Newspaper Page Text
Weekly Chronicle & Sentinel.
BY W'M- H. JONES
( iIKOMCLE & SENTINEL.
TERMS, &C.
T H E W E K K L V
>« i'uMfariird *-v<-ry W’ediwwlajr
. WO DOLLARS PER ANNUM
if paid strictly ill adva-.ce.
<1 w w;/l /V A'■ r Af.CE,
TJJi OOTiLAHS :BR YEAR
f*t i i.UDi , i N'Ut ” iIM’Ai.S wudhu; n* Ten
1) Ml nt will l>e iseiii for one
. I till* Inroi* lit lli« liaporft the rate of
s?x o rrEs for tew dollars,
■ '|A to ni! iviioinny fir* • art u* liu entt-
THii cunutnchs & sbntinel
DAILY AND THI-AVLKKI.V,
Ait •. -■ j nUiiOiv't r.t U*jK ofli**e, anti mailed to eab
ci'tiwr* a* iiie IWnGnj' rau : », namely :
Dai , P*/’*.k. Mi-ont l,y mail,.-.s? per annum.
TRi-W/taur Punt 5
Trrntß of .lilrrMWBK.
The Wis-Ki T. St.:v>n:y-fivc cent* per square
Id tin. ,r u.r th«- fiivf m*en rtioo, and fifty cents
<.r *>..!» TiM-#-/}nt-iit insertion.
R)h SALK.
JOB SALE.
tHTI 4wlr< uh.»( tearing th«* Staff,
n -r**; *tue, all tit“ REAL KbTATE in
, #n M Warrt *.W*n, Warre-in'rfinty. Ga con-i-tUijf
a LfWBl. M.m. 4. ar,>l l>»t ol *i«ut live acre* of
a.l Al • C*ri .A** Shop and laif, Tool> Machine,
*U[, |. j n,, l,te >u*-k, together with ad hb finished
i’. -i f ft/'* ,i to twenty ihoiiftmd <h>ilarg worth of
.-. —* i* v i*« 4i ’MiMI of, at g‘*o4 price/, at thin
* . n i. ~(r | M -mrr-hjbM* are in/ited
I* „v «,'* wffl I*** given at any time, to unit the pur-
CtBOHGE L BOSHBU.
V* - f -tlUff oi. J»nu* 5, ISWf. i«7-wtf
FOR SALE. %
i N<VtV hfTm* av ? and I'f.ASTATION on the
I (' *t »;.fi',r»i' o r.ver for ;tJ«. It lies 21 miles u..r*h
■ ts a * **d . . ul- n»u*'j of tbe Roswell Cotton
. a *>• . t :.'.h a. IL. Kalb ronnties. <-.iitauilng
ix Mundw-Vi Arr. .. nm v or !«•<*«. with t)(JO&«*r«Ht in cnlti
, i <a* h Mff«> ut ih<i rh«r. Then* Ini good Frame
l*woi(un k u*d-dli. r '-..mTn.in BoiMtoga, with tine Or
,i ; * . -wl fJherrt*-*. a first Colton
. afJ .i ri ; t, r, i.l a Ferry *•■ Immediately on the
r i.: U » lm: f» .Ai'.rriiko Upper Ueorg»a For fur-
a , , ,* (,y the a'lh-icriher on th<* promises.
V/M. S QHOOAN.
FOR SALE.
I fiKFim my F Ali'lfy :i..*. In Oglethorpe county
1 . , < ~; i tb. .-.ut- < f ( i‘sr.k. tliroo miles north
Ijca.npf . a*,,,?:. i..ngahout lfiue hundred arres.
