Newspaper Page Text
Weekly Chronicle & Sentinel.
BY WM. S. .IONES.
i.r. ,v >kn i'l.nki..
.tiAMS. &c.
ih K wee kl y
*„ Pntdisfeed « v«*ry Wednesday
AJ TWO DOLLAR PER ANNUM
If paid suictiy m advar.ce.
/P SOT PAID IS A'svASCE,
xiEB DOLLARS i'ER YEAR
T() CLUBS . i.VDI’ jDUALS sending vl* Ten
Dol t g[X < ;y; « jje paper wiii l>e for one
>. nr tht tsrui* i g the paper lit the rate of
' StX COPIES FOR TEN DOLLAR 3,
, r 5° all tvbo tuny proeure uh Five sub
« . .-r*, and forward as the money.
THE CHRONICLE & SENTINEL
DAILV AM> TKLWEKKLV,
A- pub! fn dat tbiw office, and mailed to sub
»*m at tie- following rates,namely:
\) i?.v p*plk. if-o ut by triad,--$7 per annum.
TH»-V\ ‘ LKLIT PitPkK . r » “
Tprmi of AilvPrlbinK.
1H Weksu.t.—Seventy-five rrntu per square
io i <or for the first insertion, and fifty rents
.. *ad» Mi*'-eq n*nt insertion.
* ()K SALE.
FOR SALE,
qqii: . a '< i-./ned, being d*».r«>u <,f leaving the Stale,
1 . •i. r.a’ private ale. ni. HEAL ESTATE in
-t.o.vnot Warren i-m, W«*rroo county, hi. (:oiuuf»t»nK
{ a D'-V'-i.-mr il .u~, , aud I. t of aOoitt live acres of
f A huCarrh-ue Shon and Lot, Tool-, Machine,
I. and u'.i hi>- >»efc. together with all hU tiui-lit-d
.ixl nntbiUtied work.
From tiii« . n i . tweny thou: and dollar* worth of
vo; . ■ an. h <■(, at good prices, at this
V./.0,.' w i-Oin* to earcdix***. are respectfully invited
'*.l a «*1 examine .r them«elvea.
p.. . <.•>» mrni t> riven at any time, to unit the our*
i.KOKDK L. IJOBHER.
' W tr. • ni'-n, On,. .f oie 5. IS.7H,
FOR SALE.
IVI\V off, f ;,y LANDS and PLANTATION on the
Cnatiahoi.. i.oe nver i ~ • ate. It lies 21 miles north
* \ - . • aud one mile «/».ith of the Roswell Cotton
• it * u Col»h «»i D* Xalb counties, containing
v.-< if. ~dr. .i Acs n. more •r .■ . with 200acre, inculti*
. i-i'./i «»n car: id' t tlx; riv.jr. There is a good Frame
li . i.ir, a M oth-r . .uw Du with line Or
! *, ~ . | , j .4 Clierric-* * a first Cotton
G l Th. .:• r, and . F-rry i iir e.imtely on the
1. /fr 1,1 At.‘a::ta to I ppm Georgia For for
rh* r paJliotJ ur., nJ'f»l>' to the r on thepreini es.
1 ,oi WM S ORoOAN.
FOR SALE
{OFFER u.v FARM for ile, in Oglethorpe county
Iviwir on tin* weters of Orove Creek throe mile* north
f I.* cion, i« ijtaujiugabout nine hundred acres.
I». i»,»!an li. free and productive, one hundred acres
r more of tl'.e botioTo land—a part under good fence,
aud in cultivation The. entire Farm being under good
fe . ngftiul well watered On the promises there is a
•ojnf.rr.oh- i!w .ling, ix gro lionse*. and other necessary
» u.d.n. . a lai <•:n H* :c:d Packing Screw, both
... .i buiit I lore ai( a--I'< a hand Apple Orchards
f»• . i*led i r '1 ho place i* 10-altby, aud within three
f Lexington Depot A good bargain will be given.
.. i"‘ an WM. J. OOILVIE,
rOH SALE.
I.VIW offer for -ole my entire River PLANTATION,
.x or .«» mile* south < f Columbus, Oa.. In Harbour
county. Ala., lying on the ttbnttahonchee river, contaiu
lug -MIX) acre ' I *OO in a tine stab- of cultivation and
- ).vi i-.j-air. Ag< d Water din an-! Ferry across the
• Uattab>>oehec rivtr. The above will lie for sale at any
fi». n.itQ sold and po**-* .i-.t. given. Terms to suit pur
, . . . {j i i2l tf| MATTHEW AVERETT.
TO MEN OF TASTE AND CAPITAL.
IMl£
Oeorgia, propoees to sell his plaeu near Cave Spring,
a V.mu’s Valley, Floyd county, da., containing -Tl7
m i - m-iH) or less, returned 1-t <piality oak and hickory
i.i(.--ily ..f sod and surfs- e not to wash ; some ldO acres
b in <1 and under good tillage ; the remainder generally
well tin’ll .•( ! It has sr-veral spring of cool blue Lime
,iowe: vv/thi.tit darning orchard.* i-f miuv well selected
rirlefii *. especially of apples, and a large and coinnxidi-
Brick Dwelling, surrounded by Hue scenery, and
with i a mile, of the village, long noted fur Rh educational
t-d vantages. All who have examined the premises, con
nr In the up;- -a that this I»iacc (•'•’.ibixes the elements
.c. ‘. rti . v •-ouveiiit ix-o and lxMlthfuluess to an
CXU ..I -H-S-uu. if ever, equalled In this country. But
* one id see fur yourselves, and the character, location
•ret r---;ourc* of’the pla-ocan hardly fail to satisfy you
..at It is ft No. 1 article, not subject to the fluctuations
of;i-.e market. For tonus, apply on the premises.
W. D COWPKEY.
0, ltm. Jyld-wtf
Fow : LTOH MILLS FOR SALE.
\S ihe uud i-signed i desirous to move to Sonthwes
. .(inn,: . lie new otle.s hi* MILLS and LAND
... •. lln M ..-arc si;.«ated on tlie Ogeechno Kiver,
c l.i -.lf mil. fn in I». welten, on tlx- road to Cum
in « i-i VVa.lr.iigt <n -tiiul ack passing daily—has four
4 ~ii . iw i wheat and two sum. The Fronr
Mill ha j . - lie . ted anew. The corn custom
A » . .’.-fit:- f i.y two mills on tins river, and the
. 1,. At so-.! I- IV..d ( pi ll any one The Uous..- is so s.tu
d . to i» main e i and see the Saw and Grist Mills in
r , ! 1 1: ' in llnurwh county. ah'ntftlio Omecbeo
•. .~| I • crock. I ln* Lain! cuut.iin* 734 a. run,
kli ■ . , , 1> •*, Hu! will equal any land in the county In
Mrod'iciiiK corn, wheat, cotton or other »rntinn. Those
v InuK t<* buy, will i-ail ami nee for themselves. The
4 iiac. healrf’y .i.ol ha* an excellent Well of water in
rlii* yar.l in iv-t. no jJantat mi in betterfurnished w ith
K .K, ! o'i . .fvvHl.T. COLL MRUS F.BHIVERB.
my J 8
FORMAN -S IKON FLOW-STOCK,
•j'llk 11 n< ir> having purchased tho patent rltcht
.1 t-» the iibovr valuable amt popular PLOW for the
vo intte iKi linunxi. Olumbia, Lincoln, Burke, Jeffer
.in, Wa-id.trf'oii. .Scriven ami Lmauual, are prepared to
n n i. it to plauti ‘t» at the iaaimfacturer’a price. This
i •*. which ii matin entirely of wrought iron, is a South*
.‘in tnvtjntion a td has been sufficiently tested to prove
lb :t j; runs m,.'. steadily, breaks and pulverizes the soil
n»ore t'< ughiv, clogs less In rough land, Is more easily
jidiu • d for dt «'p or slmllow plowing, holds the shares
m ..... imly. lasts iac<nuparah!y longer, and is, in the
o !, I'.* - cheaper ihr* i any other stuck now in use. This
it is full *taln d by numerous eertitates tat
o n- jNi.is s‘nm from the most practical aud successful
pltntms In the country. We will have plesure
«.mi.ling a circular containing *mae of thsse certificates
»u l i »re part vular description of the plan, to any
tv ho would Uko t. sec them. We arc willing to
• i - * uv one who ha* given this Plow a fair trial. In
\v s'., .:f the Southern Cultivator, p. 345, the. edi
tor'.? that vr.-k sivh • “After gh ing this Plow a fair
au.l ; partial trial w« can truly say, that we regard it as
f\ 11 .!','iabb* improvement ou ail common wooden
implement.' of the kind now in use. For general efficien
cy and . <>o% ui'Mice, as well as special adapUtion to deep
.11 age or oiling, w©k.n«»w of nothing that surpasses
f . wh teon’he , :m#i economy and durability, it is
altogether lmriwdt A. No plow with which we are fami
rtr. is so well cal* ulr.ted to resist the careless aud des
tructive u-.' -‘ es ria-uctleu Negroes, and wedoubt not
ihat its general il voa iction would he of very great pecu
niary banetlt to tfca pudding interest of the South.”
1“ St '•!. •• a- tpted to six «litl'.‘rent shares or points
_,., u , i ing ev* . •«•• ety which a planter will need
These ihlNI
fl „v plmtaii a J J? eta rn.tkc them after once seeing
r U ♦ :c. . du- for Shops, or for Plantations, will
tvo • I ou loaKonablo terau Apply at the Hardware
s .uc • .u Ai:k • ‘.a, or a* c' I. C. FITTER & Co.
dec IS wtf Augusta, Ha.
REWARD.
i* A*. V IV front tl esub crib ron 4th May, a Negro
i. Man named \VA>HIN< ION, about 45 years old.
-ivf v , c -v« * .r ’ -übc - h h, weighing about lti.» or
;,j fjj |r ■ - jiacly .■ w. ak *is way to Temv see.
b» i :mw. " '"year* ago. atm stayed in Madisonvdle
t , \i. i, . .uuty, i’-Mine.*-'* <\ a'oout cue months . and
\ iot tell svho he b* , «1 to. He l..»? m company
• ...hN.s ’ Man bol n.yiug to V W. S icp**'•*.
m. vd Kelt . v car.-o. l about 5 feet 1* or 10
rc; . bi*,h w ' ub t ioff or 170 Ihs .. both dark com-
They wen . .-t seen uear Lexington, Ogle
• i : .c .. nut v. 4ks 44 .til pa->*“'■ to go to Ohio. If they
taken V. ingtonw ’d not toil his owner if he can
Help'd We o ill pay the abov. rcwa.d to any person
.. :.o wid d. ln * i them o us, or put them in some safe
Jn -hat we an gel th< u. or twenty dollar* for either
rtt ' in W \SHINOTON It BRANTLEY,
W. W. MMISON.
Cu'.vertoM Post office. Hancock comity, fla.
count t this ifice or |.a>*tnent. my*2l
$25 REWARD
IW ? LL pav the above sum for the apprehension and
! Igmcut in iad of my bov HARRY Should he
hr?:*, . at a ti. ••ii”.ce from Augusta, and the person
g him hom«i 1 w ill pay. in ad-
Jo. . : -lu s:.■ ail the me. try expenses attending
ui- d\ e; v- Har- y«. Mai tin) is a first rate Brick layer and
, .'stoic •< . ; to v*ar-»*fage. bla«'k complexion,erect,
' lit' i- goiug .sbour the
ountrv working on’ his • w, account without any au
thorny iK d*ub:U 'has a false ticket. He claims a
sville, and OM •
O'v * ;i*y ' Fact«*vv 1 have heard of his be ng in
Brake, >. *l« a and Washington counties, and also over
ac'atv.uia. AH persons are hereby cautioned agahist
.mp '> ► said b->\. 4>r any of my other mechanics, with*
jr.v> v tf' JOHN 11* FITTRN. Augusta. Ga.
J . 'reward !
OTOI.TN fr i« . . ■ r.bor. on the night of the Ith
O past, a nail M e Lather POCK.CT BOOK, eon
tv.KV 0r... Sd‘2 or sls in u.*nry ar. l two notes. one
i•• >. d and -avocent-, nade ;>v James M. at.vt William
U \Vh : payable tc me, dated *2h!h January. 1850, due
•tv*. Ivp intks ; the other for $«7 50. made bv A. E.
Dan-.Kely. pi., a >lc to J V. Stone, dated about the Cd of
D ov . * e;,c day .' tier date, aud otic small note
in myself, wh’.i-h I t»A pah!, and tom off the name. 1
will ,;s. thou e for the recovery
and »s N n quest>..ni AU person* are hereby cautioned
-. • to trade t r sa d cote*, and the makers uot to |ay
it S I*\NNl.l.!,\
February 13, 1856.
SJO REWARD.
|) \\ \W.\Y, muj the subscriber. residing In Put-
IV t V tv. *; «*r Mo-.u!. in August l**t. my Negro
M.i » itAXK Ilf tsaUcut -V* rears old, five fNt ten in
cl ' hi . •<! . ;• ha* a slight impediment in hit
. , jp He w«
LuVivna and h.is t>eeu :a Georgia about two years
ran al-ow reward will be paid 1 r hi* delivery to me,
or t' nm v.:! that lean get him.
JOHN A. HARRIS
T S j*h —■ R-v\ d- rt» ill publish till forbid, and for
ward a*c vtwt to thl* otu. e for payment
WARRENTON, GEORGIA.
1 HAVE now at the Drag Store la Warrcnton. Geo.,
a ull a- 'runout of almost every article usually
kept bv n- which I uo« offer at unusually law
pr:c*s tor gvc<l ciedit, er 1 will sell for 10 per ecu: less for
o**o. the Tear round.
Hereuisvbe found almost all tK> FAIF.NT MF.PI
CINE* of the lav cl TOILET ARTICLES;
SOAPS: PE U FI" MERY: EXTRACTS for the Haad
ke-'hiefsand Cuiinarv parp >: d» icious TEAS from
PrW u Tea Goiana v : BOTANIC MEDICINES, line
&EGAR3 and roBACCO; SNI FF, by the pound and
InUouies. PAINTS OILS GLASS TI TTY. TOT
A*’.l NOD A. HAIR OILS, COLOGNE. INKS. Ac
r.aiuar» and o*her* will end d to tin .r interest to l uy
oi me i * I k-ep p ire and reliable arti« tea and *ell a*
cheap aa those who keep an inferior article.
