pouters, and ia entitled
to do nothing which is not expressly authorized
by the Constitution, or plainly necessary to ea-ry
out a granted power. When I look in o the Con
stitution, and And that the power olaimed ia not
there under this plain rale of construction, there
the question with mo ends. I have nowhere else
to look for it. That is the true theory of the Gov
ernment: aud I believe it is daily gaining more
universal acceptance, at least in theory. The on v
iliffl ulty on this point has arisen from some dec:
sions ot the Supreme Court of the United States.
It is true they have talked vaguely about the doc
trine of the general sovereignty of the Federal
Government. I attach bnt tittle importance to the
political views of that tribanal. It is a safe de
pository of persona! rights; bnt I believe there
has been no assumption of political power by this
Government whieh it has not vindicated and found
somewhere.
Ido not belong to this school. I view the Con
stitution in z different light. I stand upon the
great prindp’es which lie at the foundation of the
American Revolution—that sovereignty is with the
people of the several States, and with no Govern
ment whatever. When yon desire to look at the
powers whioh are conferred, go to yonr State con
stitutions; yon find a portion of them there: go
to yonr National Constitution; a portion are given
there. Bnt what is not found i n one or the other,
the Constitution of the United States tells yon is
reserved to the States respectively, or to the peo
ple. I believe those gentlemen who have argued
.against this hill have not alluded to that sacred
instrument—the Constitution, '[’hey have no nse
for it; audit was wise fortnemuot to allude to it.
It gives no color to the usurpations of power whioh
they would assert and maintain in this Chamber.
1 ooncor in the generally received opinion that
the right to govern the Territories results from the
power of acquisition, »nd must be need for tbe
protection, and not the destruction, of the rights
of those who are entitled to the enjoyment 0 f the
acquisition. In all Governments the acquisitions
ot the State belong rightfully to the people—much
more strongly does this principle apply to a purely
popular Government. Therefore any exercise of
power to injure or destroy those who have equal
rights of enjoyment ia arbitrary—unauthorized by
the contract, and despotio.
Every citizen of eecb State carries with him into
the Territories this equal right ofeejoymentof the
common domain W hether there be one, ten one
hundred, one thousand, or one million who may
em grs'e thither, they have ait the same indesiruc
tiblo right. If bnt one, he is or.e of the sovereign
owners, and has the same right" to look to bis
Government loi justice there as though there were
a hundred thousand. Each and all of them are
equally protected by the Constitution of the
oouct-v, and are equally clothed with the inde
stractableand Inalienable rights of Amerioan free
men. Yon have na power to strike from the
meanest Indian trapper tbe basest trader or oamp
toliower, as the Senator from New York [Mr. Se
ward] styled tbe people in these Territories, tbeir
equal privileges—this sovereignty of rigut which
is the birth-right cf every American citizen. This
sovereignty may, nay, it mnst remain in abeyance
nntil the society becomes sufficiently strong and
stable to be entitled to its fall ex-.rciae as a sover
eign State. Bat yet, even in sbpyanes, this sever
eignty does not belong to tty Qeiwral Government,
and its ‘-zeroise ia a naked usurpation and unmixed
despotism.
The power and duty, then, of this Government,
or the ioehoeteeocjetjr in the Territories, ia simply
to protect this equality of right of persons and
ptopsr.y of all tbe member* of the society, until
the peiiod shall arrive wh#Q this dormant sover
eignty shall spring lino active existence mud exar
cisa all tbe posters of a tree, sovereign, and inde
pendant State. Then it oan mould, according to
its own sovereign will and pleasure, its own insti
tutions, with toe mote reetnetion that they shall be
republican. Those great principlee are fortified
by the republic jdeae oflbe right and oapeofty
Os the people for self government. Yon leave to
the people themselves the exercise of all just pow
-1 ere ,j ol '® ram euf, and you repudiate the baleful
»nd despotic principle of one people passing laws
for tho government of freemen to whom they are
m O'’ wise answerable or amenable.
These priaeiplee ware firmly maintained by the
acts of 1850, and met the almost universal appro-
Mtion of tbe American people. It was solely uoßb
them that Calfornia wa-t admitted into the Union.
Without any action of Congress she caii ud her
own dormant sovereignty into exiatenoe—by Iter
own act planted her own “Star” in the constella
tion of American States, where it was simply re
cognized as a fact by the American Congress. The
F aud Abolitioni-ts who now oppose
v w *>ved their arrogant pretension to “bind
the Territories in all oases whatsoever,” because
the people, had exeroised this sovereign right to
mould their own institutions iu sccordsncu with
their anti-slavery opinions. I vindicated her tight
to mould her owu institutions according to ltor
own pleasure upon the same principles which I
am endeavoring to vindicate to-day.
After the passage of the sots of 1850, commonly
called the compromise, the Governor of Georgia
oal.ed a convention of her people to take into con
sideration the grievances which were sileiiged to
have been iufiioted npon her by their passage, and
especially by the admission of Califo-nta. 1 hroune
a candidate for that convention, and put for.h an
address to the people reviewing and vindicating
those memsnres. Upon the subject of she edmis-
Bion ot California, I stated in that address:
I have already attempted to vindicate the rlflit* of a
people, forming a conatltu ion fir admiesloo into the Un
ion. to admitor exclude slavery at thtir own pleaturo, and
to prove that OorgrtM had no other power over buch coa
•litotion tha* pr«M> U ied than to sec that it ia rrpahiioiL.—
na dtmandeditar.d comprcmited it for Missouri. We have
demanded Hand aecared it Er New Mexioo and Utah. We
thoold adhere to it became It is right: bat it l» expedient
as well as right."
And added:
han,lr « <l *nd flfy thousand American citterns, on
'he distantehores of thaAta-.:ll c odhan, having met, l*>their
r*pr»-es*atlv-«. to ' ■riwai— .n.''-u-t -i r- r (t-emsc:-! s, hare
a- i -riged it heat, under their, peculiar circtfm-tancti, lor
their Intare-.t, t heir prosperity, and their happiness, to pro
Ellul the Introduction of slavery into thrii- new Common
wealth. It f« their business not oure. Whether they have
decided wisely or unwisely, It la n >t for ns to determine
We have srtthd -hr question for ourselves; I; ia
not for them to diato b that ju-lgemert now or hereafter;
both c tee etand upon the name great principle—the
right of <i f> ee people, in entering the /in,ily or Ameri
can S au*, to adopt woA a form of republican govern,
meat ue in thtir judgmm'■ will beet preeerre thmr liber
tire, promote their ha'pinttt, and perpetuate their pro)-
perity. If we are wise w e win de tn j rattier than re»ist
this birthright of American f semen, so invaloab eto ns.
so f rmfdahle to the enemies of our prop, ty, our peace
and our safety."