' 1 !i«npf!»d J* free afH prodn. tive, one hundred acres
«.r m .re * fktyl. .ttmu land -a part frond fence,
nd in rdti. otTr.u, TJ»c entire Farm being under jp»od
*af .i ltd. n.-gro liOu . A, and other necessary
Imddin* 1 -. a Jar, ■ CJu. \\- « and Parking Screw, both
r r.u> i• ’t H -• • i«*a h ami Apple Orchards
• t • le* n.d fruit ill. r.ia<‘o is hcaitliy, and within three
n*ii« ft,, '.iii/i-.n Ut |m>i A good bargain will be given.
f art V/M. J OOFLVIE,
TOR SALE.
4 ;tO\V - .ffrr f.,r rale my imtire Ulvcr PLANTATION,
I * :«) mlh 4 uptith 6f C I tmh' l '*. Ga.. In Barbour
• i Jver, ediils&i*
h ut < itHivifefloU and
, ; rTfur A f'oml Wuu-r fiin ami F..ry aero- the
wi.O kk■hfcrivcr 'l‘hn «* will Go for sale at any
u • ■ !.■ pur
r- tfl MATTIIF.VV AVFItFTT.
TO MEN OF TASTE AND CAPITAL.
'I VIE nb~ iii -i, aid ;j -i fn in »\e to Southwestern
I Oh/ rgia . * to .i ll !m ].l i .* ndar Cave Spring,
. Ta.m’H \ -iii v J : .1 *- univ, tia., containing .'*l7
u e. , n..icorl run I is! quality oak and M- knry
I,N «.t!r pfsoil and • urfo <• noCV* v. 4»ii ; -«inu> 160 acres
- « ami rv-*d tl. rttmaind. r geneiuily
, i coot I e : hut
pow-i w fliout dainiii', or- bardi • f >:mny vsoll selected
.M ?trl.:k*Dwdiing, surn;Undcd hy fine scenery, and
w it Gmi a mile of the % lUagc. long nof**d for its edm atioual
adv .nia*.. All who havoexamined the pi' mis.M, con
•-it HPthc fipinuJu that this place tl>o tlcments
of bcautv. f. rtiqty, convenience and hoalthfulne** to an
e• tout oCidom. r. vn, mputlh-d in this country. But
.••.me ami ••• fepy-strsclvos, and th« diaracter, location
•in I r* »uiv ol *he placet an hardly fail to satisfy yon
liter It is a Nil I urtt -'ibjocl '<> the fiuctualions
oftli.'inar . t Fui U-Ons. aj.ply o» tliu promises.
W. I> COWDREY.
Cave Spling. July 10, IHO6. jyl.'f-wtf '
FOWEM'ON MILLS FOR SALE.
4 b the it « d l r de-ir«.n<. to move to Southwcs
A urn (L i i ... i...w .ib ra hi* MILLS and LAND
t-.r *-* » !.•* \1 lit ar. dm i .d on flto Ogouchce Liver,
oatoand a half mile/ from Powcdton, on tb« t oad to Cum
tflin*' nml VVashidgioii—ihahaek mg daily—ha- four
141 *i « ni1, .4 iw. xx u at and two >orn. The Flour
wdlWcc.i that of any ‘two u»itl< on the river, and the
heat custom «% ,li . |iial any one Tbe house is so sltu-
.i<» to r. :,r* 'i n i ami « e the Stivv and Grist Mills iu
lae 1 .unldl. II Jla.u-ork mituty, ah.ug the Ogc-echee
. vi» add P«iv*« l i i i-.'k. ILi Land contains Fif acres,
mi.rc or lest, ..l fv ill ciptal any land iu thecoutity lu
piodu ing c.*in,-wheat,'c.Uou nr other grains. Those
is ';ii.k lo l.uy, will call and sec for thorn elves. The
plac.Ot* U.-wlfliv and ha an e/edh-nt Well of water in
movard in i n no plantation Is bettor furnished with
go r ~t water COLI MBPS F..SHI VEILS.
FORMAN'S IRON PLOW-STOCK.