Call exainire. and <at >;V yourself
R W HUBERT. M D.
Warren ton. Geo., April 5.185A ap6-w3m
li >t OiTn vut \r% —uKUtK. —
COURT OF ORDINARY, JUNE TERM. 165 d
I; ai to the Curt by me p ut-.oaof Jane Mer
mas Mereier, Henry P Merrier,
Janie- N Eliza Mervn r. and Frances Mereier.
fc. ea ;.i,rvier JiUf Mtrcier. Lara. M»rct«-r »nd Wtl
lubM >i< -ci.T minors by Jfcetr n.-it friend. Henry P
he. .»; i»w es He ry F. Merrier. l»t« of ,auj
ooan'e. .. ea led. that Nieta-.iM t« Bark*ja.e .are of
ratd ee .-MV. deeded. d.d in hi, iifa tune .xeenteto .aid
F Mercicr, then in life, hi? bond condition** to
execute title* to said Henry F Merrier for two tracts
land oathewnten* of Soap Creek, adjoining land.* of
said M©rcier,’kudother*, eootamuig, or to contra, t tv#
Hundred Acres ; and .t tanker appearing that said Ntcb
oiae G BarkwUUe ha- departed tt > life without execu
ting title' to said tra’t of lawi to -.ad H«*ry * Mereier,
whlif* rt life nor to his heirs since Lis death, or in any
wav pmvUluig therefor . and it appearing that *aid Hen
ry F Mi rcier w hen in life, paid the foil amount of the
parch*?. y e for said tract of land, and vour■petitioners
above named, lieirs at law ofsa d Henry F Mereier, de
ceased. Ua\ vug petitioned this Court to direct Thoma- A.
Barks Ulc an » James h W liis, administrator? of the e*-
tate ot said N cbolaa G Barksdale, debased, to execute
to your petitioner* titles U> said tract of land :
It is theret, .e hereby ord red, that notice be given at
three or u. e places ,n saul county, and in some public
gazette, ft>jr three months, of such application, that all
pai si us concerue ’ tj: y file objections in office, if any
the> have, why sad Thomas A. Barksdale and Janies li.
administrators. a» aforosaid, should not exacute
titles •: siiid tract -*f lard, in c us. rniity with said
bond ai.d i-j terms of the law, in each cases made and
provided.
A true extract from the ilinntes of the Court of Ordi
nary, this June 4, lesb.
Jan.'? leVi B. F. TATOM. Ordinary.
‘ notice
I H AVE a good COOK. DASHER and IRONEK for
su..e ab-mt I.i years © with a verv iikelv chhd two
years Id. Air- rive or «ix likely BOYS, fsx>m »ix to
prilvt v. art old, which c*u be o lalaed low, for cask or
° r P “ JMU. »N
C|nmick ti
for (he Chronir.tr -V Sentinel.
TO MV BROTHER, T L. F.,
On seeing him weep while Sick.
Fondly lov’d Brother ? why do you weep *
I* it because you dread death's cold sleep *
Or a Father’* -igh—a Mother** tear —
Or* Bi.-tcr'* grief, that you now fear *
Is it f«;r the friend* you leave behind.
That sorrow u;>on your brow I find ?
Do you drea*i to lay your youthful head
Upon the narrow coffined bod ?
Oh • is ii because the hope of day
Sheds now its la-t, *ad, lingering ray.
And «eems to say that to morrow’s *uu
May find tby short life w ell nigh run ?
Or, E it b( cause you fear to die,
And in you lonely grave yard lie t
Look ip, my Brut bar I Ah, look ;•> God ?
For, once, He lay beneath the -fA
Weep not, Brother—though tempest-riven—
Hut, rtrmember tby friend* in Heaven.
They're more in number than we on earth—
• Tis hut half that now meet round our hearth.
Ye* f here is the Brother’s empty seat,
Scarce one short year since we heard hi* feet:
Since we .-aw Iris calm yet earnest face.
But, now', he ha- run his mortal race.
And where’s the Sister, whose flute-like voice,
A low months since, made the heart rejoice ?
I* it not there you will meet her, too,
With others, who went like morning dew -
*Tis for us, to weep, whose bitter doom.
Is to lay thee in the narrow tomb ;
While we are mourning thine early fate
Angels aw ait thee at Glory's gate.
Leng have we watched the sa l decay.
And the hollow cough heard day by day ;
Have marked the hectic flush too well
To doubt, that wc soon must say farewell.
My only brother' weep no more—
Heavenward let tby spirit -oar.
Even while we mourn, we ll think of thee.
In the land of Id is- beyond life's *ea.
lion. Win. 11. Crawford.
The following graphic sketch of the great Geor
gia Statesman, is from Benton’s second volume of
“ Thirty Years in the U. »S. Senate
He was among the few men of fame that i have
seen, that aggrandized on the approach—that hav
ing the reputat on of a gr* dt man, became great< r,
as he was more closely examined. There won every
thing about him to impress the beholder favorably
and grandly—in stature, “ a head and shoulders’’
above the common race of men, justly proportion
ed, open couuteuancc, manly features, ready and
impressive conversation, frank and cordial manners.
I saw him for the first time in 1820, when lie was a
member of Mr. Monroe’s Cabinet—when the array
of eminent men was thick—when historic names of
the expiring generation were still on the public
theatre, and many of the new generation (to be
come historic) w ere entering upon it, and he seem
ed to compare favorably with the foremost. And
that wua the judgment of others. For a long time
he rvas referred to generally, by public opinion, as
the first of the new men who were to become Presi
dent. Mr. Monroe, the last of the revolutionary
stock, whs passing off; Mr. Crawford was his as
sumed successor. Had the election come on one
term sooner, he would have been the selected man,
but iiis very eminence became fatal to him. lie
whh formidable to all the candidates, and ull com
bined against him. He was pulled down in 18*21;
but at an age, with an energy, a will, a talent and
force of character, whicli would have brought him
up within a few years, if a foe more potent than
political combinations had not fallen upon him; he
was struck with paralysis before the canvass was
over, but still received an honorable vote, and
among such competitors as Jackson, Adams, mid
Clay. But his career was closed as a national man,
and State appointments only attended him during
the remaining years of his life.
Mr. Crawford served in the Senate during Mr.
Madison’s administration, aud was the conspicuous
mark in that body,. then* pre-eminent for its able
men. He had a copious, ready and powerful elocu
tion—spoke forcibly and to the point—was the Ajax
of the ad ministration, and as such, had constantly’
on ins hands the splendid array of federal gentle
men who then held divided empire in the Senate
chamber. Senatorial debate was of high order then
—a rivalsliip of courtesy as well ns of talent; and
the feeling of respect for him was not less in the em
battle phalanx of opposition, than in the admiring
ranks of his own party- He was invaluable in the
Senate, but the state of Europe—then convulsed
with tlx; approaching downfall of the Great Empe
ror—our own war with Great Britain, and the un
certainty of the new combinations which might be
formed—nil required a man of head and nerve—of
mind and will, to represent the United States at the
French Court; and Mr. Crawford was selected for
the arduous post. He told Mr. Madison that the
Senate would be lost if he left it, (and it was) but a
proper representative in France in that critical
juncture of Europe, was an overpowering consider
ation—and lie went. Great events took place while
he was there. The Emperor re appeared and fell
again. But the interests of the United States were
kept untangled in European polities, and the Ameri
can Minister was the only one that could remain at
his post in all these sudden changes. At the mar
velous return from Elba, he was the sole foreign
representative remaining at Paris. Personating the
neutrality of his country with decorum and firm
ness, he succeeded in commanding the respect of
ull, giviug offeuce to none. From hi* high critical
post he was called by Mr. Monroe, at liis first elec
tion, to be Secretary of tlx; Treasury, and, by pub
lic expectation, was marked for the Presidency.—
There was a desire to take him up ut the close of
Mr. Monroe's first, term ; but a generous and honor
able feeling would not allow him to become the
competitor of his friend ; and before the second
term was out, the combinations had become 100
strong for him. Ho was the last candidate nomina
ted by a Congress caucus, then fallen into great dis
repute, but immeasurably preferable, as an organ of
public opinion, to the convention of the present day.
He was the dauntless foe of nullification ; and while
he lived, tlmt heresy could not root in the patriotic
soil of Georgia.
Russian Anecdotes. —The Times’ Vienna cor
respondent writes : “Ah reiiuble news from Russia
is scarce, two or three anecdotes connected with the
recent visit of the Emperor Alexander to Warsaw
will hardly be unacceptable to your readers. The
concluding phrase of the monarch's speech, ‘I " ill
bo severe, if necessary,* was neither more nor less
than an appendix. Before he uttered it the Empe
ror had prepared to ret he, but meeting the eye of
IVmee Oortsehakoff, the statesman, he turned and
added, as an after-thought, the sentence above
minted. At the grand ball given by the nubility to
the Emperor, the Countess Alexandra Poctockawas
empowered by the other Polish ladies to do the
honors. Shortly before the Emperor arrived, the
Princes Oortsehakoff, the wife of the Statlmlder,
walked up to the countess and u*ked her to aid her
i th'lui prttcr In main) in receiving the Emperor and
his suite. To tin* request the haughty Polish lady
briefly replied that, as she represented the givers of
the ball, she herself should receive the Emperor, and
required no assistance. According to Russian eti
qnette, no subject who Is not attached to the court
can dance with the princesses of the blood. A
voting lieutenant ot Itussars, iguorant of the estab
lished etiquette, asked the (fraud Duchess Olga to
dance with him, and she, who saw by his ‘orders'
tliat he was a ‘Crimean,' oonseuted. The Emperor,
who saw his sister ‘polking’ with the young *sub,’
sent for the latter as soon as he lmd left his partnc**,
and smilingly told him that he hi d committed an of
fence against etiquette. ‘As I hear,’ continued the
good-natured monarch, ‘that you distinguished
yourself greatly at Sevastopol, I take you into my
*A«\jutantur :* and now. as you are attached to the
court, you can dance with the Grand Duchess again
if she has no objection.' ”
Mokmonis.m in St Louis. —The following affair
was related to us this morning, by a gentleman
whom we consider good authority. A few weeks
ago, a man calling himself Abraham, and claiming
t«> be a high priest of the Mormon Church, at Salt
Lake City, arrived in this city ostensibly to pur
chase goods, lie visited freely among the Mormon
families here, aud made himself quite at home. He
assumed to take a peculiar interest in a widow lady
and daughter living on Morgan street, and finally
proposed to add both of them to the number of his
wives, of whom he said lie had several at Salt
Lake.
Neither mother nor daughter were favorable to
this arrangement, but the patriarch was not to be
foiled. He told them that they had been sealed to
him by the Almighty, aud he meant to have them,
nolens volens. A lew evenings ago he went to the
house, and still finding them intractable, said that as
they were spiritluilly his wives, he would exercise
the authority of u husband, and so closed the door
and locked it, and attempted to force them to his
will. The daughter resisted successfully, and after
scratching the reverend scouudrtTs face pretty well,
made her escape.
The mother was finally forced to succumb, and
was outraged. The next dav she went before the
bishop of the Mormon Church, and entered a com
plaint against herspiiitual husband, and so the mat
ter rests. On being asked why she did not make
icr oomplaiut before one of the courts, she replied
that it was a matter for the church to settle ana not
the law.—*S,'. Lotus Ev< nit. g Sesrs.
A Heroic Woman. —A on board the
‘•Northern Indiana ' gives an account of the narrow
-mw of Cicero Fowler and wife of Tully. There
was but one life preserver for Mrs. F. and her hus
band . he insisted imperatively that she should put
it on : she peremptonlv refused, say it g she “was in
poor health ana his life was worth far more than
Here!*’ The preserver having no strap, Mrs. F.,
•.or* the bent from her dress, and fastened it to her
husband, whom she continued to encourage, saying
she could hold on to him. and if the preserver could
not sustain them both, she would be the one to let
go and leave him to save himself.
The tire was getting hotter and hotter. The wa
ter was thick with human forms .struggling tor life :
she tore h-r bonnet, already on fire, from her head,
and hand in hand with one she loved better tfcau
hreeelf, took the dangerous leap. As thev arose
trom the water Mr. Fowler assisted his wife in pro
curing a good hold of him on or about the shoulders*.
>!.e wiped the water from his mouth and eyes, and
encouraged him to retain his hope of being' saved.
He continued to struggle with the waves. Half au
hour elapsed and there were no signs of assistance
His strength was rapidly failing . his wife observing
it. tried to cheer him. lie *aid he could not stand
it any longer ; it seemed as though he must give up.
At that moment she heard a steamer coming rapidiv
through the water. She says : ‘My dear husband,
a few moments more and we are sale. Don't you
near a boat coming !” He said be did. and imme
diately revived, made all the effort in his power,
and struggled for himself and heroic wife until the
• Mississippi ’ came up and took them, with scores
of others, on her commodious decks. —Syracuse
Jon rna!.
The bv-iTTER* shirking —A Word to the
American i’-v.o.— The Buck-a-niere are squirming
awfrllv under the exhibition of the record of their
candidate and the defection to Fremont of his Dutch
and Roman friends. The Foreign question is up
praticailt/ before the people of the South, and in its
new aspects is decimating the ranks of the bogus
Democracy. The press of that party are therefore
using every device of ingenuity and desperation
to attract often*u*n to side i-'suc — to get on ground
trhere they have tome chance to stand.
li the American press dix* its duty, it wifi hold
the bogus Democratic prrss k» to its platform and
foretgnisn. Thev have made their bed with the
Dutch —compel ttem to lie down therein* The
country is beginning to see that the moat efficient
enemies of slavery are the freshly imported thou
sands from Germany and Sweden. The Protestant
Irish and other natives of Great Britain who come
as individuals and really intermingle with our peo
ple. in the South, aimmrt in variably become good
Southern men—the course of the Germans in Mary
land and New Orleans show where they are going to
stand eventually. Let the Amerieau press keep
these facta before the people of the South.—Montgo
mery Mat/.
Nineteen steamers are advertised to leave Amen
can ports for Europe during the present month, and
seventeen will leave European ports for America
Beuri.il on l« e .Slate of Polities.
A Speech Delivered at St. Ijjuis op Saturday
June 2 1,’53.