While on this branoh of tho subject, snd in re
ply to tbeforoad declaration of the Senators from
New York, Massachusetts*, and Ohio, (Messrs Se
ward, Samper and Chase,) that no person, either
at the time the measure* of 185') were before Con
gress, nor in the disonsmons afterwards before the
ountry, did any one pretend that these measure*
were iu opposition to or inconsistent with the
principles of the Missouri act. 1 will take occa
sion to say that their statement* are wholly gratu
itous and unsupported by the facte of the case. I
wa* an humble actor iu those great event*. My
own condnct, especially at home, was subjected to
muoh animadversion on account of my connection
wi>h them, and vind-cated them in the address to
whioh I have referred, upon the precise ground
that they recovered and firmly planted in our po
lit cil system the great principle bartered away
in 1820
1 give the following extracts from tho same ad
dress, for the purpose of showing my interpreta
tion of the compromise of 1850:
“ Conrrera na»»e(l f>ur bills In re'at'ox ti territory ac
quired from M xleo; A bill to adopt California Into the
Uoloo : a bill tose'tls the bouoitiry between Tries and
New M-xtco; aod bills eatablithing torilorial govern
ments bith for New Mexico aod Utah By teem, In my
opinion, thedorerame t hss not performed Its whole duty
to u<; by th m the Sou-h mtr not have secure allof' er
jtst rights; butsAe ■ as firmly MtaJilUh’d gre/it and im
portant pi inctplr*, a> d she Vo cimpromired no tight,
surrendered no prin ipU , lo>d not an iro-h of ground in
this great oonlert. rh-j sundr a fee and untran m-lled
to assert anr Jun r ght In reUtton to the common territo
ries as she did before the bids f>r the eat b'Uhment of go
vernments over them were passed, with the advantsge, a*,
least, of liaelrgre.ovtred the principle unwirely surren
dered in lS2O.”
In speaking of the Miasonri compromise, 1 said:
T The strugg'e was violent and protracted; the Republic
was th then te its f undatlons; and wise, and good, and
patrioticmenbelbveditshourofdissolutionhtd come. In
an evil hoar the Sou'h b ught this clear, plain, and palpa
ble const till mat right for Missou i, only at a great prise,
a pres that ought not to hay been paid, a price worth
more to bertha ■ the Union. Instead of striving from the
limbs of her y uog tilt. r. with the sword, the fetters
xht-h the North eooght unju-t'y to impateupon them, the
South ransomed her by allowing s'avery to be p-ohibited
In sll that part of the Louisiana territory lying north of the
parallel cf 86 dev 80 mio. north Intitule, and sect of
Missouri. this great principle, thus oermnromised away
in 1820, has besn rescued, re-established, and again
firmly planted in ourpoliUoal system by the recent ao
tionqf Congress."
The principle of thin bill is in conformity with
another important principle of the Constitution,
which its opponents disregard and violate. I mean
the equality of the States. It i« impossible, under
the structure of thin Government, that you can
have unequal States. By the Constitution, enoh
State grants preoisely the same powers, to the
General Government. The grant is from enoh
separately, each State respectively, or the people
thereof, retaining all powers rightfully belonging
to a sovereign State, except those thus granted.
The powerß of the General Government are in
oapablo of enlargement by special grants from
either eld or new mates, or, indeed, in any other
manner than that espcoially pointed out in tho in
strument ; therefore equality among tho States is
e fundamental necessity of tho system.
This prlnoiple of the equality of tho Btatoa was
r ofc ra-mr, wnose
opinions are entitled to any botisidoration upon
questions of constitutional construction. It is
ueoessarily destroyed by the construction of the
Missouri restrictions.
The argument of tho Senator from New York on
this point scarcely rises to the merit of astuteness.
He saye Congress may admit new States, therefore
Congress may rejoot new States, and therefore
Congress may plaoo conditions upon the admission
of new States. Admit the premises, and the con
clusion by no means follows. The right to admit
and rejeot does not include the right to put an
unconstitutional condition upon admission. This is
tho very question at issue which the Senator is
compelled to take for granted to make his propo
sition logically corroect. There ia no express pow
er to prohibit slavery in the Territories; it has
not been attempted to be ehown that such a power
is neoessary to carry out any express grant iu that
instrument. Iflhe-e two simple propositions bo
true, the argument in favor of the unoonstitution
aiity of the restriction is complete. But I am
willing to plaoe it on tho most advantageous posi
tion whioh oan be claimod by ita friends. If the
power to legislate for the Territories was expressly
granted by the Constitution, it must, if possible,
be so examined as not to confliot with any other
power granted to tho Government, or right re
served to tho “States respectively, or to tho peo
ple.” That such sn exorciso of tho power is pos
sibly is not deniod. It is just what the territorial
bo’s of 1790, 1798, and many others, including
these of 1850, have dons, and precisely what this
bill proposes to do. To held that an undefined
power expressly granted woul i ueoessarily, in a
limited Constitution, nbsorb all othor powers,
would of itself boa monstrosity in construction ;
but tho Senator from Now York attempts to
clothe with this attribute tn implied disputed
power. The republican party, through ufl the
exponents of its opinion, have not only hold that
this Government possessed no power but thst
whioh was expressly granted, or which was uooea
sary and proper to carry out a granted power but
that express grants of power must be c-onl tolled in
their exercise by othor grants in the Constitution.
They utterly doniod the whole doctrine that unde
fined powers, whether express or implied, were
necessarily unlimited powers.
This great principle was abiv and elaborately
disoussed by tae father* of the li public in 1798,
on Jay’s treaty. Then the principle was asserted
by General Washington—whose great mime and
just oonsideration with his countrymon gave great
strength to any position he migbt assume—that
the treaty-mating power, being andefinod, was
nniimited. A debate sprung np on that question in
the House of Representatives which lasted two
months. Mr. Madison closed that debate on the
side of privilege qgainst prerogative ; and when
tbe vote «yas taken, it was found that there wore
fitly four in the affirmative and thirty-seven in tne
uegative upon the question that, although the
treaty-making power was undefined, it was not
unlimited. There was a plain grant of power to
the President to make treaties, by and with the
consent of the Senate, ft was ah und-flned grant,
There were no express words of iimiatjon upon it.
Still, the Republicans of that day, with Mr. Madi
son at their head, (even when the power was
assumed by the Father of his CouDty,) declared
that, though it was an undefined grant, it was a
limited one, and that you could not, by treaty,
exercise any power which was granted by the
Constitution to the other departments of the Gov
ernment. This is a very important prinqipia, and
one which I shall have occasion to discuss before
the close of tho session, in’Regard to a treaty whioh
is said, by the pubtic prints, to have been nego
tiated, and to be before tho Senate.
I bold to this oonstrnction of the Constitution ;
and if yon depart from it, where are yon to stop!