I'HK uniter -Vued, having purchased the paten (right
t*» fin* a*»>-*<; v;. : ’'.aWc ami popular PLOW fi> rhe
. . f. i. h .1 ». Lincoln, Burke, JelYer
. W . ,bli i* •'•I U I*l ami HmaniuU, arc* prepared to
tirni Ji if *<> I'kiptiTH at flu: manufacturer's price. This
k, i nnylc entirely i»f ymj light Iron, is a Houth
;» liiv< : vn .! PI ha*- bf«?u -nifickntly tested to prove
that' ll run - in n -ti ndilv, breaks ami pulverizes the soil
m«>re thoroughly, h * in rough land, is more easily
*<tju>lv<i toi deep or shallow plowing, holds tho shares
in of,* firmly. In i iucompncably longer* and is, in the
e id. far eh- uper tlf uv any other stock now in use. This
Rtati incut i .lly sustained by inum huis certificate* lh
oar pw ” ' io>* t- ne the me t practical and successful
plan-. .*» in the country. We will have picture
in *eixllnK a circular « - utahihi;; soiueof tlissecertificates
«rj a morn particular description of the plan, t*» any
l «»r;iwn who would Like' to see them. We ore willing to
•»,-r to any o*ir who has gb . u this Plow a fair trial, in
the Nnv. No. bftho Southvru Cultivator, p. 345, the edi
t*yofth»t •■•-k -ay.,; "After giving this Plow a fair
i .mpHi-ii d ti idl \i« can truly sky, that werega. il ! t as
am t . tluihl* improvement on all common wooden
t mpu tnynv »f the kind now in use. For general eiliclen
» ■ -1 - m\ ouiciKa', as well as aim;;;cl adaptation to deep
while on the hcore of economy and durability. It is
1 5: tln-r iu*rtvrhd. No pk>v* with which we m< frmi
iar, i) so wall e/flv ulaiad to resist the dufllea* and des
rftoflve r. Pihntation Negroes, anAwndoubt not
that hs £en oral ..-'r : (r<|on would be of very great peon
< i.iryV. unfit tf'th** |>‘M tnuT UJt« i *st©f the South.”
The etc l I - v t ( jl different shares oi points
übraeing t c.y which a planter will need
; » U1 ■ ■ ’. of the 3 car. Th *-.• hares
c. ilbu fuml**‘.*'d the Stock, wheu desired ; t tough
any p'.antati* • . * era um.ke them after once . coin g
them.
KigUti f.c i mJ.'i, .»• KL >p:?. or for Flnntatlons, will
ti.> -mid jn i*-’ I- 3 *erm*. Apply at the liar, ware
St»»rr a.‘ a, * . u-Mre ■* J. C. PITTHN & Co.
decty \ttf Augusta. Ga.
S4O REWARD.
K\ > A\V Y\ from the subscriber on 4th Mav, a Negro
Man imiUed WASHING! ON, about 4.» year- old,
'•ice feet debt < . m' uehes high, weighing abort lt>sor
i.O it- At i* likely h** wU* n she his way to
is herjsi;au . y two y* ursago, and stayed in Madisouville
jail, M-iii-'r couvfty.' Tent c .e, al*>{it nine months , and
. did n u tmi w!; »:.r Ind io. lie has in company
\ I W S
usi..> -I F, about ,“oyt«r*old n'nout 5 feet 1* or 10
me he* high, we V * ah-’ut 100 ..r 170 lbs., both dark eom
pUvted I ic. .i * ..i t seen near ls'ilngton, Ogle
thorpe tla.. with pastes to go to Ohio. If they
are tak. n \V a ddngton will not tell his ownor if he can
ulpii \' «*w iilus> the above ren anl to any person
wUo wilt d. liver tru m t«. u ,or put them in some safe
Ja ' u : a: \*. • u get them ; or twenty «lollais for. ithor
I V.. m \\ AsHINUTON H* BKANThKY,
w w siMraON,
t’ulvert i F et. tuce. Hancock county, Ga.
•t i' Kl “ u!t ' K, ' tiU ' r 1 “l'> fuHr ‘hues and fov ward
u ount to thU<»ftl> e for payment. m\
$25 REWARD.