After the enthusiastic cheering which his appear-
the stand excited, had subsided Co!. Ben
tos said:
Citizen- • 1 appear before vou in an unexpected
character —that ot candidate for the Governorship
of the Btate o. Missouri. It was a p ace which I
had r.ot sought, hut which I feel bound to accept in
the present condition of the country —its peace
grea ly endangered both at home and "abroad, m d
asrvici of aP good <: ■ . .
venting the double calamity otcivil and foreign v. ar
The nomination for President made at Cincinnati
encouraged me in the hope of seeing those calami
ties averted, aixi has chiefly contributed to my pres
cut cours**. I will assist the new President (fori
look upon Mr. Buchanan’s election a.- certain in
doing what I am very sure he will do, tl.ar is to suy,
all in his powe r to preserve the peace of the connin',
at home and abroad, and to restore the fraternal
feelings between tlx- different sections of the Union,
now so lamentably impaired. I shall have to make
some speeches, but not such as are usually made i i
a political canvass. Attacks upon the opposite par
ty or parties usually constitute the burden of such
speeches; they are proper in other canvasses, but
not commendable in a canvi m for the Governorship
If elected, the candidate becomes the Governor of
the State, not of a party; and should so demean
himself as to give evidence of an impartial adminis
tration, and assurance of a respectful intercourse
with all who may have occasion or who may feel an
inclination to call upon him.
Acting upon these principles, 1 shall make no dis
paraging reference to the parties opposed to me. I
shall applaud my own party—the same which twen
ty years ago gave an exalted Democratic character
to the State—but say nothing derogatory of others.
In standing where 1 have stood forty years in this
State, and fur all my years of manhood before*!
came to the State, I sufficiently show the preference
which I give to my own without impugning or dis
paraging others. I merely say that sectional, < r
one-idea parties, have always received my opposi
tion- far more than the Whig party, which, being
national, and resting on a broad foundation, was
the same with the Democratic in the ultimate ob
ject—the general good—tiiougL differing about the
means of obtaining it. With these few remarks I
say nothing more about parties, nor shall I say any
thing about myself. I rely ujhjii a long public life,
full of incident, to answer every question that con
cerns me—merely reminding my fellow citizens that
I am not a man *<»f changes—that what they have
known me in the past, I am still in the present, arid
expect to be in the future. I proceed to speak of
the public affairs, now more troubled and disorder
ed tiian I have ever known them. Citizens, 1 take
for my text the farewell words of the Father of his
Country, addressing his last advice to the children
over whom he had watched and guarded, and from
whom he was about to be parted forever. A father
about to die collects his children around bim, be
stows his paternal benediction upon them; exhorts
them to fraternal affection . utters a prayer for
their happiness, aixl resigns his soul to bis Maker.
Uppermost in his thoughts, and deepest in his heart,
is the wish for family harmony, and for brotherly
and sisterly affection. Peace in the family circle
is the last aspiration of his lips—the last pulsation
of his bosom. He dies praying for peace aipong
liia descendants.
Such in the lust farewell °i the natural futher,
nartiug from the off'pi ing of his loins. Washington
In# no children of his loins, but he took to himself
u whole nation of beloved and cherished children.—
He was the Father ol his Country! aud dying, he
imitated the natural father, and left his benediction,
his paternal blessing—his last advice—and his eternal
words to tiie national family which he had adopted,
whose infancy he had protected, and whose future
welfare and greatness was the supreme object of his
heart. Peace and harmony was his prayer. No
jealousies or heart burnings—no sectional divisions
nr antipathies —no geographical distinction—no
North —no South —was the prayer of his soul and
the burden of his invocation: and that last and pa
ternal prayer lias been granted until lately. A tran
sient cloud, dark and portentous, had sometimes
threatened to mar the general harmony; hut wise
and patriotic men by safe and gentle measures, had
always carried off' the threatening storm, and left
pence and sunshine to overspread the land. Four
years ago we seemed to have attained the highest
point of our harmony aud felicity. Wo were in the
tullest enjoyment of Washington’s wish. The har
mony and fraternal affection of the Union was com
plete. The felicity of the people, both politically
and socially, was ut its highest. A President was
elected with unparalleled unanimity—twenty-seven
States out of thirty one voting for the same man,
and he a Northern man. Two-thirds of each House
of Congress corresponded in sentiment with the
President—showing a unanimity in the national
councils never before witnessed ut the accession of
u new administration.
The commencement of the session of Congress,
1853-4 wus a political millenium. Universal har
mony prevailed. A brotherly feeling pervaded the
two Houses.* National good will, and a desire to do
well the public business was the temper of all. It
seemed that nothing could ruffle or mar the univer
sal good feeling which prevailed. Two members
from the free States tried it and failed. They de
livered their customary harangues upon the evils of
slavery ; their harangues fell dead upon the floor—
and were not repeated. They died out under the
cold and silent indifference of the House. Abolition
agitation was dead —extinct under public opinion
and the laws of the land, which had settled it every
where, aud left not an inch ot territory on which the
question of slavery could be raised. It has been
circulated that the compromise measures of 1850
settled it : it is a mistake, it was settled before, and
f he merit of that session was, not that ol setlling any
question, but that of not disturbing what had been
already settled. Its non-interference Mas mui-iti
iuterfereuce with the law, and the lesson it taught
was, the wise lesson to let the laws alone. There
w as not a square inch of territory at that time in the
Union, on which the slavery question was not al
ready settled bylaw. Look over the map of the
Union and you will see it. In the remnant of the
North-west territory above Wisconsin, it was set
tled by the ordinance of 1?<8< ; in the former prov
ince of Louisiana, it was settled up to the Rooky
Mountains, and out to the liritish line by the Mis
souri Compromise line ot 1820; in Oregon it was
settled by the organic Territorial law of 18-18 ; iu
Mexico, Utah and California, it was settled by the
law's of Mexico ; in the District ol* Columbia it M’ae
settled by the laws of the State from which the dis
trict, had been acquired.
This constitutes the entire extent of the United
States’ territories at that time —all quiet under the
operation of the existing laws, and no way open to
the slavery question anwhere, except by repealing
some of those laws, and that was a thing which the
Congress of 1850 would not do and did not do. At
tempts were made to repeal the Mexican nuti
slavery laws in New Mexico, Utah and California ;
Congress refused to do it. Attempts were made to
extend the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific
Ocean ; Congress refused to extend it. Attempts
M ere made to confirm the Mexican luu r s by the
Wilmot Proviso; Congress refused to adopt the
proviso. It would pass no new Jaw upon the sub
ject of slavery, because, to do that it would require
the repeal of some existing laws, and thereby re
open the slavery question. Congress refused to
pass the Wilmot Pryviso, because the Mexican laws
in the territories to which it M as applied had already
abolished slavery there, and the proviso, while un
necessary itself to the object of its friends, was pes
tiferous by re opening the slavery agitatiou. At
the session of 1 §SO, aud before it commenced the
question of slavery legislation had been foreclosed
throughout the whole extent of our territories; fore
closed by previous legislation, and Congress re
fused tore-open the question by repealing, abroga
ting, or altering in any way that previous legisla
tion. This Mas the state of the Slavery question
and the Slavery agitation, when the first Congress
met under Mr Pierce's administration, in tne ses
sion of 18>3-1. The agitation M as dead, legislation
M as closed up upon it; there was no way to re-open
she question but to abrogate or repeal some existing
law: no way to get up agitatiou but by breaking
down law : and that was done. A bill Mas brought
in to abolish the Missouri Compromise line, pretexed
upon th»: principles established bv the legislation of
1850.
The pretext was a libel upon the legislation of
that year, and especially upon the memory of Mr.
Clay, who had taken a prominent part in that legis
lation. It was assumed by the authors of the repeal
that the legislation established the principle of non
interference with Slavery in Territories. It was an
assumption M ithout foundation—contrary to fact—-
and contradicted by recorded history. The princi
pies established,so fur as any principle could do es
tablished by negative action, was exactly the con
trary! exactly the principle of not interlering with
existing laws ! exactly tue principle of not re-open
ing the Slavery agitation by altering or repealing
any law that hadforcloscd the subject, and that was
the principle declared in the platform of 1852. And
thus the pretext for the repeal o( the Compromise
was just as unfounded ana gratuitous as the act it
self was deplorable and mischievous. No, citizens !
the authors of that repeal find, not justification, but
condemnation, in the legislation of 1850. And the
further pretext, (for a bad cause requires many pre
text**, and often contradictory and inconsistent ones)
the further pretext that the Compromise was uncon
stitutional and void, is gratuitous and unfounded,
and flagrantly contradicted by the previous conduct
of its authors—all of whom are ou the record, in
votes or in speeches, for the validity of that Cow-
K-.'-.nise, up to the time of the plot to destroy it.—
Ti.cy had voted for it iu the Oregon Territonal bill
of I sl lß — iu the California Bill of iß6o—in the Min
nesota territorial act—and above all, in the Texas
annexation resolutions of 1845.
This latter instance is an overwhelming argument
in this case, and too little known to the public, and
needs the elucidation of a preliminary statement to
develop its nature, and to give force *to its applica
tion. That statement is this : contemporaneously
with the enactment of the Missouri Compromise was
the retrocession of Texas to Spain . aud not the
Texas as Spain had held it, bounded on the Red
River, but as we retroceded it extending north to
the Arkansas River, and to that part of it which
was north of 36 degrees 30 minutes north latitude.—
Here, then, was room for a Slavery question, when
Texas came to be annexed in ls4o. She was a
slaveholding country. Her constitution and laws
admitted Slavery. The institution covered her ter
ritory—extended to all her borders—consequently
extended to the Arkansas River; for her boundary
came to that river in north latitude 3? and 38, and
followed the river up to its source in the Rocky
Mountains. Here, then, was a case for a future
question, which prudence required to be immediate
ly provided for; and it wa* done. It was clear that
o*ue half of the compromise line was abrogated by
the laws and constitution of Texas, and that the
slave institution, to the extent of that abrogation,
was extended north beyond the parallel 36 deg. and
30 miu.. and that it would remain so until the Texi&n
law# should be altered—which alteration could only
be made by herself, if she should be admitted without
previously providing for the case. To do nothing
was to yield to the abrogation ; to re establish the
line was to affirm both the constitution power, and
the politieal expediency of doing so ; and this was
done ! not only in the abrogated part, but in all its
length and breadth! in its whole length from the
south west corner of Missouri to the summit of the
Rocky Mountains : and in its whole breadth, north
and south, as far as the United States territory ex
tended. Here is the act :
“Article 111 —New States of convenient size, not
exceeding tour in number, and having sufficient pop
ulation. may hereatter, bv the consent of said State,
be formed out of the territory thereof, which shall
by entitled to admission under the provisions of the
Feucra; Constitution. And such States as inav be
formed out of that portion of said territory lying
South of thirty six degrees thirty minute*
latitude, commonly known a# the Missouri Compro
mise Line, shall be admitted into the Union with or
without Slavery, the people of each Slate asking
adiniss on may desire and in such state or States
as shall be formed out of said territory north of
the said Missouri Compromise Line, Slavery or
invohintary servitude, except for crime.) shall be
prohibited."
These were the words of the Annexation Resolu
tion and they are a clear re-enactment of the origin
al Missouri Compromise ! and a re-enactment made
at the instance of the Free States, which would not
otherwise vote for admission. And now, who made
that enactment ? I answer, the same party who
made the first one —the South—comprehending
every member of Congress who voted tor the an
nexation of Texas, and also Mr. Calhoun, who drew
the resolutions and prompted their passage, and hur
ried them off in the expiring moments of Mr Ty
ler s administration for the acceptance of Texas I
do not read their names—the list is too long but
they may be seen in the Thirty Yeaxs View. in the
chapter which treats of the admission of Texas. I
will only say that the names of many who deny the
constitutional power of Congress to’ legislate upon
slavery in a territory—the narnec <>f many who
figured in the destruction of the M issouri Compro
mise—are in the list; and must be torever estopped,
by their own aot. from deuying the power which
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 13, 185(5.
say I was a compact with Texas. Granted, and so
much the worse for them. Out of the frying pan
into the fire. It could be only a compact under the
Constitution: and as a compact with a foreign
power, could never be altered without its consent,
it was a compact with Texas, and also something
more. It was a compromise between the Free and
the Slave States—a new compromise—a new con
stitution, and for a consideration like that of the
Missouri line. < nsuring to the benefit of the slave
States. The Missouri Compromise gained tin* ad
mission of Missouri as a slave State into tlx Union.