If, by a territorial bill, yon can regulate cue do
mestic institution of the people, you can regulate
another, unless limitation ia found in the Consti
tution. If yon can go beyond the plain express
grant of power, may yon not say, that new States
shall have bat one Senator, and but half the nnm
ber of Representatives that the other States hsve t
If you adopt such a principle, you would have a
great Q nfederacy composed nominally of equal,
sovereign, and independent States, “ bnt whim
sically dove-tailed, and oroeaJy indented,” so that
the States thems Ives could not understand their re
apeoti ve rights; and they won id have to refer to ia ws
passed by Congress to find their constitutional
rights. Then, air, I appeal to gentlemen to stand
by the land-marks of the Farthers of the Repnblie;
leave the Statee where the Constitution leaves
them—sovereign aod independent equals: leave
onr fellow-citizens whp. seek homes in tbe distant
Territories a]i the rights of freemen, and they will
discharge to yon and themselves sit the dnties of
freemen.
Senators, I have endeavored thna far to com
mend this bill to year consideration, on the
ground that it U in strict conformity with our Con
stitution. I have said, also, that it is wise, expe
dient, and jnat. Justice is the highest expedi
ency, the snpreaaest wisdom. Applying that test
to the principles of this meauure, i say that no fair
man in any portion of this country can come to
any other eonolmnon than that it establishes be
tween the people of this Union, who are bonnd
together under a common Constitution, a firm, a
permanent, and lasting bo. d of harmony. What
ia it that we of the South ask ! Do we make any
unjust or unequal demand on the North I None.
Do we ask what we are not willing on onr side to
grant to them f Not at all, W* say to them,
“ Gentlemen, here la our eommon Territory.
Whether it was ceded bythe old States, whether
it was acquired by the common treasure, or was
the fruit of successful war to which we all rallied,
and in which we all fonght, we ask you to recog
nize this great principle of our Revolution; let
snob as desire go there, enjoy their property, take
with them their flocks and their herds, their men
servants end maid servants, if they desire to take
them there; and when the sppropria’e time cornea
for tbe exercise of the dormant sovereignty of tbe
people, let them fix the character of their institu
tions for themselves.”
This demand on the Government ia nothing
more than to perform the duty of all Govern
ments. It is wise and just in all Governments to
defend every citizen ip the peaceful eij iyment of
hie life, his liberty, and property. It is fbe life
blood of ai Republic; it can do, no injustice ‘hat
will not reooil upon it. Resting apon the peop.e,
upheld and defended and administered by them,
a Republic is impotent in • career of inja«t2CC t
tcisUe .uoh » policy ** «»,
1 reel that 1 nerd apen * 00 more time ia defend
ing tbe priuoiplee of the bill on your table.
Neither their amaiitutionaljty nor expediency
h.v. bVr
no-.oata have relied upon other considerations to
away the judgment of the Senate. They are sanc
tioned by the all-pervading principles of tea Con
stitution, which ia a bona of equality of rights
and equality of burdens, binding together these
States and all others that may bertafoa be added
to them. Strike from it the features of equality
and Stats sovereignty, and instantly it perishes;
some States will be dependent, and tome will he
> independent, and masters of the rest. I appeal to
■ yen, then, to preserve that equality whioh the
I Constitution was intended to perpetrate. Under
i it, little Delaware, with a small population, aa
i sorted the righta of an equal, and is treated ae an
equal here, ttlie stands here to-day, with herons
hundred thousand population, to confront In de
bate and argument, on a footing of equality, the
Senators from New York, with three millions at
their bnok.
Instead of arguing this question like statesmen,
the Froe Sodera and Abolitionists who oppose the
bill seem to rely on intimidation to effeot their
object*. Wo are invited to listen to tbe muttor
ings of tho distant thunder of popular indignation
(uot yet audible) which issbontto burst upon our
ears, aud we are warned cf the earthquakes which
are about, to burst from under our feet. Even if
all this was as true as it is baseless, it should in no
wise control the action of Amerioan Senators in
determining npon tbe constitutional rights of
American freemen. But this ia not real, bat melo
drsmatio llrauder—nothing bat phosphorus and
sheet iron. The people of the North as well us
tbe South have deliberately affirmed the principles
of this bill; they have risen iu tbe might of tbeir
nationality, and orushed snd overwhelmed these
enemies of public peace, order, and liberty. They
will find but few friends among American (free
men anywhere who would gladly now, but for
constitutional impediments, dismiss them from
the.r servioe with contempt. This olamor has not
even the merit of novelty.
W by, sir, 1 heard the gentleman from New
York here two or three years ago talk just as he
Joes now. He aud hie coadjutors think that all
the world is moved beoanae they are excited. He
declared, on tho oooasion to winch 1 havereforred,
in the disouseion upon the bills of 1860, that he
would arouae the North, and that the cry of “Re
peal,repeal, repeal 1" would ring throughout ail this
broad land, W tot, however, was tho result of tne
threatened rousing of the people I what was the
result of this vaunting 1 He went home, and
there were two or threeyiots got up; but the good
aecee, the patriotism, ab'd the nationality ot tho
people oi the North came to the rescue; and he
was one of the first to sneak into s political organ
ization whioh declared that the measures of 1850
were a final settlement, in principle aud substance,
ot the various questions to which they related.
Wherovor the storm is to oome from, It will not
be from that quarter. Senators may compose
themselves; these are not the men either to get
ap or guide rovolntiooe.
There was another Senator here, (Hr. Hale,]
whose desk 1 have the honor now to ocoupy, who
again and again taunted Senators from the North
who sustained those measures; that they would
be driven from their seats; that the mighty North,
the free North, would rise and drive them from
these benches, aud send men here who would
represent tho northern eeutiment. Among
others, the distinguished Senator from Michigan,
Case,] was tho especial objeot of his assaults,
lint the result ie, that the gentleman who made
those declarations is not here. We see, there
fore, that these prophooiee do not neoessarily be
come history, and we need not be alarmed at them.
But, judging from the past three years, we may
look hopefully for the next three years to finish the
work so happily begun, and to relievo the Be cate
of these common disturbers of tho peace aud quiet
ot the Republic.
The Senator from Massachusetts, not content
with perverting the history of his own country,
misapplies evun tbe anoieut and familiar story ol
Theraistooles and Aristides. Themiatocles wished
to take an unjust advantage of the enemies of
Athens, or th"*o who were expected shortly to be
come so. Forgottul of justice aud right, he de
sired the Athenians, under prospeol of advantage,
to destroy the fleets of their friends snd allies.
The scheme was referred by the Athenians to
Aristides. He said: “True, yon can do it; you
have got tho power; but, Athenians, ilia ntjost.”
We stand in the same relation to the North.