The Texas Compromise admitted one -lave Mate,
and provided for the admission of three more. Both
were valuable to the South ; and the Texas Com
promise mos» so. Neither could be violated without
a oreach of faith; and iu the case of the Texas Com
promise the breach would be double—both against
the compact with Texas and the Compromise with
the free States. But I have another answer for
those who plead this compact. They consider it as
only applying to the part < T the line abrogated by
the Texan laws. No such thing. It is applied to
the whole hue, aud is a new and independent emet
ment of the whole.Jine, and that by its astronomical
character, only referring to the Missouri line as de
acriptive ; and able to stand without reference to
that line as well as with it. It h a complete prohi
bition of Slavery North of 30 deg. 30 min. It re
quired the same power in Congress to make it which
was required to make the original Missouri Compro
mise. It is a full and perfect re-enactment of that
Compromise, and was so treated by all the speakers
at that time, and especially by Mr. Buchanan, then
member of the Senate, and a leading .advocate for
the annexation—who said .-
“The resolutions went to re-establish the Missouri
Compromise by fixing a line within which slavery
was to be forever confined. That controversy
flic Missouri question—had nearly shaken this
Union to its centre in an earlier and better period
• •four history ; but this compromise, should it now
be re established, would prevent the recurrence of
similar dangers hereafter. Should this question now
be left open for one or two years, the country would
be involved m a continued struggle. We should
witness a feverish excitement iu the public mind.—
Parties would be divided on the dangerous and ex
citing question of abolition, and the irritation would
reach such an extreme as to endanger the safety of
file Union itself, but close it now, aud it would* be
closed forever. Was it desirable again to have the
Missouri question brought home to the people, to
goad them to fury ? The great question between
the two great interests of our country h id been dis
cussed and decided (iu the Missouri Compromise)
and from that moment lie had sat down his foot on the
solid ground then established, uud there he could let
the question stand forever. Who could complain of
that co- promise ?”
lie spoke ot Mr. Buchuuuu in the year 1854—tlx;
last year of his service in Congress; and it is well
known that his sentiments continued the same until
that solid foundation on which he meant to stand
forever, and on which he held the harmony and the
existence of the Union to : « st, was taken from un
dt-i his feet: snatched from under him by the hands
of others during his absence from the country, and
when he It id no power to raise his voice against the
parricidal desiiuction. Being destroyed, he takes
the part of wisdom and moderation. Ile lets bud
enough alone. He will not make bad worse by at
tempting to restore what has been destroyed. To
heal existing wounds, and not to open new ones, is
his policy ; to reconcile exasperated brethren, and
•not to increase their exasperation, is his aim; and
iu this benignant aitn every good citizen should
join. The re enactment of the Missouri Compro
mise at the admission of Texas was an era and u
resting point iu our Slavery legislation, and as such
was often referred to and relied upon by public men
and commended to perpetual observance. It was
called the “Texas Compromise.'’ and was consider
ed a confirmation oft lie first one, and a new one
within itself. In that light was treated, on a solemn
occasion, by President Polk. In his message ap
proving the Oregon Territorial Act in 1818—the
last year of his administration, and which act pro
hibited Slavery in Oregon—lie took occasion to refer
to the “Texas Compromise, ’’ and to present it ns
an independent measure, growing out of the same
circumstonces and the sume spirit which had pro
duced the Missouri Compromise, and like it, not to
be violated without endangering the Union. In tlmt
message he -aid:
“When Texas was admitted into our I 'nion, the
same spirit of compromise which guided our pre
decessor in the admission of Missouri a quarter of
u century before, prevailed without any serious
opposition. The Joint Resolutions for annexing
'Texas to the United States, approved March f,
1845, provides: ‘That such Stab s as may be form
ed out of that portion of said Territory lying south
of 36 deg. 30 min. north latitude, commonly known
as the Missouri Compromise line, shall be admit
ted into the Union with or without Slavery, as the
people of each State asking admission may desire.
And in such State or States as shall be formed <»ut
of the Territory north ot the said Compromise line,
Slavery or involuntary servitude (except for crime)
shall be prohibited.*'
And having thus quoted the act, aud shown that
the Texas Compromise, like its great predecessor,
also settled a great Slavery agitation, Mr. Polk
goes on to class the two compromise* together, to
invoke equal perpetuity t*» each, and to foretell
equal dangers to the Union from the violation (»1
either—saying;
“Ought we now to disturb the Missouri and Tex
as Compromises 7 Ought we, at this late day. in
attempting to annul what lias been so long esiab- :
fished and acquiesced iu, to excite sectional c.ih i
ions and jealousies—to aleninte the people of Iht ;
different portions of the Union from euqh otlu r— '
and to endanger the existence ot the Union itself !’* j
To this impressive appeal, J, as your representa
tive, when the portentous question was legislative,
ly put in the session of Congress 1853—1 answered
No! but a majority in Congress answered Yes ! and
with that answer of the majority has come every
evil deprecated by Mr. Polk—-jealousies, divisions,
animosities, sectional hate, danger to the Union ;
and the country rapidly separating into two geo
graphical parties, enraged against, each other. For
that answer I lost the favor of my State, and regret -
ted it—regretted the loss of a favor I bad so long
enjoyed, but not the vote. <)ftbat lam proud, end
would not revoke it this day for the honors of the
earth. (Great applause—loud cries of “No ! no!
you do not lose their favor/’J But l lost the ollice,
which was the sign of the favor. I know the scheme
of those who contrived the deed, and the hard
work they had in bringing some of its subsequent
champions up to the sticking point. It was u plot
of political power, hatched by politicians unknown
to the people, and intended to make Presidents by
welding Slave States into a. unit upon the Slavery
question, governing the nomination by the two
thirds rule, and procuring from the free States by
dint of federal patronage, the twenty-nine votes
which were necessary to carry the election. This
was the plot and hard was the work to get it, along.
The bill was reported without the repealing section,
the fault of the omission was laid upon u copying
clerk, although the report which accompanied the
bill declared the omission, and stated the reason for
it—and although one of the party declares he forced
tlie author to put it in. They hard work to puss it
—menacing the aspiring, coaxing the weak, seduc
ing the venal. Indemnity in public offices was
openly promised to those who would betray their
constituents.—a promise which lias been faithfully
kept! and the only one of all that it made, which
has been kept by this administration—witness the
violated pledges about the Pacific Railroad, the re
duction of duties, and a long list of others. Finally,
the deed was done—the deed from which Mr. Cal
houn recoiled ; but the harvest has not been reaped.
The President and his file-leader took the field for
the reward ; they both entered the list of the Cincin
nati Convention, and were both miseraly defeated—
repudiated by their own party—the first instance of
a President so repudiated in the history of our
country.
I went to Cincinnati to be near that Convention,
the first one I ever approached. 1 went to see how
things went., and to assist a little at a safe nomina
tion. I found a garrison of office holders inside of :
the Convention, and a besieging army of the same «
gentry on the outside of ii.. Packed delegates were |
there, scut to betray the people. Straw delegates j
were there, coming from the States which could give »
no democratic vote. Members , i Congress were
there, although forbid by their duties from being it
such a place. A cohort of office holders from Wash
ington Cicy were there, political eunuebs in the fed
eral system, incapable of voting for the small* at
federal office, yet sent there by the administration
to impose a President upon the people. It was a
sconduloua collection, excluded by the Constitution
from being even electors of the President, and yet
sent by him here to vote for the Administration—
and to” vote upon the principle of the ox that know
eth his master's crib —upon the principle of the ass
that knoweth the hand that feedeth him. Bullies
were there from the Custom House and the Five
Points in New York—all with the approbation of
the administration; for the oftice holders would not
be there from their duties, and drawing
their pay) without the consent of their employers. It
was a scandalous collection. The members of
Congress were in the double breach of their du
ties. They were neglecting their legislative duties,
and doing what they had been interdicted from
doing.
Thirty years ago, the nomination of Presidential
candidates was taken from Congress, on account of
the corruption which it engendered, and given to
delegates, intended to lie fresh from the people, and
to obey their will; and the nomination removed
from Washington to Baltimore, to get out of the
reach of President-making members. But these
members followed to Baltimore, getting proxies
from some delegate when they couldget no appoint
ment from the people ; and to get rid of them—to
get entirely beyond their reach—the Convention
itself was removed from Baltimore to Cincinnati.
Vain effort to escape them. They followed on to
Cincinnati. They broke up Congress to get to this
forbidden place. Surely the new' President will be
very hard-hearted if he does not remember them
when he comes to the distribution of office. From
Washington City came a new corps never before
put upon such sendee —the office-holders in the
city—clerks in the departments—heads of bureaus
—men who have no vote in any Federal election—
political hybrids, unable to act a man’s part in any
election, but sent to Cincinnati, as a life-guard to
support the Administration. Such was the compo
sition of nearly one-half the whole Convention
Custom house officers, postmasters, salaried clerks,
packed delegates, straw delegates, political eunuchs,
members oi Congress, district attorneys, Federal
marshals. The place in which they met’ and which
had been provided by a packed Administration
Committee, was worthy of the meeting. It was a
sort of den, approached by a long, narrow* passage,
barricaded bv three doors, each door guarded k by
armed bullies,’with orders to knock down anyper
son that approached without a ticket from the Com
mittee, and a epecial order to be prepared with
arms to repulse the M’ssouri delegation wh : ch came
to vote for Buchanan—a repulse which they at
tempted. and got themselves knocked down and
trampled under foot. This den had no windows by
which people could look in or see, or the light of the
sun _ enter—only a row of glass like a steamboat
skylight, thirty-five fret above the floor It was
the nearest representation of the “black hole’ in
Calcutta, and like that hole had well nigh become
notorious for a similar catastrophe. The little panes
of glass above were hung on pivots, and turned flat
to let in air. A rain came on—drove into the den—
and to exclude it the panes were turned up. Smoth
ering ! smothering' was the cry in the den and the
glass had to be turned up again. Over this place
was a small box for the admission of spectators, its
approach barricaded and guarded, and entrance
only obtained upon tickets from the same packed
Committee . and to whom they gave tickets was
seen when the first votes were given for Buchanan
—and when each State that voted for him was
hissed—even Virginia ! and the hissing only stop
ped by a threat to clear the galleries. .Sucb is the
bass to which a nomination for President is now
brought.
But this is a view of only one side of theCouven
tion—the Administration side of it. There was an
other side—a majority—on the contemplation of
which it was pleasant to dwell . substantial men,
real delegates. fresh from the people and anxious to
do their will, and the best for the country. Thev
were the majority, but paralyzed by the two-thirds
rule, and cheated and out-manoeuvred in the prelim
inary steps on which the result may often be made
to depend, by the old intriguers who had everything
“cut and dry for the occasion—Committees packed
oincere uxed, rules prepared, platform- drawn up.
It was not until it came to the dead vote that they
stood tor anything. Then they gave their votes to
Bnchanan bat the minority held a veto upon that
nomination in the nullification two-thirds rule,
which was invented tr> enable the minority to go
vern the majority and that game, so success;oily
played before, was intended to be played egaim—
That was the inside of the Convention the outside
presented & different spectacle, and one to gladden
iLbe periotic heart. Tens upon tens of thom-anae ot
the yeomanry of the country .Kentucky, Ohio, In
diana and other States were there—farmers, me
chanics. merchants, professional men. patriotic in
tLniir epint and mit nt upon the public good —and
> come to prevent packed delegates from betraying
i the peopfe. Fifteen hundred, as they told me, came
from one district in Ohio to atteud one of these
scamps, smuggled in by the administration official 5 *;
and they did govern him—made him toe the mark
and vote the will of the district; and so of many
others. Seventy thousand was the estimate of
the number of these patriotic citizens; their weight
of character was still greater than their numbers.—
They were for peace —peace at home and abroad—
and for Buchanan, r*s the best chauce for saving
this peace. They expected the nomination to ha\ e
been tiKidc on the second day : it was delayed
until the tilth, by the management of the minority,
who had the working of the machinery, and staved
off the business : but the farmers would not be tired
out. They would not quit the ground, expensive os ; r
wu3 to remain at their own cost, and to the neglect
or their private business, while office holders wen
allot* public pay, and neglecting, not their own,
but the public basines'. From the first, Buchanan
had the majority on each ballot, fourteen times suc
cessively. An adjournment was had, and the ut
most anxiety prevailed on the subject of what the
night might bring forth. The most sinister rumors
prevailed : it was clear that the old game was to be
played—the majority baffled, worried, tired out .
and then some pet, held in reserve by the old iutri
guers. suddenly produced as the compromise candi
date. The majority in the Convention, aud still
more, the many ten thousands of good citizens on
the outside of it, weie determined that that game
should not be plaveJ. and the resolution was taken
to defeat it by a decided step. It was resolved that
if the minority persevered in tills game the next
day, a resolution should be offered declaring that
Mr. Buchanan having received the majority of the
votes, was duly nominated according to the Demo
cratic principle that the majority was to govern :
aud to proclaim him accordingly. This was the de
termination, and the balloting opened on Friday
morning in away to bring that determination to
the test. Mr. Pierce was withdrawn, and his vote
of sixty, which would have nominated Mr. Buchan
an, was given, not to the majority, but to the minor
ity. It was evident hen. that the old game was
to be played out—that Pierce and Douglas were
in concert, aud that the majority were to be defeated.
The excitement became immense. Several bal
lotiugs were had, when the inside commotion ami
the outside pressure became irresistible. Douglas
was withdrawn, as Pierce had been,.and Buchanan
was nominated in a hurrah. It was a complete take
in to the office-holders (especially those from Mis
souri) who intended, if they could not kill off Bu
chan •!, to elect him—to vote for him at last, when
voting against him would no longer keep him down
crossing over like the i>axon army at tlie battle of
Leipsic; deciding the late ol the day, and claming
for reward their own continuance in office. The
sudden explosive nomination frustrated their plan—
put an end to attempts to kill off Buchnuan—aud
left the trimmers without the merit of saving him.
But they could not give up the chance for the spoils
and shouted loudest, and were (lie first to rim in
to the streets and proclaim Ins nomination ; and will
be among the first to demand reward. The defeat
of tho Amiui.stration has been complete and over
whelming, and of the most mortifying kind. It is a
defeat by his own party, a repudiation by liis own
friends. No President, seeking a second election,
has ever been so repudiated before. Several, so
seeking, have been defeated by their adversaries,
but no.one lias been defeated by his own party.—
The elder Mr. Adams was defeated by the Democra
tic party, then called Republican : the youuger Mr.
Adams was defeated by the same parly ; Mr. Van
Huron was defeated by the Whigs. But each of
these gentlemen had the consolation of having
preserved the respect and confidence of his own par
ty. Not so with Mr. Pierce, lie is repudiate lby
those who bad exalted him. After four years trial,
he is condemned aud throwu away, the v ictiui of his
advisers. It is the most humiliating termination of
a public career that ever was witnessed. His whole
vote was some sixty—oul\ five dozen out of near
three hundred; and if from these are deducted the
intrusive votes which ought not to be couuted—
those of the office-holders, the packed delegates, the
straw delegates, the members of Congress, and the
complimentary vole? which were begged for him to
lessen the shame of the miserable deteat—if all these
were deducted, us they ought to be, lie would be
left w ithout a single vote—left to go out as lie cume
in—with the unanimous consent of his party. Wliut
a fute for a man who came into office upon twenty
seven States, with two thirds of ouch House of
Congress, and the united Democracy of the Union.
After all, the result was due to the place where the
Convention was held. If it had been in Baltimore,
where the outside pressure would have been on
the other side, the office-holders would have car
ried the day. Let it not be forgotten that the
place governed the nomination—the place conve
nient to the solid men of the country ; but that can
not be relied upon to save the future nominations.
The old intriguers—the permanent professional
President-makers—will nut be caught in such a
place again. Thev will go where the tanners can
not come: and there is no safety, except in the
amendment of the Constitution, and giving to the
people a direct vote for President. Already, it is
reported that the next time, they go to Charleston,
8. C\, where no western fannerscau got at them. If
you ask how this can he known now f I answer,
very well.
Each Convention now appoints a committee ol
its own body, thirty one in number, to sit from four
years to four years, aud manage everything. These
committees do the cheating in the recess of the con
vention*. Such a fall announces the most dcplora
Me admiuisi ration which our country has ever seen,
and such is tin* fad. At home and abroad—in all
its acts and policy, both foveigu and domestic—lla
grant misconduct has been the order of the day.—
The field ol its bad acts is too large to admit of a
full survey on an oeeusiou like the present ; 1 can
only seize and present the must prominent, talcing*
those which concern our home affairs first—the for
eign afterward , but, first, 1 must show who J mean
by the Administration, for it by no means consists
of all whose names compost it lathe first place,
then, I do not mean Mr. Pierce—l leave him out
entirely. He i- a kind man, tender-hearted, and
will cry h i ; nylxuj v .. sorrows . but he haw neither
head nor nerve, and i■ as helpless in the hands of
his managers a.- a babe in the ai ms of its nurse. I
have to give a signal instance of this helplessness,
which concerns yourselves us well as myself, and 1
which admits of no question, because I was party to
it mid kuou what 1 say. Mr. Pierce sent for me
soon after his inauguration, (leaning me to call upon i
him the next evening at 8 o’clock. 1 went accord- i
iag to the request. He told mu he wished to speak
to me about the Missouri appointments, aud know
if they could not be put off a while. I answered yes j
—that they were all four years appointments, and
to be out of themselves in the course of the spring
aud summer—that I despised the business of re- ,
moving men who were doing their business well, •
and whose terms would soon expire, and had rather
wail for the vacancy to come ot itself. He replied
that these were exactly his sentiments; and it was
readily agreed that the appointments should stand
over until my return from Missouri, which would be
iu six weeks.
On this agreement, thus volunteered by himself,
I left the city, and in two weeks was followed by a
list of the appointments—and you know what kind
of appointments they were—all made from my ene
mies, and to work in the election against me--a
thing which they have faithfully done and are still
doing. Even the Post Office in my own town was
bo filled as to render it impossible for me to use it,
and drove me to the resource of sending my corres
pondence through Adams & Co. This is what hap
pened between the President anti myself, and is one
of innumerable instances to prove his nullity, in his
own administration. 1 did not get angry with him
for it 1 knew he was sincere at the time he spoke
wit i* me, and pitied his inability to keep his own
wont, voluntarily given, f expressed no resent
ment because I knew they w ould not let him do as
lie wished; but self-respect required me to avoid
bis house, and 1 have not been there since. Still
we meet handsomely when accident brings us to
gether—sometimes meeting in evening rules, when
the respective hats immediately rise high in the air
—sometimes on loot, in an evening walk, when we
rush to the salutation, and so pressingly that an ob
server might suppose it wan a pair ot old bosom
friends—Damon and Pythias—just getting together
again after a long and cruel separation. In the
next place, Ido not mean Mr. Marey. He leaves
himself out by permitting others to dominate in his
department, and by publicly agreeing to what he
privately condemns.
1 leave out also the Secretaries of the Treasury,
of the Interior, of the Navy, and the Postmaster
General, and only condemn them for remaining in
a cabinet in which they are without iutlueuce, and
sharing the odium of measures of which they ha ve
no part in the paternity. This brings me to the Se
cretary of War, and the Attorney General, who.
with an outside force of determined nullifiers, ere
the whole administration. Os these, but little need
be said of the Secretary at War. He is a martinet,
puffed up with West Point science, dogmatical, and
pnigmatical, within his circle; but that circle i-a
narrow one, and he moves uncontrolled within it.
tie is an avowed secessionist. Os the outside force
of nullifiers still l. as remains to be said. They go
vern when they please, and always in the same
style—by presenting a menacing front. Ot till tin sc
the Attorney General is the master-spirit, lie
is a man of talent, of learning, of industry—unscru
pulous, double sexed, double-gendered, and h<r
muphroditic in politics—with a hinge iu hie knew,
which he often crooks, ‘'that thrift may follow saw u
ing.” He governs by subsen'iency ; and io him is
deferred the master’s place in Mr. Pierce’s Cabiuct.
When I heard that he was to come into the Cabinet
I set down Mr. Pierce as a doomed man, and fose
t-:w the swift and full destruction which was to t ul
upon him. I had known Mr. Cushing as an Aboli
tionist, voting against Arkansas because she was a
slave State, and backing Slade, of Vermont, m the
attempt to abolish Slavery in the District ot Co
lumbia. I liad known him as a Whig, attacking the
Democracy and ail their measures ; and as a Tyier
ite, auctioneering offices for Tyler as long as he had
an office to go to the hammer. I could have no
faith in an Administration so led, and foretold its
calamitous fate from the moment it was *cen who
was to be in it.
Now for their acts :
1. The violation of the Missouri and Texan Com
promises. With the facts of this violation, its wick
ed and corrupt intent, and foul means ot gettmg it
done, and its disastrous and bloody consequences,
you are all sufficiently acquainted . and I only name
it to give it its place at the head and front of all the
evil measures of the Administration.
2. Prostitution of the whole appointing powei to
electioneering purposes. This was openly done from
the first moment of its existence. Appointments
were wholly made with a view to affect the sec
tions, State and Federal, and to operate for of
agaiDst particular men ; and for this purpose tne
most unfit characters would be taken in preference
to the best. You know how it was in this btato—
and as it was here so it was everywhere. Nullih.-r»
aud FreeSoikrs. apostates and renegade*—all Were
fish in their net. One single qualification was re
quisite—that of working in the elections—ana the
only preference that seemed to be -h°" D .
favor of those who had been most violent against
this Union. On that principle it was that an editor
was taken and sent into Egypt, not uno bon age,
as better urea have been sent there, but in. Consul
General of the United States . which
published a daiiv paper m W asaingten City for
three years, wholly devoted to the separation ol the
Slave from the Free States . . ,
3. Unfit appointments on foreign missions Ibis
is a mortifying head of accusation against the pr -
sent administration. Never were such men sent
abroad to represent our country - —men without a
particle of the knowledge whteh
and even without manners—without knowing bow
to behave iu company—mere political[demagogues,
to reward them for sen*** past and services to
come at the federal and State e.ecuons. They .end
such abroad in order to give mem indemnity for past
services at the polls, and to enable them to come
back and recommence their partisan labors for
merly the United States Ministers were the pride of
our country, and the admiration ot the courts to
which they- were sent. Talented, educated, replete
with knowledge, polished in manners, modest, vir
tuous—such were fonneriy our Ministers abroad -
What a contrast to those now send abroad
What a contrast to the Rutus Kings the John Mar
shah-, the A Ibert Gallatin-, the John Quincy Adams
the Pickneys, of South Carolina and the Pinkney of
Marviand, the Henry Clays, and the long list of
splendid names which grace our diplomatic annais.
Such appointments as tnia administration makes 1
sptuk of the ma-e. for there are a few exceptions—
are not only a disgrace but an injury to our coun-
U-V. Thev injure our national reputation. They in
jure the whole character of Republican Govern
men:. Many <>f them not only ot bad manner* but
bad morale. Only think of that Dale Owen who
published a newspaper, and wrote a book to abolish
the institution of marriage, and to persuade men and
w. men to live- together like b-asts of the field. He
is to a foreign court lor hid election service*,
and must convey the idea wherever he goes that the
United States is a nation of Mormons returning to
the state of forest animaid But if he moat go, he
has certainly gone to the right place. They sent
turn to Naples, where his doctrine may meet with
less abhorrence than in any other part*of the civil
ized world. Aud all these* missions are multiplied
to the greatest possible extent—sending these unfit
men to places where they have nothing to do. even
if they could do anything, merely to give them their
pay—and where many of them by their vulgarity
and misconduct are excluded from'social intercourse
and confined to the privileges which the treaties se
cure them, and left to the low company which their
manners and tastes requires.
I. Extravagant expenditure is the characteristic
of this administration. Never was such a profli
gate waste of public money seen! Seventy to
eighty millions squandered per annum, and not a
symptom of anv abatement. When Mi. Polk went
out of ofiice, which was after the acquisition of all
our new territories, he computed the annual ex
penses of the Government at twenty-five to twen
ty-six millions; now it is three times that amount
and getting worse. Increase of offices and salaries
—increase ol army and navy—multiplication ol
useless agents to attend to the elections under the
pretext of filling some office—waste ofmonevin
building ships to rot, while refusing a dollar for
the improvement of our great rivers ? such are tlieir
devices to get rid of the public money. Nearly a
thousand dollars a man is now the average cost of
even* man in the army and navy, and the civil pen
sion list of Euffiand proposed tor their farther sup
port. And both army and navy reduced, as fast
as possible, tot he condition of government establish
ments —presidential ami not national institutions.
All appointments are conducted on that principle :
all dismissions and reductions are conducted on the
same. Two hundred officers have lately been
turned out of the navy by an open, scandalous and
criminal perversion of law : and the same operation
is desired to be performed on tho army—the rule
of dismission being to save partisans and favorites,
and to turn out good officers wit hout- regard to ser
vice or character, whose political affinities or con
nections are not approved.
f Violated pledge* rise up in judgment aguiust
this Administration. Ido not allude to the inaugu
ral address : these addresses are now made like pie
crusts—to be broken. I speak of public specific
pledges, openly and solemnly made aud openly
ami scandalously violated. There was the pledge
to reduce unnecessary duties, and get rid of a cor
rupting surplus revenue. That pledge is violated
-has been for four yc.irs—and still is. The enor
mous revenue is kept up to increase patronage, to
purchase worthless land from Mexico, to corrupt
presses, to reward partisans, to strengthen the Go
vernment., to build up armies and navies, and to
fight foreign nations if they can succeed in picking
quarrels with them. Equally public was the pledge
and equally scandalous its violation, to make a na
tional highway to the Pacific Ocean. Four years
ago the pledge was made, the time is out. aud the
pledge not redeemed. The time lias been lost in
making useless and costly surveys for two outsi ie
roads—one for the North and one for the South—
and in tudeavoting to purchase from Mexico slice
after slice to carry the Southern route to Guay mas
on the Gulf of California. Ten millions were given
for one slice ; it was found to be worthless, and be
side. would not include the place. At the last ac
counts further elici ts were making to get another
slice, at another ten or twenty millions, still further
South In the mean time, the plain, direct national
central route is repudiated, although it is now one
third made ; for the railroads west from Baltimore,
Philadelphia aud other Atlantic points, now pene
trate the West, converge to the centre before they
reach the Mississippi. and connect with the Mis
souri road, now complete to the centre of the State,
and advancing to the western border. Yet this di
rect national route, though one-third made, is rejec
ted and repudiated fur an outside route through
Mexico, and a ship canal through foreigu territory
in th .‘ Spanish part of America.
0. Neglect of the territorial governments is an of
tence of this administration. Political partizans and
pot-house demagogues are sent out to fill all their
officqj)—men unfit if they wen; disposed, but mere
ly eleetioueerers, engaged iu the state aud federal
elections, while the protection of the Gene ral Gov
ernment is utterly unknown, and violence, blood
shed and disorder overspread the land. Beulc
whose ascendance over the savage mind charmed
the Indians into iufuutile submission, was dismissed
because he could not electioneer, to make room for
a pot-house demagogue, who could do nothing else.
California, Oregon, New Mexico, are all tin* scene
of bloody outrage. Indian wars rage—private mur
der prevails—law is impotent—-the federal officers
are of no account, aud tin* citizens are driven to the
necessity ot providing for themselves. I need not
mention Kansas; the condition of that blood-stained
ground is sufficiently known to you. 1 will speak
of Utah, where the federal government i:» ignored
and reputiatrd—its laws and authority set at defi
ance. The term of the Mormon governor, Brigham
Young, expired three years ago. As he had thrown
off the authority *>f the United States, it was deter
mined to send him a successor—a military graduate
of West Point—and Captain Steptoe was called
from his pleasant quarters to goon the enterprise.
When Brigham heard it he made a speech to his
people, in which he told them what President
Pierce intended to do, aud what he intended—one
sending a new governor, aud the other intending
to repulse the compliment. It was in that speech
that he said to his people that lie intended to re
main in hi* place until the Lord should say unto
him—“ Brigham, 1 aon't want you to be governor
of Utah any longer." The administration was afraid
of him. and undertook to out manoeuver him, and
that in lie- highest style of West Point tacstics;
they determined to smuggle Steptoe in. For that
purpose the military governor was furnished with
a biittulliou of soldiers, and directed to proceed to
the Mormon Kingdom, as if he was going to Cali
fornia, stop there lo hybernnte, aud watching the
chance, slip into tho governorship some day when
Brigham was out—something like a weasel that
slips into another's hole when he finds the occupant
gone.
When I beard ot this fine scheme, 1 said lo my
acquaintances, and can pfove that I said it, (for l
do not indulge iu ex posl facto predictions,) that the
first time we should hear of Gov ernor Steptoe again,
lie would be ou his tiptoes, inarching to the tune of
“Heigh Betty Martin, tiptoe line,” and so it was.
For, before tuo.hybernation was over, hi was ou
his march in good truth to California, to return
thence to the United States. But there was some
thing else which i did not foresee, which was that
this military Governor carried oft' four dozen of the
Mormon Betty Martins with him, ie the infinite dis
tress of the saints, profoundly chagrined to find j
themselves so encroached upon by the gentiles. But !
it was the last encroachment of the Jund. No more of
tlie United Stales military have been there since, \
and Brigham Young says he has promised the Lord
that if they conic again he will fix them so that they ■
will let his Betty Martins alone. And wliut was the
end of this attempt by tho Administration to give a
government to Utah? Brigham Young hold on to ]
tiie place, and Mr. Pierce stands with hands off, and
the scandalous spectacle is seen of u man assuming
to bo Governor by the will of the Lord, repulsing
the United States authorities, trampling the laws
under foot, insulting aud defying the Federal Go
\ (mment, and no attempt made to reduce him to
law and ord< r. Such is the insurgent condition of
the polygamoud kingdom ol the Latter Day Saiuts.
All have heard of this polygamy —a state of things •
at which morality, decency, shame revolts, and I
have been told how an institution, so abhorrent to
human nature is kept up, and that it is by virtue
of the civil power vested in Brigham and his saints,
still more than by his religious power—that, there
is enough to overturn the institution, if it was not
that all civil power, as well as religious jurisdic
tion, is in the bunds of Mormon authorities ;so j
that this administration is actually responsible to ;
the moral sense of the civilized world fur the [
present continuance of polygamy in the territory of
Utah.