They havo a majority in the Senate and in (lie
House, therefore the power ia in their hands, and
not ours. W nat argument have we to offer them 1
We say to thorn: We have no power ;we stand
in a minority ; but we sppe.'l to thetrne and hon
est men o; tne North’ as Aristides did to the
Athenians; gentlemen, yon oan do this, for you
have the physical power; but it is unjust.” We
said that in 1850; aud, in spite of tho Senator from
Mas-achuaeue aud ail hiaooadjntors here, the free
North,the honest North, toon tho same course
which the honest Athenians did under the advice
of Aristides. They said: “It ia unjust, snd wo
will not do it.”
The Senator from Massachusetts has also talked
about this measure disturbing the peace of the
oonntry. Sir, there is another story of ancient
history, by whioh the gentleman might have pro
fited. ' A minister onco oatne to the Roman Senate
to sue forpeace. They asked him, “ W hat security
do you offer ns that if wu grant you this peace it
will last and be observed I" He said, “Grant us a
just pesos, on fair terms, end it will be dnrable
and permanent; but give us an unjust one, snd it
will not last long.” All your patobiugs up will not
last. You shall stand upou a broad national prin
ciple, that gives the men of the South equal privi
leges with the man of the North. Make thorn all
feel that, in pesos or war, at borne or abroad, they
stand everywhere upou an equal footing, as
brothers and citizens of a common country. Then
you will have peace. The great paoifioation of
1850 adopted this basis,and if that be oarried out
we shall have a permanent peace.
These measures received the popular approba
tion : that now proposed to be displaced (the Mis
souri reetriotion) never did. It was odious to the
North, and not lest to the South. 1 think I once
heard Mr. Cluy say on this floor that none of the
northern representatives, except three or four, who
sustainod the Missouri act, were ever returued to
Congress. And throe years ego Mr. Hale, then a
Senator from New Hampshire, taunted northern
Senators with that fact, and said the same result
however, that a single man loaf his plnoe In This
Senate, or in theothoi House, for supporting those
measures. I know that the Demooralio party met
at Baltimore in a national convention, and affirm
ed thoee measures: and I know that they oarried
every Slate in the Union, exeept four, mainly on
that isane. I know that the delegates of tho Whig
party also went there and affirmed tbe measures
with sixty-six dissenting votes, and the fact that
those sixty six dissented, aroused tho indignation
of the country everywhere; and many would not
support the candidate put forward by that con
vention mainly on this ground. I would take no
other seourity bqt that those who had so atroiious
ly run the race of sectionalism so long should not
be allowed to injure my country if they would.
Every southern Whig, I believe, bnt one, voted
for these measures in 1850, and but few Whigs
from the North did. I believe now that the op
position of our political trienda in tbe .northern
States to these measures has struokdown the Whig
party nearly in every State in the Union. I be
lieve there are but two States now which have a
Whig Governor, and they are Maine and Massa
chusetts, and they were not chosen by a majority
of the people. That is the effect of that notion.
The Senator from Now York, and others, say they
have a commission to represent the North here.
It is trne. But I have g right to gtr behind their
Credentials, and "inquire, whether they speak the
true voice of their constituents f I admit their
full right, by virtue of their commissions, to be
heard on this floor; bat I am not obliged to ro
oeive their opinious as those of their con
stituents; but when the Senator from New York
assumes to speak for New York, I oppose him
with tho voice of Now York herself, speaking
through her own reoords and her own ballot box.
1 believe her people, by a majority of near thirty
trousand in 1883, spoke against tne Senator, and
for the Constitution and the adjustment of 1850.
Tne objections of tbe Senator from Connecticut
were diseuraive and nniquo. The additional ob
jections whioh he urged to those already taken
wore, chiefly, that the bill was offensive to his
moderation, and may lead to the lamentable con
sequences of bringing Brigham Young and hia
forty wives into tne national oonncils. I do not
think we slisuld give ourselves much conoorn
about the first objection. His moderation upon
the slav'ry question exists nowhere exoept in his
own declarations. 1 have served with that gentle
man in the national oounoils fat the last nine
years; and from the dgy that 1 entered Congress
up to tho passage of the adjustment measures of
1850, 1 never kucw that gentleman to vote on any
slavery question different from the most extreme
Abolitionist that, during all that time, sat in either
branch of Congress; and we find nin to day, in
hia vote, willithe same company. But thogentle
man has, in his speech, happily illustrated his own
moderation. lie tells ns repeatedly >0 hie speech
that Mr. Webster did Turn "the honor to say that
he demonstrated that the Wilmot proviso was a
humbug: ypt, after hia own satisfactory demon
stration, he still clung to bis humbug, and voted
for it to the end. If this ia moderation, what
would the Senator call nltraism 1
But the Wilmot proviso ia not a humbug; it is
a principle in doadly hostility to the C institution
of the country, the union of the States, and the
happiness of the people. It subverts justice, per
petrates wrong, and overturns tbo corner stone of
repaid!can institutions—tbe right of the people to
govern themselves. His second objection :»an
attempt to weaken a principle by suggesting the
possibility of abuse. He suggests that if you yield
the right of the people togovern themselves they
may do it very badly. Tnis argument, in its last
andysis, is equally good against all popular Go
vernmenta, and has always been the despot’s plea
for enslaving tbe people. Bnt [ admit tbe tact,
that if yon yield to the people the right to mould
their instqliena, it necessarily includes the right
to define the relation of husband and wife, and
that the establishment of polygamy may legiti
mately result therefrom. But it la just what they
have a right to do. When the people of Utah
make their orgauio law for admission into tbe Uni
on, they have a right to spproximatepts nearly as
they please to the domestic manners of the patri
archs. Connecticut may establish polygamy to
morrow—the people ot Masaaobneelta may do tbe
same; bow did they become possessed of greater
rights in this, o>r any r ther respect, than the people
of Utah I [be right in both oases has the same
foundation -Abe sovereignty ol the people. The
Benator from Massachusetts adverts to the asms
fact which so greatly disturbs the Senator from
Connecticut, and has made tbe profound discove
ry, that if Brigham Young carried hia many wives
to Pennsylvania he would not be permitted to
practice polygamy there. That is very trap, bat
why ? Simply because the sovereign of Pennsyl
vania forbids it, and for no othpr reason whatev
er. Every citizen of each State must conform to
the law the State in which he resides, and this po
sition strenghtena rather than weakens the posi
tion assumed by ns—that eaoh separate comniuni
ty has, and of right ought to have tbe power to
regulate iw own institutions, subject only to the
Constitution oithe United States. Yon may ima
gine as many eases ot wbat you may choose to call
abuse of power as you please, but yon oannot crush
out popular sovereignly to get *id of ilk abase*.
It witloutlive yoqKud jour fiiHies,and prejudice*.