Enough for a view of home affairs, and enough
to account for the unparalleled dismission of this ad
ministration, without the superaddition of miscon
duct abroad; but there is enough of that to have
sunk it without the misconduct at home. Never
was ditch a bellicose administration—picking quar
rels all the time and everywhere—-and building
ships and 1 aiding troops for the inevitable war.—
First, {Spain was the power, Cuba the object, and the
Black Warrior the pretext. You have all heard
about that Black Warrior, and how Commodore
Macauley was sent to Cuba with ships-of-war to en
force redress: and how a Minister was sent to Spain
to demand it. For a long time it was inevitable
war on account of the Black Warrior; upon a sud
den it was hushed up, and but few knew how. I
can tell you. It was hushed up thus : The Minister
that was 1 hen sent to Madrid went to Os tend, after
being for months at his station, the Secretary of
Legation, having charge of the business in his ab
sence, showed the Spanish Minister a Government
dispatch which had been four months on hand, sta
ting the terms on which the United States would
settle it. Upon the instant the terms were agreed
to, and Ihut cherished chance for a war with Spain,
to take Cuba in sell-defence. was lost. But what
followed ! Was th.» Secretary who showed the dis
patch, and settled the diffiulty, thanked by the ad
ministration ? Not at all! lie was dismissed the
service. Was the Minister, who never showed
the dispatch, censured f r the omission ! Not at
all. He was caressed, and continued iu office until
lie chose to ask his own recall. That chance lost,
another was incontinently discovered. Great Bri
tain aud France were going to africanize Cuba.—
Upou the spot the Africanization of Cuba became
the alarm of the Administration, and the war cry of
its adherent, and a war inevitable with Great Bri
tain, France aud Spain, and an alliance with Russia
iu the war upon them, became the burden us their
so ig. At lust Lord Clarendon heard of it, and
learned that this alarm was founded upon unity of
action between England and France >..i Crimea,
and in some mutual complaint Ayres.
He made the-statement over again, and declared he
was not thinking about the United States, or Spain,
or Cuba at the time; and so this terrible Africaniza
tion of Cuba, and the Russian alliance, followed the
melancholy fate of the Black Warrior catastrophe;
and died the death of the ridiculous. Then came the
Ostend Conference, in which the three United States
Ministers were sent to make a platform in relation
to Cuba, which was, the U. States must take her if
Spain would not sell her—which it was known
she would not. But that was going it too strong ;
and the Administration who sent them to make it,
disapproved the work, while approving their con
duct m doing it. By that time the chances for a
war with Spain had” ran out, and seemed to be lost
forever, when the chaparal Government of Walker
offered a new prospec t more encouraging than thu
other. It was simpiv to acknowledge the Govern
ment in the chaparal, let aid flow to Walker, a foot
hold to be established in Nicaragua, and the inva
sion and conquest of Cuba be made by the United
States citizens under the chaparal flag That play
was just commencing when the nomination at Cin
cinnati extinguished the political life of its authors.
In the meanwhile a quarrel was being picked with
Denmark about those Sound Dues winch Europe
paid before America was discovered, and which
America hae paid ever since her independence, and
by virtue of treaties made by our moot approved
adminiotrations. Setting itself up for the liberator
of the Baltic Sea, this gave orders
to our merchants to cease paying the dues after the
12th of April last, assuming the right to abrogate
the existing treaty ; the Danish Government gave
notice that it would collect them as usual, under the
treaty ; and the Administration finding out that it
had no right to abrogate the treaty, and besides
that Copo-nhagan|wa* not Greytowu, gave orders
to the merchants to pay, but to make protestation
to the contrary, and to warn the Danes that the
Government would try to get back the money ; and
so stands this affair, which would be ridiculous if it
did not threaten the peace of two most friendly na
tions. And now, why this Quixotic attempt to
liberate the Baltic Sea” ? It is cot our Lea ; it is not
appurtenant to our continent ; it is wholly Europe
an : and Europe, which pa vs the dues, has precisely
two hundred tunes as much interest in it as the L.
States hae—sending exactly two hundred ships to
our one to it ’ Why this Quixotism ? Simply for
a fuss—for notoriety—for the glory of a war with a
small power.
How different the conduct of real statesmen in
times past. Mr Adams’ administration made the
Danish treaty now in force. Mr. Webster improved
it when Secretary of State under Tyler, getting the
dues reduced on our staple articles, and obtaining a
stipulation to place us on a the footing of the most
favored nation, and to give us the benefit of every
reduction which should be made in favor of any
other nation. This was statesmanship—-contrasting
as sense with folly—aa justice with rapine—with the
conduct of k tkie administration, picking a quarrel
with Denmark to liberate a European sea, and
ready for a war to abolish duties in the Black Sea,
while keeping up enormous duties at home, contra
ry to a public pledge to reduce them. But enough
of this folly and madness, and those who may wish
to understand the whole subject will find it fully but
briefly set forth in the second volume of “The
Thirty Years’ View.” But Great Britain is the
power which our bellicose Administration deem most
worthy of their prowess, and with which the attempts
to pick a quarrel are most lively and inoeaaant. ahe
barely escaped a brush with us on account of #hc
Americanization of Cuba. and now we have the
Monroe Doctrine, the Musquito Coast, the Bay of
■ Islands, the lvuaian Islaud, the Nicaragua Canal, the
Recruitment Question, and the Dismissal of Dir.
Crumpton. Heavens, what a list! and all the pro
duct of a few months iu a season of profound peace.
The detail of these quarrels is too tedious to bo gone
over, but a notice of the most prominent will snow
the folly and insignificance of the whole. Aud first,
of the Monroe Doctrine, so incessantly quoted, mid
bo ignorantly aud mischievously applied. It is as
sumed to be a doctrine by virtue of which the Oited
States aro bound to stand guard over the two Ame
rica*, from Canada to Patagonia, and repulse all in
truding colonies from the boundaries of each power.
It is assumed to be a doctrine of forcible protection,
and the L nited states the protector. The individual
must know bid little ot Mr. Monroe or his Cabinet,
to suppose such n doctrine could come from them’
No! they were not the men to meddle with other
nations'affairs—not the Quixotes to regulate their
neighbors concerns—by force of arms. They were
men of reason, peace and justice.
They laid down the Monroe doctrine for them
selves and invited other American States of Span
ish origin to adept it each for itself, and to main
tain it, each by itself, and by its own means, with
in its own limits. This was the doctrine as laid
down by Mr. Adams in his instructions to (.air Pa
nama ministers, as may be seen in the first volume
oi the “Thirty Years’ View.” Far from standing
guard over these American States and protecting
them with our arms, they were not even allowed to
expect assistance from us; and every assertion
the doctrine to the contrary is u Übel upon Mr.
Monroe and his cabinet; and besides, is an igno
rance of our constitution, whicli would not have al
lowed them to bind us to the waging of such waif*,
even if they had boon witless enough to attempt il
—which they were not. Well, it is by virtue of this
doctrine, thus converted into an armed protectorate
over the two Americas, aud that we must tight
Great Britain in Central America. And for what ?
Why, for the meaning of a word iu the Clayton-
Bulwer treaty, which its authors cannot agree
about. The English proposed to leave it to arbi
tration; our administration refused, on the ground
that no impartial arbiter could be found. Then
the English offer to leave the choice to ourselves,
binding themselves to abide absolutely the decision
oi our own arbitrator, be it what it might To thD
offer they had received no answer at tl« last ac
counts. This is one of the causes of war—not only
a til subject for arbitration in itself, but even
for the chance or lot of decision—a proper sub
ject to be decided by lot. by tossing* a quarter
of a dollar in the air, with the cry, “Heads l win,
tails you lose !’’ For it is a case, 1 think, iu which
the loser will be the winner, especially if we should
be the loser. This is one of the causes of the cher
ished war.
I hen come the Bay of Islands, the Kuatau I*-
and and the Mosquito Coast. They are u bone ot
contention. The British have them, and we pro
pose to drive the British out. What for ? to take
them ourselves ? I hope not. With respect to the
Mosquito Coast, God knows we have inusketoeu
enough in our country without annexing a whole
kingdom of them. And as for the Kuatau and tin-
Bay Islands, who but u good geographer could tell
where they arc f All I know about them is, that
Ihey are out toward the equator, the other aide of
t üba, and might furnish a pointc iVappui to a fili
buster invasion of that island. Now, J am against
filibustering and annexing, aud am willing that the
British should remain forever in those places. They
were once the haunt of pirates, and might become
so again if the British were to leuve them. But the
Canal of Nicaragua—the ship canal across the eou
tmeiit at that poiut—and the construction and pro
tection ot which forms the staple of the Bulwer-
Clayton Treaty, aud subsidiary to which is the whole
quarrel about Central America. Now. the canal in
itself is a good thing, and very desirable to be
made, but by any power in preference to ourselves.
When made it is for public use, and the makers
will have its care and expense, and no more use of
it than others. I would not own it, no more than I
would own the Straits of Gibraltar or the Isthmus of
Suez. 1 have two special objections to our owner
ship and guardianship over that canal. It would be
a foreign work, requiring a fleet at each end to guard
it, and forts at each end to shelter the ships, and troops
at each end to protect the forts. Two powerful fleets
each strong enough to fight Great Britain, (for that
is the object;) two sets ot forts to shelter great
fleets, and two powerful armies to mail the forts ;
such is the expense point of view of this protectorate
and guardianship over the ship canal at Nicaragua.
1 am.against meddling with it. Let others make it.
We shall have the use of it in time of peace, without
the cost of its care in time of war. But lam against
our meddling with it for another reason. That ship
canal is the antagonist of our own road to the l’a
citic! If is the antagonist of a national road
through our own land to our own California. Ii
is the antagonist of that road ami intended to
make the high sens the only and the perpetual
line of communication with California—to make
tlic Atlanta* ports continue to be forever what they
now are—the entrepots of California trade and tra
vel—the sole points of departure and return for all
trade and travel between the two sides of our con
tinent—between the thirty States on the Atlantic
and in the a alley of the Mississippi and the golden
State of California. Now, lam against all that mo
nopoly. Fair play is pretty play.
Let the Atlantic States Have all the advantages
which the sea gives them; lei them continue to go
to California by sea, on any route they please -by
Panama, by Cape Horn, by the Nicaragua lake, and
the ship canal when it is made. Let them use all
these routes, and have prosperous -voyages on all
the routes. But let us who live inlau i, and own
land ull the way to California, and are almost half
way there—let. us have a road on the land : and not
for ourselves only, but for all—for the Atlantic
cities as well as tor the interior—for the north and
south ns well as for the centre; for a central rood
suits. The present Administration is the deadly
enemy of this central rout**. It is for anything in
preference to this route—for an outside road north,
along tho frozen latitude of forty nine; for an out
side road south, along the burning sands of Sonora
and Sinaloa; fora foreign water route through Cen
tral America, seven thousand miles round ; audit is
for this foreign route that wo have all the quarrel
with England about the Bulwer-Clayton treaty, tin*
Mosquito coast, the Kuatau Island, the Bay of Isl
ands, and the Nicaragua canal; aud it in for this ul
so that we have the libelous perversion of the Mon
roe doctrine.
Enmity to this rood, and prostituting the powers
of the government to defeat it, is one of the groat
offences of this administration—an offence against
the whole Union, but especially against the state
of Missouri, the natural route for the road, and
along which it is already one third built—from the
Atlantic coast to the cent, c of t is state, and where
it would be in communication with all thirty States
on this side of the Bock y Mountains. But this is
a large subject, aud will ■ quire a full speech to it
self : which it shall receive.
The crowning of all these attempts to pick a quar
rel with Great Britain, is in the recruitment ques
tion, and in the dismissal of Mr. Crampton. This
crown to the work is the labor of Mr. Cushing,
whose fitness to make foreign war, or to guard do
mestic rights, may bo seen iu his own account of
the mission to China, and in his speeches in Congress
justifying the British attack upon the steamboat
Caroline, under the Hag of the Union, and moored
to our shore—boarded by stealth, her crew slaugh
tered in their sleep, and the vessel, set on fire and
wrapt inflames, sent plunging over the Falls of
Niagara, with the dead and dying on board. All
that Cushing justified : for which he was scourged
upon the spot by William O. Butler, of Kentucky,
aud who took a scourging as a man would who
knew’ he deserved all he got, and was thankful ho
got no more; all which may be seen in the second
volume of the “Thirty Years' View. This is the
man to stand guard over American rights—to pick
a quarrel with Great Britain when she has done us
no harm, and Ims made apologies for the mere tech
nical offense which she may have committed. The
case was this : Our Atlantic cities were full of un
naturalized foreigners, most of them her former sub
jects. She wished to recruit them for the Crimea
war—but to do it without violating our laws—get
ting them to go to her own territories, and there en
list. Afterward objection was was made ; and iu
stantly the practice was stopped, and apology made
for any uumteiiteutional wrong. There was no
harm done us. The only danger of harm was that.
Russia might resent it as aiding her enemy, in viola
tion of our neutrality. That would have been a
serious complaint; but Russia never made it ; the
war was over before the recruits (if any) could get
to the Crimea ; and now peace has been long made.
Russia and England are friends, and we must pick
a quarrel with England on account of Kussiu—Rus
sia herself having no quarrel with Great Britain,
and no complaint against us. That was the only
harm apprehended, aud it never occurred. As for
taking such people away as she was endeavoring to
get, I should hold their loss no damage to us ; and
that, irrespective of their foreign birth. I hold that
any man, native born or foreign, who would quit
the United States—where good wages, comfortable
living and independence are in the reach of all—and
go six thousand miles to the Crimea to lead the life
of n British soldier for sixpence a day ; I hold that
the loss of any such men would be no damage to
our country, go as many of them as might. For this
Mr. Crampton is dismissed. No, not Mr. Cramp
ton, but the British Government; for he only did what
his Government directed, and what it has justified
and assumed. This is very different from dismissing a
Minister for uu act of his own : it is an insult to the
British Government; it is a challenge and defiance
toil. It is just cause of resentmeut but the dan
ger is passed.