It iastrong in the strength,and rioh in the vitality
ot truth. It is immortal. It will survive yonr po
ny assaults, and wifi paaz on and mingle
“with the thought and speech of freemen fn all
lands and Mi centuries,”
Mr. President, one of the most curioos things I
have witnessed in this discussion ts the effort up
on the part of the Abolitionists and Freemiere on
tffis fTXto pres* into tbe.r service thegiest name
and authority of Mr- Webster and Mr. Clay. The
1 Senator from New York, [Mr. Seward,! in spue
of tfce declaration ot Mr. Cl*> that he did not ori
-1 wlnate the eighth section of the Mi*» >uri act, that
1 ft did not even originate in the House of whioh he
1 w as a member and that he did not even know that
be voted for it, yet'till calls it Mr. C ay’a work,
“hia greater work" than that ofTBBO. What pro
tection has any pnblic man against such pertina
cious misrepresentations i« ibis t He has even
I dared to cal: the spirit of that gallant old patriot
trom the spirit world; hut whoever recollects the
•vents of 1380 will bear me out in the statement,
that tbe Senator from New York ia the teat man in
this Senate who would t*vo evoked that spirit
if tie had supposed It would havo come hia bid
ding,
Tbe same Senator, with Intrepid coolness, quotes
from Mr. Webster’s Buffalo speech to vindicate
his present position ; aud the very quotation
wifton he makes deuouuaea with the bitterest In
veclive the very tpen with whom tost Senator was
then, qnd is now, seting, To whom did he apply
the withering epithets quo'ed by that Senator, she
national eye involuntarily turned to those men
who were aiding and abetting ie Jarry rescues;
national man involuntarily turned to those who,
at Syracuse, were the libtlera and defamcra of tbe
expounder of the Constitution. The Senator,
however, does not believe in spirit rapping. He
VOL. LXVIII.-NEW SERIES VOL.XVIII.-~NO. 12.
did not think the spirits would oome, and there
fore be could call on them with safety. But, air,
those great men yet live ; they speak by their
votes; they are heard through their immortal
seeeohes; and by them they will be vindicated
through all lime.
Dismissing the lesser objections to this bill, as
rather protests than reasons, I will proceed to the
consideration of the third point in the disoussion.
Wear* told that this bill ought not to pass beoause
it is i i violation of tbs e'uhth section of the Mis
souri sot of 1820, whioh the Freeaoilers snd Abo
litionists insist ia a oompaot, a saored mid inviola
ble oompaot, to which tbs honor of the nation,
and especially that of the South, is pledged. 1
hold this act of 1820 to be no oompaot, binding
upon no man’s honor; but on tbe oontrary, a
plain and palpable violation of the Constitution
anil of the oominon rights of tbe oitizen, aud ought
to be immediately abrogated and repoaiod. What
is a oontrwt or oompaot I Its essential requisite
is, that there should be parties able to oontraot,
willing to oontraot, and who doactnally oontraot.
This Missouri aot looks every one of these essen
tial ingredients of a oontraot. There were no par
ties oo in potent to make a oompact. Congress
can pass laws within their oonstuulional sphere,
and within that it pen ootnmand the people ofthe
whole United States, bat it enn mske no bargain
witb them. By the aot of 1820 Congress did not
attempt to do auy suoh foolish thing; it passed a
law, and a very bad law ; that was all. Bat if
they wars able to oontraot, they did not oontraot.
If the North bound herself she certainly must
have bean bound by her own reprsoentstives;
but a very large mnjority of her repreesntativea
voted sgainßt exempting the eighth section of tbe
aot of 1820 in Hen of the restriction on the Btate of
Missouri, whiob he o'aiined until beaten off from
it by the members from tbe Southern States, witb
the addition of some twsnly northern representa
tives. Than, if any bargain wss made, It wss by
these twenty members. Therefere, tbs North
neither made the oontraot nor ratified it after it
wai made, but on the oontrary, her representatives
come op to Congress the very next session, snd,
in tbe law of the pretended bargain, voted against
tho admission ot Missouri Into tbe Union, nnder
an entirely dilTorent and diatinot pretext. Mis
souri had a olauno in bar constitution against the
admission of free negroes into her boundaries,
just stroll aolauee as Massachusetts tiien had, and
many of tho toco Staton now have. Seizing upon
this protext in spile of the “solemn compact,” n
large majority ot tbe northern representatives
voted against her admission into the Union; but
vre are now tolJ, by tbe Freosoilera and Abolition
ists, that the edmieaion of Missouri wae our part
of the bargain ; that we htvo that, and ought
therefore to abide by the restriction. Even this
pretext is fallacious. Missouri is not to-day iu the
Union through the votes of a majority of northern
mombeia. She is hore in spite oftheir votos. It
• loes seem to me, Mr. (‘resident, that tba Senators
from Massachusetts [Mr. Sumner] and Ohio, [Mr.
Chase,] and his oolleagua, [Mr. Vt ado,] have had
sufficient experience in politiuel bargains and coin
osets to have olearer ideas ot what constitutes a
bargain.
While there can be no such a thing as a legisla
tive compact, in this institution, peoplo frequently
called tins Missouri act a compromise, because
fair minded apd moderate men yielded much of
their personal opinions to prevent daugera to the
country. In this sense alone, to get rid of tbe
greater outrage of the exclusion of Missouri on ae
oount of slavery, the South supported the eighth
saolioti, in lieu of the total exclusion olause of the
House ot Representatives, united with a few mode
rate northern meD, and oarried it; but the majori
ty of the north did not assent to it then, end never
have since. 1 have looked carefully through the
history of those times,and 1 have neveryet round a
particle of evidenoe t hat a single northern or eastern
State ever did assent to or affirm the Missouri com
promise. And the Abolitionists and Frecaollera,
who are now clamorous for it, support it solely be
cause, as it is now presented, it is • naked question
of prohibition. This is the sole reaaoo of theirsup
port of it, and all the rest It but fraudulent pre
texts with which to delude and deceive better, but
simpler people then themselves. When Arknusas
wae admitted into the Union, it wae also opposed
by over fifty northern man on aocount of slavery,
as that was the only question made on her ad
mission. When Oregon was admitted as t Terri
tory the prinoiple of the Missouri oompromise was
rgaiu repudiated by tho North. It was again re
pudiated by her when California and New Mexico
were acquired, and attempts were made to apply
tho prino'plu to those acquisitions; and at all
times, and through all organs of her opinions, hr
the North uniformly refused to recognize tho sot
or tho prinoiple of territorial division upon whiob
it is founded.
Bupposethe Missouri oompromise wae a oompaot
or a treaty, with whom was it made f Was it with
Uufua King, the predeoeaaor of the Benstor from
New York, who made tbs motion in this body,
and stood by it for weeks, and mouths, and years,
to put the prohibition upon the Btate of Missouri,
and who never voted for the Missouri compromise t
Was he one of the contracting parties I If he was,
he did not sign the bond, who, then represent
ted the North f How can any honest man look
me in the faee, and say that that was a contract
when the North, thon, yesterday, to-day, now,
and forever repudiate t Let all the world know it.