The Administration which dismissed Mr. Cramp
ton have themselves been dismissed—ignominious
ly so—by their own party—that is to say, the sound
men iu their own party, and the whole power of the
country. The whole country has dismissed that Ad
ministration. They have no party, no adherents,
no support. Their own janissary guard—the venal
office holders—have deserted them—‘ [from their
oirn ruined fortune* flunk all away" —and crouch
ed at the feet of the conqueror, and to finish this uni
versal desertion, they have deserted themselves—
fled from their own solitude -and given in their ad
heeion to the people that whipped them. This must
satisfy Great Britain uud restrain her feelings until
the new Administration can restore peace and
friendship with her. She has been greatly outraged
not only in the act of dismissing Mr. Crampton, just
done in the nick of time for the Cincinnati Conven
tion, where (umuger the presence of the two Ad
ministration champions, Capt. Hynders and Tom
Hyer,) it had a contrary effect; besides this act, the
official papers, even including the President's mes
sage to Congress, all contained insulting expressions
toward Mr. Crumpton and his Government—all dic
tated by Cushing. Shame that such a man should
have been placed in a situation to insult a gentle
man, much less pick a national quarrel with a great
nation, and undertake to play on here his tactics of
the Chinese mission. Citizens! I have told you of
the attempts to kill off Mr. Ruchanan in the Con
vention under the two-thirds rule: there was an
other attempt, of a different kind to do the same
thrng. It was with a platform—a patibulary struc
ture—with a rope over the head, and n trap door
under the feet—and so contrived that it he got on
it, he was strung up in the North—if not, he was
laid out in the South, llis friends found out the
game, and determined to mount it. be it what it
might. They said the President does not swear to
platforms, but to the Constitution. and, besides., it
is lawful to fight fire with fire. It was concocted bv
the old Janissaries, and produced at the moment
the ballot ting was to commence —so as to make dis
order in the ranks; but the trick failed. It was re
ceived in a tempest of emulous applause, aud extoll
ed to the skies. I asked one of the most vociferous
of these applaud* ra. how he could swallow such
stuff ! He answered promptly, “As I do ipecac , to
puke it up again' It was a New Yorker, of
coarse, w ho gave that native answer, and I am sure
his stomach would fee! tha cleaner after the relief.
Citizens! this business of making platforms is a
new invention, unknown to the old Democracy,
who had no platform but the Constitution, no aim
but the public good; and they are generally the
work of demagogues who have no thought of the
Constitution, no thought of the country, no thought
o' anything but to get office and keep—it
ing tor that purpose with every change of ad
ministration, and swearing to every creed that
runs an hour. It has been my prerogative to
kick over these platforms. I was bred in a politi
3il school in which they were unknown.” The
Constitution was the only platform known m my
school, ami the only one to which I swear. If
one is made beyond the Constitution, it is aur
plusage ; if short of the Constitution, it is defec
tive : if different from the Constitution it is void,
if the same, it is superfluous. In any event, then,
these platforms are, to me, useless—to mauv
pestiferous—to their authors, stocked cards, which
they throw away when the game is won. I have
one more accusation to make against this Adminis
tration , it hae broken up all political parties foun
ded on principle; it is the author of the fractional
parties which now spangle our political firmament,
like those lrugments of a buns tod planet to which
the astronomers give the name of aster iod. It la
the author of them all, and finds retributive justice
in the scorn with which they all treat it. It is un
necessary for m* to "peak of these parties I adhere,
VOL. LXX.—NEW SERIES VOL. XX. NO. 33.
to my own, aid support it; and that is the exclu
sion ot all the rest. One only I allude to—one with
which the name of a member of my family i* con
nected, and in reference to which some persona
who judge me by themselves (a favor which I most
earnestly decline.) attribute to me a siusistor con
nection. I will not answer such insinuations bv
words, but by conduct. [Great app’ause.]
Now, when has it ever happened tuat I have been
influenced by family connection, or even by my
own interest / What office have I ever got for one
*f my family? What appointment have I got for
myself? No, citizens, I am above such considera
tions. lam above family, and above self when the
good of the Union is concerned. From first to last 1
have been for my country, ami mean to continue for
it. I have made many sacrifices for it, and am ma
king a great one now in standing this canvass. The
good of the Union alone brings me out. Clouds
overhang our toreigu relations; sectional hate pre
vails at home . our own State is the theatre of a com
motion which disturbs us at home, mid injures our
character abroad. Peace is my object—the auuahiuc
of peace for the State and for the Union—and tho
aid of all good men is solicited in obtaining it. We
have a fair nomination for the Presidency—a man
who can be nationally elected, and whose aims
must be national. He will need support. He is
not going to repose on a bed of roses, but rather on
the thorny pillow. Our country is inn deplorable
condition. Fraternal affection gone —sectional hate
engendered—extreme parties in the ascendant. Vio
lence overspreads the land; we open no paper with
out seeing blood The whole country seems to be
without government, and the Territories are so:
Kansas in civil war: Utah in revolt; New Mexico
worse off than under the Spanish vice-royalty: Ore
gon carrying on Indian wars for itself; and volun
tary a State—California—driven to the resource of
voluntary associations of citizens for the protection
of life, liberty and property. The present Adminis
tration, in violating sacred compromises, is the au
thor of all tho violence and disorder which over
spreads the land. 1 foresaw uud foretold it at the
tune, and strived against it. Prevention was my
remedy ; that having failed, a euro of tin* disease'
must be attempted. The people have rightly judg
ed that tin* authors of the disease are not the physi
cians to cure it. They have called iu a now doctor,
and we must help him iu the application of all the
remedies he shall prescribe. Citizens: The eyes of
Europe and America are upon this election ; not as
il concerns men, but as il concerns the great ques
tions which alarm aud agitate tho country. 1 repre
sent the principles of peace—of order, law aud jus
tice, at home aud abroad. Europe and America
know that fact; and as the election goes, so must
be. their opinion of tho continuance or cessation of
iln- present deplorable state of things.
in;non* ot l)r y Good*.
Tiie receipts of foreign dry goods at the port of
New York liu\ e been larger during the past month
than for the corresponding period of any preceding
yeai since our record was commenced. The total
for .1 uly is $ 1,03? ,925 larger than for J illy, 1855, $J
98? ,818 larger than for the same month of 1854, and
$1,189,77G larger than for July, 18,53. The period
included in tue monthly statement is five even
weeks, ending July 31st, and commencing with the
close of our last monthly summary,
Imparl* of I V<y Quods at I\\ te York for the month of July
V N'T Eli F.ll Fon CONM Ml'TiO.V
1854 1855. 185(5.
.Maui , >A Wool . • $3,154,8118 $3,t)83,!25? $4,181,850.
Manse. of Cotton.. 1,751.517 1,004,456 1,1131,159
Manfs. of Silk 3,6*25,613 3,458,033 4.8*20,350
Maul*, of Flax 599,664 690,757 791,684
Miscclla’a Dry Goods... 637,207 671,003 910,397
Tot. cm. for coitsunipt’n $9,759,899 .98,508,406 12,644,440
WITHDRAWN FROM WAREHOUSE.
1854. 1855 1856.
Mauls, of W 001... $631,956 4.150,944 8*407,577
Manfs. of Cotton *237,989 121,6?? 81.1.83
Maul's, of Silk 352,623 *225,550 220,175
Manfs. of Flax 39,000 89,83*2 • 39,029
Miscol’s Dry G00d5.... 52,100 43,158 71,131
warehouse 851,313,670 $861,101 $820,495
A«lden't. for eons’n.. 9,759,999 8,508,400 12,644,440
tenrkel 8=11,073.569 $9,369,567 $13,464,935
ENTERED FOR W\RKHOUStNG.
1851. 1855. J 856.
Manfs, of W 001... $1,085.55:1 *224,725 #657,573
Mauts. of Cotton... 334,278 191,191 170,2*22
Manfs of Silk 183,17. '211,569 ‘213,131
Manfs. of Flax. 85,7 U 3 74,1 86 (19,699
Mi T« r I)rv CSo.mls 79,701 15,121 55,364
housing *->.008.719 •660,098 #1.171,989
Add rn f for cons’ll 9,759,899 8,508.100 12,641,440
Tot. ent. at the port $11,828,011 #9,168,504 #13,816,429
The increase is apparent in nil descriptions of fab
rics, but is comparatively least in silk goods. The
total receipts of dry goods since January Ist are
*•25,572,5.5'? greater than for the corresponding s< \ -
on months of Inst year, #1,987,953 greater than for
the same time in 1851, and 52,875,327 greater than
tin: same time in 1853. The following will show
the particulars in each of the hist three years :
hr ports in' Foreign Vry Hoods at Stic York tor S»rr»
Months from January Ist.
ENTERED EOR CONSUMPTION.
18.51. 1855. 1856
MauuiV. <>f . *11,90:1,751 *7,864,810 *15,293,311
Mauufs. of Cotton.. 10,240,624 1,664,731 10,222,133
Manufs. of Silk 17.165.873 11,257,784 19,486.648
Mailed, of Flax- 4,303,671 2,915,355 5,109.742
Miaeeirs. Dry Goods. 3,436,176 2,789,645 4,452,102
Tot., in. for eons'u .*47,050.113 829,492,325 #51,563.939
WITHDRAWN FROM WAREHOUSE.
1854. 1855. 1856.
.'.fanut’s, of Wool #1,905,570 *1.512,617 81,209,438
M: uni's. Cotton 1,782,060 1,772,853 1,515.179
Manufs. Silk 1,798,661 1.83.1,433 1,467,799
Manufs. Flax 566,445 872,100 745,955
Miscel* Dry Goods.. 261,881 078,745 298,806
warehouse #6,314,617 #6,599,748 #5,257,177
Add ent. lor cons'n.. .47,050,113 29,492,325 01,063,939
market #53,364,730 #36,09*2.073 #59.821,116
ENTERED FOR W \REHOUSIN«:
1851. 1855. 1856.
Manilla, us Wool *3,181,360 *1.262,361 *1,9«3,598
Mauufs. of Cotton 1,878,613 1,095,280 1.260,313
M anufs. of Silk 2,338,213 1,095.280 1,260,313
Mauufs. of Flax. .. 576,693 696,792 514,283
Miseoll’s Dry Good*. 284,071 536,361 427,309
Total entered for ware-
JiousiuK *8,258,880 *5,232,068 *5,733,007
Add out. for eoiis’n. 17,050,113 29,492,325 5*1,563,939
Total entered at tin
Port #55,300,993 #34,723,393 #60,296,946
We do not look for any considerable increase up
on last year in August, a id It is now probable that
the excess in receipts of dry goods has reached its
limit for the current year.—JV. V. Journal of Com
Inicrcstimr better from Greece*
Athens, June 7, 185(3.
My Dear Sir : —Some time since 1 wrote to you
>n regard to the unquiet state of Greece, and *the
<lunger we were in from robbers, even at Athens.
I also mentioned, I believe, the extraordinary mea
sures udopted by the Greek Government in order
to ensure safety. Notwithstanding all these mea
sures, however, the robbers exist, and bring terror
even to the borders of this city. Three days ago,
thirty or forty came within five minutes' walk of the
city ; and on the highroad whichloa<ls to the Pirams,
between eight and nine o’clock in the evening,
stopped eight or ten carriages, robbed some forty or
fifty persons, took aeverul to carry plf with them to
the mountains, then entered the best carriages, and
drove away in triumph with the spoils and prisoners.
Meetiug with a few French guards, who went
up to one of the carriages to demand why they
Mere travelling ut that hour without lighted
lanterns, they shot one dead on the spot, wound
ed another, who, as I heard last evening, will
not probably survive, and went on their way. —
One of the prisoners whom they took with them is
the sun of Dr. Olympus, tin: President of the Uni
versity.
The news of this affair, which reached us very
soon, set all Athens in motion -, and soldiers were
called out, &.C., Ace. Not withstanding this, howev
er, the very next evening the robbers went to a vil
lage near the Queen’s g&rdcu, about an'hour's drive
from Athens, killed a woman and one of the Greek
guards, and laid waist the village, pillaging and cur
rying off what they liked. Yesterday they sent
two of their prisoners to Athens, to demand a ran
som for the others, whom they have with them.—
For the sou of Dr. Olympius they ask three thousand
dollars ; and for a Mr. Yloordi they claim four thous->
and dollars. The money is to be sent to them with
in fourdays.
For some ten or fifteen days before this robbery
was committed, I began to venture out towards
evening with my family, for the distance of half an
hour, and even an hour, for the suko of exercise ;
and on the very evening of the robbery I wont to the
Phalerum with my family, and returned to Athens
not long before the outrage whs committed. I can
not but feel that we have peculiar reason for grati
tude to God, for having preserved us from falling
into the hands of these merciless men, who threat
eu, as I am told, to lay waste all the villages of
Attica, unless the King will give them an amnesty.
Now' we dare not venture out of the city after
dark, and do not feel that wo arc quite safe even in
our own houses, Really the hand of God seems to
be upon this people for evil : und yet they do not
recognize his hand, but attribute all their sufferings
to the English, French and Turks.
Yours truly, Jonas King.
Sketch of Washington.—The following person -
al description of Washington, copied from the
London Chronicle, July 22,1780, gives, in some re
spects, a better notion of his personal Appearance
than anything we have seen elsewhere :
“ General Washington is now in the forty-seventh
year of his age -, he is a tall well-made man, rather
large boned, aud has a tolerable genteel address :
his features are manly and bold ; Ins eyes of a bluish
cast, and very lively: his hair a deep brown : his
face rather long, and marked with tne smallpox;
his complexion sunburnt and without much color,
and countenance sensible, composed and thoughtful.
There is a lemaikable air of diguity about him, with
a striking degree of gracefulness; he has an excel
lent understanding, without much quickness; is
strictly just, vigilant and generous; an affectionate
husband, a faithful friend, a father to the deserving
soldier; gentle iu his manners, in temper rut her rc
t eryed; a total stranger to religious prejudices,
which have so ofteu excited Christians of one de
nomination to cut the throats of those of another; in
his morals lie is irreproachable, and was never known
to exceed the bounds of the most rigid temperauei ;
in a word, all his friends and acquaintances univer
sally allow that no man ever united in his own por
son a more perfect alliance of the virtues of a pin
loaopher, with the talents of a general ; candor, sin
cerity, affability and simplicity, seem to be the
striking features of his character, till an occasion of
fers of displaying the most determinc-d bravery and
independence of spirit.”
“All Hail!”—This is the exclamation with
which the re-union of the New York Democracy is
received by their political brethren in the .South—
“the grandest political event, ’ we are told bv the
Georgian, “since the adjournment of the Cincin
nati Convention.” It adds : “Well may the South
rejoice, and the whole Republic rejoice at such a
consummation.”
The effect of this event, over which we are called
on to “rejoice,” is to restore such Abolitionists as
Preston King, John Cochran, the Van Burena, cl id
omne genus, to the fond embrace of Democracy,
from which they broke loose some y»-ai> ago for the
simple reason that they could not stomach Gen.
Cass on account of his friendship for Southern insti
tutions. They have been among the vilest of unti
slavery slanderers up to a very recent date when it
becomes necessary to abate a little, at least in the
expression of their hostility, in order to keep in with
the Democratic communion, and share in the pros
pective division of spoils ; and when we recollect
that they now return to the fold only on condition
that they be allowed to construe the Nebraska bill
into a thorough freesoil measure, it will be s<en bow
much real cause the honest Democrats of the Sou'b
have for rejoicing over the event. Me Mould us
*oon rejoice over the accession of Garrison and Fred
Douglas to the American ranks. — Savh. K> p
The N. Y Journal of Commerce, a strong Demo
cratic paper, says, that, ot the auti-Kuow Nothing
paper* it receiv, from Pennsylvania -> »>**•
circulation of 32#J0 are for Buchanan, and 4J, with
u circulation of 88,5 2 for Fremont " hat a irnee
rable showing for Mr. Bncbaoau in his own Nate
fhere are fit Fillmore pupcm in the Mate. -
The Pittsburg Chrouh-le says that the recent visit
of Hon George Bancroft and other distinguished
gentlemen to the scene of Bran-lookV defeat, near
that city, has disclosed the fact that the landmark
of that memorable event have been almost ost,
even to those who reside in the immediate neigh
borhood- The visit of Mr. Bancroft was tiioely, in
aeiDUch as it resulted in rectifying the mors of lo
ettfity which have occurred and have received the
sanction of worn* writer**.
American Elector-*.
\\ e publish below the letters of Messrs. Brown
Poe ami Peeples, accepting tho nomination as
Electors •
Letter from Mr. Brou n.
Bl kna Vista, Ga.. July 21,1856.
Clifford Anderson, Chairman Cen.Ex. Com.
Deai* Sir—Your letter of the 14th inst., notifying
uio of my nou ,; nation as an Elector for tho 2d Con
gressionnl District has been received. End- sing
1 do tho declaration of principles laid do rn by
the Into American State Convention, a \v«!
nomination of Millard Fillmore and Andrew J. Don
el son for President and Vice President, whi U? 1 1* I
that some more worthy and able champion o tin*
American cause might have been sefectc-1. yet I
accept the nomination, and will, to the utni ' t; of
my ability, cnrrv the banner of my party in t , 1 >i*
trfet. With much respect.
1 remain your friend,
Wm. M. Brown.
Ixtter from Mr. For
Macon, Ga., July 22,
Clifford Anderson, Esq., Chairman Ccn. Ex. (tom.
Dear Sir—Yours of tho 14th instant notifying me
of my nomination as a candidate for Elector ioi
the 3d Congressional District on tin* Fillmore aid
Donelson ticket, was duly received and but i >v m,
avoidable circumstances, should have had an rui
Her reply.
llud 1 known that the Committee of nomination
contemplated presenting my name as a candidate
I should have promptly interposed and prove-.i red
such action. But since it has been made 1 cannot
consent to take any step that by possibility might
prejudice the success of the great cause in which
wo are engaged, and in which the dearest interest a,
of .the nation are so deeply involved. I therefore
accept the nomination and shall use all honorable
means to secure the success of the ticket.
It should be au object of great desire by the can
didates for the Presidential vote of Georgia, that the
canvass should be eonducted with a dignity aud ur
banity becoming the elevation of the olfice solicit
ed. if we are patriots, driving to secure the best
interests of our common country, ou groat object
in selecting a Chief Magistrate should be to eho<w<.
him who possesses in the highest degree those quul
ideations best calculated for the discharge of those
high and responsible duties devolving upon this
great functionary ; consequently, there can bo no
apology or excuse for vituperation, personal in
veetive, or angry declamation on the part oi
opposing candidates. Blit if, on the other hand,
the success of a party is considered by the con
teat ants paramount to* the good of the country
then may wo expect the canvass upon which \\ >
have entered to be characterized by railing speech
es, angry abuse, harsh censure, and gross personali
ties. That the candidates on the respect ive ticket
may prove that they are striving for their country
aud not merely for the success of a party, is my ear
nest wish.
We have a candidate for the highest otlie.e in the
gift of the people of whom we need not be ashamed.
One who, though not chosen by the j eople to the
Presidency, has been by a marked providential dis
pensation elevated to that scat which is higher thuu
thrones, and that too et u time when the political af
fairs of the country were in the same distracted con
dition iu which they now are, aud superinduced by
the name cause. The abolitionists had well nigh
gained the Control of the Executive, and the South
was awaiting with serious apprehension the result of
that influence. All was storm and tempest, and ev
erything portended disaster to the ship of State. A t
this alarming crisis, by a providential interposition,
Millard Fillim re is placed at the helm. He adopts the
Constitution as his chart, the rights of the State as
his compass, and the I nion ns his polar star, an.
Jiided by a band of patriots, who placed party and
party interests under their feet, he lighted the ship
of State, aud restored the country to u degree oi
peace and prosperity rurely before equalled . and
with the confidence of tlu* whole nation, North amt
South, East aud West, in tho administration of the
government—with the respect and admirution of
foreign powers, lie retired limn his great otlie.e to the
walks ot private life “with all his country’s wish* -
blessed.”
If we fall to elect such a man to the Presidency ar
such a crisis shall we not be chargeable with a wilful
refusal to be directed to the promptings of Provi
dence heretofore so clearly manifested.
Mr. Fillmore stuudaupon no more party platform;
but he has that upon winch to stand which is firmer
and purer and sounder than the most skilful political
device, ever framed by a Convention of partisans.
He has liis past administration of this government,
made uuder the sanction of his official oath, by the
influence of which the various sections of this conn
try with their discordant interests have been united;
the respect of foreign nations secured; and more
than all, lie has given to the world, to monarch and
subject, to tyrunnnd slave, a glorious illustration of
the capacity of freemen for sell government.
Compared with this great boon to us and to all
men ; to those* who now live and those who are to
live in all coming time, how utterly insignificant
ate all the trickery of politics and all the mere party
advantages toiled for and gained by politicians.
Your Fellow ('itizen,
Washington Poi:
Letter from. Mr. Peoples.
Athens, Ga., July 23, 1856.
Clifford Anderson, Esq., Chairman,
Sir: —Yours of the J 4th instant, communicating
tome the fact that my name lin<lb*< u placed upon
the Electoral Ticket which if is expected will, it
elected, vote for the Hon. Millard Fillmore for Pre
sident of the United States, to succeed t‘*c present
incumbent, has been handed me. 1 gavo positive
instructions to those of my immediate Iriends who
held scats in the late Convention, not to permit my
name to be used in connection with the Electoral
Tick* Wfor th(i reason that my private engage
mentsuid not justify mo in suspending their execu
tion, and taking the stump in a political canvas.
And I much regret that my wishes in this regard
were not consulted. Still ns 1 nm an ardent r. d J
may say enthusiastic admirer of Mr. Fimnore, his
past blameless and yet most efficient administra
tion, ofliis lofty patriotism, and scrupulous fidelity
to the Constitution, I have yielded to the wishes ol
the Convention and consent to accept the position
assigned me.
I (veil remember eight years ago. that when Mr.
Fillmore was nominated ut Philadelphia upon tin
ticket with Gen. Taylor, Georgia was equally di
vided in sentiment between himself and the Hon.
Abbott Lawrence, of Boston, ns to which was the
more appropriate man for the station. It was urged
by the New Yorkers then, and amongst them asnow
remembered, Thnrlow Weed, that Mr. Fillmore wan
exactly the man for the position, (he man for the
limes m everything- —truth, integrity, honor, candor,
judgment, Roman firmness, and the highest qunliti
cations for the first office, to say nothing of lh*
second, in the giitof the Americuu people, were ail,
ail, possessed by him, in largo and well matured
perfection. The reasons triumphed—he was nomi
nated and elected. The providence of God called
him to the helm of ass airs at a most portentous pe
riod in our country's history , and well and nobly
did he justify the application of the above terms To
his heart, liis character, his conduct and his qualifi
cations. The result is history ; no administration
Mas ever more prosperous, more wisely conducted,
or better closed at home, or more justly esteemed
abroad. He loved justice and duty, lie revered
the Union, and clothed himself with the web and
woof of his country’s Constitution; fearless of con
sequences, hr did right for right's sake and left
the rest to God. If there is one spark of gratitude
in the bosom of the South, and feeling of requital foi
past devotion to her rights left to pulsate in bei
hithe.'to generous heart, that pulsation should beat
high for Millard Fillmore, the friend of the Const it v
lion and the Union :
It there is one good reason exist ing why he should
not be again called to preside over this nation it
has not yet been offered, and I can conceive ot
none. Our adversaries seem to suppose that v.v
can be cajoled into the support of Mr. Buehunanby
the shallow urtifice now being practiced by them,
“that unless ice support Mr Buchanan Cut. Fee
tnonl may he elected Unfortunately, the tiick has
two sides to it. Candor, it would seem, if -diaim
had lost its office and conscience had censed its in*.-
ni lions, ought to compel them to admit that the ex
hortation to support Mr. Fillmore for fear ol Fre
mont's election, lias much more of duty and justice
to uphold it than to support Buchanan. Fillmon
has been tried—all were not only pleased but d<
lighted with him—he was in the neld first—lie hua
done nothing since his term expired to do him tl
slightest discredit at the South or elsewhere indi d.
I have heard of but one ground of complaint again
him, and when you come to consider that t.i.h
same ground of complaint exists against Mr. Bu
chanan, and is, perhaps, one of the least objection?*
to him, surely no reasonable man can for one m< -
ment attach a feather’s weight of importance to b,
especially when contrasted with Mr. Buchanan's po'
sition on the same question, and his lengthened re
cord of sins both of commission and omission, against
the patriotic dead, und the political victim of his nu
tive laud
It has been said that Mr. Fillmore thought the re
peal of the Missouri Compromise line unwise and 1o
that extent opposed it; that he oppon< J it* squatt. i
sovereignty feature*, and if* abouiinabic alien suff
rage feature. I apprehend no one will den/thie
Mr. B < hanan was ah much opposed to th*. lip. at
of the Missouri Compromise as Mr. Fillmore--and
his approval of the alien suffrage aud jquatt* r sov*
reignty featured ought to prostrate him in the esti
mation of every Southern man, to *ay nothing of hi*
other points of attack.
Federalism has always been regarded by our De
mocratic friends at the South, and in fact by all par
ties here u'j a species of moral treason, to the prin
ciple* of repubhciii government, which like the En
glish law ol attainder “ trucked corrupt ion of blood “
It has been regarded as so dark a -«u not us con
trasted with the sins of others, l»ut a* sin /Jr sc, a*,
not ouly to disqualify n man from holding office,
but to operate as a sort of Plague spot, u kind of
Moral Leprosy, which defied the skill of the phy
sician, balked and baffled all effoits at reformation.
Mr. Buchanan stands convicted upon the record,
by an open confession of judgment, of cintbnl )•
prosy incur, able Federalm. Fed, . f linn ~i Chief!
and in his own right. Besides which, the* • subor
dinate badges or ear marks of Fed* ralisin which
have always been considered as evidences of the
original taint in a political opponent by the Demo
cracy, crown and cover him bom head to foot like *
sack—to wit ;
He was a Bank man !
lie wo** a Tariff man ’!
He was for Internal Improvements!
He was for the Bankrupt Law 1 !'
If*- m a Free Soiler!
lb is in favor of Squatter Sovereignty
He is in favor i f Alien Suffrage!! '
11*; i not a man, but a platform.
But enough. Mr. Fillmore should be *i stain: A be
cause it io light. He ouould I'm? sustained >ccntweit it*
our duty. JR* should be sustained becau.se wo know
biin. Aud above ail, we should sustain biin b cause
he is capable of 1 -obingaiid feeling for the i- j,u
tions of the country. Providence gave him t ire
once and may we not hope that there re : . ree
Providence which stiff superintends ti. ati'.ur* ..
this great people. Your Fcllow-Citiz a,
C. PF.fcl” LX
Disastrous Fire in Rochester, V. Y. — A
fire broke out in Duryee Al Joseph’s Mai u *•?•» /
at Rochester, N. Y , on Saturday after*; *v.
rapid was the course of the fire, that no opp*.. -,m
mas afforded forgetting out any of th* stock >*•...
chinery. There were many large safee n proc -
of construction and other articles made by the f
p tny. The whole was valued at about si' ' '•o.
There is an insurance upon their stock, ke , of
#20,000.
The fire extended to Graves Stone Tannery, and
that wo* alno consumed. Time was afforded lor re
moving a considerable portion of the stock Sacti’l
Moul sou has an insurance of #7OOO on the stuck i
the building t*» sec urea debt
The front wall of Duryee A Forsyth’s Ma u
taring Building fell at about 3 o’clock, aud . truck
Platt C. Viele, Esq., upon the head injuring bin
seriously, probably fatally. Another man, na •
not known, was buried in the ruins and probabl*
killed.
Fatal Casualties in Stewart Count,—Th*
Lumpkin (Ga.; I'laindealer states: l)urir*g tie
heavy thunderstorm which visited our t v n *n
Wednesday last. Mr. George Palmer was killed V
ightning, about two miles from this place. Tin de
ceased leaves a wife aud two children.
On' Monday evening last, a yoke of oxen m, nl
with a cart in which w ere an o!d negro woman
a little negro boy. The woinuu was tiuo" •
and instantly killed. She was the property of Mi
Daniel Richardson, of this county.
A negro man belonging to Mi. Cliarlts Hiimli
o this county, w’a-: also kil ed, in a aimilar maiiujer
on Tuesday afternoon, on the road leading to TV
reuce.
The Frontier (Tex**) Patriot says wheat * ♦.
in that i Lamar) coumy at titty cent* per bushel.