Lot the next meeting at Faneuil llall know it, Let
the next meeting at the Tabernacle know it. Let the
true men oi the North know it; and they wilt
oome to just deoiaion on thin question ae readily
ns my oouslituonts. Tbe Frecsoilers falsify history
to make it a contract-, aud would have to falsify
their own principles to maintain it.
Buob is tbe true history of this pretended com
paot, rejected by the North when passed, rejected
by her twelve months afterwards, rejseled by her
when it worked prohibition; end I doubt whether
there is an opponent of thin bill, on this3Bdof
February, 1654, who will rise in hie place ami say
that he is willing to apply it to the oonntry west of
Arkansas and south of 84 deg. 80 min, north lati
tude. There is not one I Yet they have the ef
frontery to aay to us, “BWnd by the bargain,"
“maintain plighted faith,” “public faith and ho
nor is pledged to it." Mr. President, I can com
mand no language strong enough to express my
abhonence of suoh abandonment of publio
prinoiple.
One of the excases offered in extenuation of the
oondnot of Henators, in not carrying out the prin
ciple of the Missouri compromise to territories of
tho United States subsequently aoquired, is that it
applied specially to the country aoqnired from
France. Admit that to be true; yot, if it was sot
tied upon honest and sound principles, it ought
equally to bo extended to ull othor territory. Its
prinoiple was territorial diviqiop between the North
and South ; if that boa aoareot prinoiple it can be
applied to all oases, but its present advocates have
oppoaed every proposition tor any division what
ever, end still oppose it. This position oonfosses
the superiority of the settlement of l»5tl over that
of 1820, and justifies oqr preference. We say the
settlement of 1860 was based upon sound, Just ami
constitutional principles, and we are willing to
apply them to all territory ; and tin people have
affirmed it, both the people of tho North and of
the South. , ,
Sir, I have already argned upon principle the
power of Ooagrcse to pass such a restriction ns
that now proposed to be abrogated. It will be
fouud to be equally well sustained by authority.
Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, Mr. Monroe, General
Jaokson, General Harrison, sud most of the die-
Tingnished men of tho Bevolntion. who wore liv
ing In 1810, whoD the Missouri restriction was
sought to be imposed, opposed it, and many ol
them both on tho grounds of constitutionality and
expediency. Mr. Jefferson, in his letter to John
Holmes, of Maiue, dated the ttlb of April, }B#n,
strongly oondems both the geographical line and
the attempt to restrain tits “iUffqaiom of slavery
over a greater surface," apt] adds i
"An abstinence pmfrvmt laaoi rlpower vould remove
t v e Jealotuy) *atiteU by th, and risking of Do from is
regal* tme con hloaiflhe dUf relit de.elo ion* o men
opinesing s Ststs T 1 o-rt ioly I, the . xeludveright of
every ewe, which nothing in the Ceusiputlonhsi taken
fro u them so' stveu to ike General Oovarnmeat. OouM
Cob rew, t-r ’sample,say th t ha no of Oon
neotpv < t aoould be freemen, and that they (ball not emigrate
iaioany oberctatef 1 '
Ue then gots on V> denounoe the restriolionists
of his day us political suicides, and traitors
“against the hope* of the world.” (inch were the
opinion* of the author of the ordinance of 1787, of
tbs Missouri restriction of 1810.
Again, Mr. Jefferson, in s letter to Mr. Madison,
says:
“I am lod'bted to yon toryonr two letters. o f VsSrasry
7 and 8 This Ml,» uri qu*sti< n,by a geographic lime
of division, ie the mo I p.rt qk-CA "Be I have ev.-reon
tt mp at A’ * * * i ' a ready o risk ,b« Ui.l n fur
any cb njirf-eet rirghep rty t poser, and wrl.gUng
hims.ii Q.ihehead <fit; nor is’* • • • V “-tt out
kb b ixe, nor ecrapulutu as to tba means of ftthhliag
themf"
Mr. Madison, In • latter to Mr. Monroe in 1830,
says:
>‘Oa on* t'de ItnatnraUy occurs, that the right being
given f om the • e canity of tbs ease, end In eosprnsl. n oi
Ibegreatprt uipls if set -gov.rnment, ooghtnot to bo tx
■onoed f rther, oar cootlnosd longer than the oocaaioa,
might f. irly require."
Mr. Madiaon, says further:
i The queeli as to b* decided seem to be—
“l Whether a territorial restriction be so asssmptioo
of 11 eg timste power; or
a mis .»)<>' Itgit mate power; and If tbs latter only,
whether th* loiury threatened 10 the nation from an scqoi
tec,nee In tne misuse, or Horn a frustration of li, be the
great, r."
“On the first point, there Is certainly room for dlffsr
ence of opinion ; thoogb, for mysel, I mast own tbst I bsve
sl*eyeleaned to tbs belief bit the retiriciion scos nci
within the Iruttcoptqfih* OonttUMon."
This was the opioion of Mr. Madison, the father
of the Constitution, who participated in delibera
tions of the convention wbioh formed it, and who,
the Senator from Massachusetts says, was imbued
with the early polioy of the Government, whiob he
oontenda was against slavery.
Mr. Monroe expressed the same opinions in a
letter to Judge Boaue.
General Jackßon, wliq was also an actor in
those exciting scene*, in s> letter to Mr. Monroe,
spoke in very strong language in regard to tbs
Missouri restriction. He was a man of strong
words, and a strong will to back them. He
suid:
“I hope the nwtority will vee the evil oIIM nm*dm
potto a£, and admit the Bute, aod prevent the evil.
In the earn# letter, ha says that the feelings of
the South aod WeMaro aroused, and UrtiMissou
ri should not retrograde or bumble herself. All
thM aminanr men, whom the gentlemen from
called “P ?• » ulhorit y {ot hi * PO»i
th'eM farte,' principles, and authorities, I
unbttdt my third proposition to the Senate a« pro
ven to wit: that the Missouri act ot 1820 waa not
aooropromiae in aoy sense of tuat term, but an
unconstitutional usurpation of power, repudiated
by both the North and the South, and should be
repealed ae violative of the fundamental law of the
land, and of the unquestionable lights of Ameri
can oitizens.
I now proceed Vo Invite the attention of Senators
to the last point which I propose submitting them.
It is one much “relied npon,” eepeoially by the
Senator trom Massachusetts. That Senator upon
a former oesaaion, as well ae in hia speeob yester
day, said that the earl; policy of the Government
was to restrain and localise slavery and that this
bill is therefore in opposition to that policy. I
shall proceed to show that that Senator his totally
misapprehended, or wholjy misrepresents, the
earlypolioy of the the oountry, and baa failed to
molt a out even a frimafame «-e in support of bis
theory. The gTeat error of that Senator in the
threshold of hia argument is in assuming the ndi
vidual anti-slavery opinions of maby of the lead
ing man of the last quarter of the eighteenth een
tory to be the polio; of the Government. It la
undoubtedly trne, that opposition to »!every was,
during that period, the almost universal Idas of
tbe northern States, and by no ataana limited in
the southern States. But it is squally true that
that idrswss not Impressed ou the national policy.
And it is e foot wait worthy ot the consideration
of that Senator, that this anti alavary idee baa not
advanced an inoh, bet on the eonlrary has recaoed
curing the Drat ha f on the nineteenth oentoiy.
Now, anti-slavery opinions are unknown at the
Sooth, end are certainly greatly modified in the
North ainee the formation of oor Constitution.—
The lemona of British arid. French emancipation in
Amerioa have not been lost upon the Amerloan
people. Mep, have now greater experience of tbe
workings of emancipation, and a oiearereonoeption
of the whole subject, whioh has not redounded to
I the advanoamant of abolition ideas. The nine
teenth century has cast off many of the lollies of
the eighteenth, and this among others. 1 have
sought for the policy of onr fathers, net In the in
dividual opiuions of some ot thorn, hut iu the col
lective will of tho whole society. We mn«t look
to the Constitution and laws for thla collective
will; they, and they alone, alter tho catly policy,
pnblio polioy ofthe Republic.
When we look to the Constitution wo find no
anti-slsvery polioy planted iu that Instrument.—
On tho contrary, wo find that it amply f rovidos for
the perpelnity, and not lo the extinction of slave
ry. It provides for the recapture aud return of
fugitives from labor from every portion ofthe Re
public. It providoa for additional securities in tho
form of increased representation for slave proper
ty. It provide* for tho suppression of iuaurreo
tion among slaves, aud pledges the whole power
of the Ropubho for that purpose. It provides lor
the inciease of their numbers, l>y the prevention
of the suppreaisu of the Afrioau slave trado for
tweuty years, and permitting it forever. Tho his
tory ol this lest provision is worthy ofspeoial note.
Virginia snd Maryland had forbidden tno African
slave trade at tho time tho Constitution » a* formed
and North Carolina had greatly trampled It; yet
the Constitution swept uway these restrictions,
snd compelled those States to permit tho slave
trade agaiust their declared policy; and this was
dons by the vote, of New England aguinst Vir
ginia and Maryland.
I repeat, theseolausee of the Constitution pro
vided for tbe |>erpeluily, snd not the extinction of
tlavery. Here the policy ot our fathom was ttn
roihtakably written down, and tho wiiting'oamiot
be perverted. There is not s single olause in that
Instrument which provides for, or looks to the
abolition or restriction of nlnvoty anywhere. It is
undoubtedly true that many of the tranter* of the
Constitution both lrcm ihe North and the feoutli,
were anli-alavery met); they ireely proclaimed
their opinions; but they planted notto of them in
the orguulc law, bat left tlie whole .nhjeot to be
managed by thoseiu'erested in it. i’hetelore, so
far from its being true that tl e Constitution local
ised slavery, it nationalized it :• and it is the only
pi* 'petty which it does nationalise except tbe wot ks
of go- ins and art.
In tbe face of thoso provisions of the Constitn
t'on, the Senator Iroin Masrae uaett* [Mr. Bnm
ner] continues to assert that the uniform policy
of our fathom was opposition to slavery. Tho
policy of tho Govorumout aftot Iho fotniullon of
tho Government, up to 182 U, was cqea ly tl> tlsive
against the statements of that botiutor. lie as
serted, ill a speech on this floor, two yt.r* ago,
aud reiterated it ia an important fuct, 1 think aa
many as three limes, iu In* Isle speech, that when
President Washington toek the oath of office, in
1788, that tho national flag did not Heat over eite
i'lOlt of sluve territory belonging lo the national
Union. I oannot appreoiate llte ntportunoe of tho
Katement to the argument, even it it wero true ;
hut as unimporlaiit as it is, even that sttriemt nt ia
unfounded in fact. Before the Co rtitution sue
formed, the northwest territory was ceded to tho
United States, with u prohibition of slavery; but
at that very moment the United States churned
and held a large extent of torrilory in tho tuiuh
western portion of the Union, wli oh was ecttlcd
a id occupied by slaveholders, under tho proteo-— ~
tiou of the flag of the Union.
1 will explain its history In its order. That
Senator, to m-ke out his case, suppresses a ma
terial portion of the action of the fl ft Congress
under the Constitution. That Congress accepted
the cession of the Northwest Territory with a pro
vision agaiust slavery, and provided for Is gov
ernment; and the suuio Congress accept'd tho
cession ot Tenncsseo from North Carolina, with
a provision protecting slavety, and provided lor
Its government; extended the ordinandi of 1187
ovor that cession and its territory iu tbe south
west, exeluding the sixth and last item, which wee
tbe anti slavaay clause ot lliul oidinunco. There
fore, if it had bean true tbul when Washing,on
took the oath 01 iflioe. the American flig did not
float over an inch of slave temtO’y belonging to
*he Union, ho and bis firet Congress soon attend
this slate of things, aud hoisted the American flag
ovor slavo territory larger than all if the tiitn lieu
States of the Union.
The ordinance ot IV 87 was doclurcd by Madison
to be without a shadow ot constitutional authorit);
but the first Congress accept) d a compact already
made, with all of its provisions; and another com
pact witti Noith Carolinu, with a different pro
vision in regard to slavery, ami protected both
with the Army and power of Ihe Republic. There
fore it is not true that tho flr.-tCongrers took pants
to exclude slavory; or did, in fact exclude it Hour
a single inch of the public doniaiu.
The next territorial aot iu tho southwest was
that ot 1788, over the oountry to which I have re
ferred. This territory wua neoulieily Biluatid.
After the peace of 1788, when F.oridu was severed
from Spain, end passed into the hands of Eng
land, the boundary o‘ Georgia west of the Ghutto
hooohee river was along the 81st parallel of north
latitude; but upon the petition of tho lfoaid of
Trade of London, representing that tho south
western portion of the territory of Georgia wua
too remote from the looal government, the British
Government altered the buundury ot Georgia by
annexing all that portion of the State beginning
at the inou.li of the Yaxoo river, running duo east
to the Ohattuboocheo, theuee down that stream
to tbe 81st parallel of north latitude, theuco west
to tbe Mississippi, end thenca up the Mississippi
to ths moutli of the Yaeoo, to the territory of
West Florida. Tho houndary of Georgia stood
thus at tho lime of the Revolution ; and, npoa ilia
peace of 178*, Britain retroceded Florida loSpoiu,
leaving tho territory before deroribed within tho
limits of the United States, but not within the
boundary of any State.
The General Uovoi nment thorofore claimed, aiid
’ in 17»8, erected a territorial government over it,
publio domain; and, in giving it a government,
the Congrns of 1793, with John Adams .Presi
dent, expressly excluded the prohibitiou of sla
very from it; os the Senator would suy, delimited
it to slavery. Therefore, during the whole of the
administration of Geneial Washington, and dn
ringevery administration from that iny to Ll.is, the
flag of the Uuion hits floated over slave territories
belonging to the Union, and protected under its
broad finds every interest of every American eiti
xen. Suoh haß been the doraeaito policy ol this
Government,
What has been ita foreign policy in relation to
this question ? Hore it is equally opposed to the
statement and the polioy ot the Senator from Mas
sachusetts. Since the Constitution was framed
we bought Louisiana from Fiance, and agreed, by
protect slavery in it. We purchased
Florida from Spam, with a like treaf.y-proteotion
to slavery. We have annexed Texas, with ex
press stipulations in favor of slavery; and 1 y
these acquisitions made larger additions to th*
slnvehuiaing territory than the whole area of the
thirteen original States. Ido not say these acqui
sitions were made because of slavery; 1 kuow
they wero not; but they show t at it was no
pert of tho policy of our fathers to limit or re-train
it. These are the fuels upon which the penutor
has attemptel to woiwo Ids ridioulons theory that
the early policy of this Government was to limit,
restrain, and finally nbolinh slaver".
Sir, 1 have shown that the tsenr.'«or from Masan
ohusetts has wholly mistaken, nr misrepresented
the vnrly policy of the Government. Tins policy
was uniform until lflJ'j. when the “now lights,"
as Mr. Jefferson t«;rniud them, began a sectional
warfare to restore themselves to poser. They
were anti-republicans, who hitd broken iheinsolvcs
dotyasli over the country by their allon and sedi
tion laws, by their diaioyalty to their aountry in
time of war, b.v their general hostility to popular
rights everywhere, and they sought to elevate
i hem selves again to power< n the wave of section
al prejudices. They failed, as their successors
have failed, and will fail. Too republican pe .pli
of this country understood the fundamental prin
ciples of their own Govcrn-ncnt. They kru w that
.he liberties of America were won by white men
for white men, by our race for our raoe, and (bat
both in this country and in England the eynipe*
Ihlaora with the negro race are generally enemies
and oppressors of white msa everywhere.
Senators, 1 have endeavored fairy to present
the argument on this hill. 1 have endeavored to
show that it is constitutional wise and just; that
it violates no Qouipacis, but sustains me solemn
oompact Os the Constitution ; that it is not opposed
by the policy of our fathers, but in consonance
therewith; that it is hut tiie affirmance of the
principles of the measures of 18*0, which gave
such universal aatiglaetiun to all purls of the lte
publiu, and for these reasons it oalis loudly upon
ovary truly national man to itund by and auatain
if. By doing so we sustain the Constitution, v.o
sustain tbe just tigliis ot every portion of the lie
publio, end the great right of tho people to self
government. Wo should want no o her reasons
to commend it to our support. The Senator from
New York asks where and when the application
of tlio-e principles will stop f He wishes not oba
deceived in fatnra, and asks us whether, when wo
bring the C.nneseand other distant nations under
our flag, we are to apply theso principle* lo them t
For one, I answer, yea; tbut, wherever the flag of
the Unionehsil float, this great republican princi
ple will follow it and will continue to loiiow it
even if it should gather under its ample 101-je the
freemen of every portion cflheuuivereo.
Destructive Tornado.—Great 0 r Property.
ltbecomesour painful duty to announce that
the Florence Leading wee visited this morning
with a dealrnctive Tornado, which destroyed
much valuable property. The Florence Bridge,
that magnificent, superalrnotare, which spanned
the Tennessee river, the pride and ornament of
our town, waa blown down with the exception of
two apSBS, and wanned off. The Bridge cost oim
hundred and tiettn five thouund dollar el and was
insured only against wind. Tbie heuvy toes fails
pt-incipaliy noon five individual* to wit: James
Irvin, James H. Weakly, John Simpson, Robert
M. Patton, and Martin Harkins. The 10.-e wi Ibe
heavy upon these gentlemen, bat it will not affect
them materially an either one of them is amply
able to meet the liabilities of the company. JUr.
Farmer, the keeper of tbe Bridge waa in the Bridge
office at the time of the ocoorrouce, and lie aiveae
most grap'uio description ot the frightful seeue.—
The office waa much damaged, but M.r. Farmer
euatainod no injury. Fortunately no one was on
tho Bridge at the lime. A negro had just crossed
and the stage waa about erooaiug when the Bridge
waa blown to atoms.
Nearly every honne at the landing is destroyed.
The large new brick ware house juat built by
Kirkmar. and Kioe waa leveled with the ground
and ie now nothing but a huge musa ot ruins.—
Tbe large framed warehouse used by them for
storing Cotton was also completely destroyed and
much of tbe lumber is blown near half a mile.—
We preanme tbo lose ot Kirkman and Uiae is
about SBOOO. The commodious warehouse be.
longing to U. Gookin, is also in ruins—and it was
nearly foil of goods, they were of course much
damaged. The loss of Mr. Gookin is also severe
and we presume will reach near S2OOO. "file
brick warehouse uaod by Simpson, McAlister &
Oo was damaged to some extent, but r.ot serious.
Tbe trees in the immediate vicinity of the Bridge
and ware-houses were all blown down and many
of them blown np by the route. There is much
destruction to timber an Patterson’s island oppo
site the Bridge. The storm waa confined to a very
narrow oompaag, and from anpearuiioes we pro
snme it could not have reaohed half a mile in
width. Fortunately it did not extend up in town.
The wind waa pretty severe in tbe town, but if it
had been anything like tbet at the landing the de
struction to life and properly would bave been
awful in the extreme. It ia truly a melancholy
scene to stand on the wharf and witnasa the terri
ble destruction.
P.B. Binoe the foregoing was put in type, we
learn that a oarritgu waa on the Bridge at the lima
of the ooourrenee. We have been unable ’.o learn
wheee oarrlage it waa, or whether or not euv cue
wae in It, but c*rtaiti it ia, it haa been {oat.—
Floreree Gavette, Jhtra, lOth.
Rial Kstats m Atlanta.— e were informed
of the sale of a lot of lami this eiiy, on Tuesday
last, which Is an indication of the rising v lue of
real eetate in our fiiutrithiDg young city. Tbe lot
is located ou Peachtree street, aome distaiioe from
the busineae pait of the oily. It embraces forty
feet front ou Peachtree, running bank two hun
dred feet, andsold for dve thousand dollars—on*
ndred and twenty-fix* dollars per foot of front,