I WILL pay the above sum for the apprehension and
Us? v.ient ui i il of my hoy HARRY. Should he
h taken at-a H. tame i vui Augusta, ami the person
(airing hi • . to bring I n home, 1 will pay. in ad
itnsuno the * - nil the necessary exjSeuse.s attending
‘ leu\ erv. Han v . Martin); a first rate Brick Isa « rand
his. , . ab. ut do year -offtge, black complexion. «r«ct,
and weigh# prxd»abfv bib tHmml*. He is going about the
, uintry working »n U own account without Jury an-
Jle .1. übth .hi»-afnl**e ticket. He claims a
wit'e vtreiu. i s near Jsai’dersvUlo. and one aUo at
tiov Schlov s V'act.n-y 1 liave heard of his be.tig in
l*.ike. .TeftV -ou and \Va>h.»t,u>u counties, and also over
n Caw*'. \TI p«'-sons are hereby cautkined apainst
.--up. sa d l>o\ *oi any of My other mechanics, with
yut i>erui"lbu from rue »*r my Agent.
m> -w tt* JOHN 11 riTTKN. Augusta. Ga.
$lO REWARD !
lu.'t , a Niuad Pine learhor POCKET HOOK oon
« ang x»mc $1- or c-1 •'* iu m*- and two nott s, one
; A.* land . als,Aua . lee dai.ms M. and William
K \Ya \ i iv.-iMc 1 ' \ue, *k; ,1 ‘>i'a J*nu»ry, IKhi, due
.i ;wc’\.-iu the nth or ft.r a-17 50, made by A. E.
l>arurally. ;«y a;>TuW» J. A. M>nw. dahsl shotit the-3d of
la-;, due day aft, r date, and one .small note
on whieii 1 *M»d \ v-!, and torn off the name. I
will pa\ the alK>x-e prwurd f,»r ;he rwcoverv of Uiepaper*,
and ask m -{ueatsms. All persons are hereby caHtioned
"bet tetrad* tor sgia u**tos. and the makers not t*> pay
tin ex tr G. S DANNELLY.
Feoruary 13, l>'sv
S3O REWARD.
I>A>\\VAY. trvm the '*»bs* r:ber. residing In Put
k aam count\. mar Mem.., m August ia»t. my Negro
Man FR ANK He sb,mt *35 r*'ars old. five feet ten in
ch* - high ol MMHiitm *im. has » >light impediment in his
speech, and has lost the >rghi ot one eye. He was raisval
in Virginia, and has been in tie*'rg*a about two
The above reward will he i*ald f'r hit dr’tvery to me,
or i* anv tail so that I can got him.
jafcyhf JOHN A KARRIS.
The SoutUevn Recorder wIT poblishtill forbid, and for
ward aocouiiuo Uns office for payment.
pROKbU, LINCOLN COI'NTY—ORDER.—
v T COURT or ORDIN ARY. Jl NE TERM, ISod
Ir .ippcari: - to th. Cmvrt by the petition of Jane Mcr
tu Jjl-ti M* rc,t c. i Sernas Mercier. Henry V Mercier.
MerciCT. Eliia JMtrcier, and Franctss Mercicr,
K:\nMeiva v Jane Mercier. Lavina Mercier and Wii
’ am M Mercier. pvu*. r>, by their nyxi friend, Henry P.
Mender, heirs at T *vr < f Llenry F. Mercier, late of sa.d
* u-.tty, deeeasvd, that Nicholas Q Barksdale, late of
*-•> 1 county, decea-ed. did in his liffe time execute to said
tk-n-v V Mercier. •.. aui hie. hi> bond, conditioned to
* v,. ~u ui. .u» sa..i lieury F. Mercier for tv. o tracts of
* iat ' v *' c "* ter * °* Soap Creek, a-ijoimug lands of
" • and ot'wci*s, containing, or to contain. Five
. u ' M-d t further ap|H'ariug that said Nicb
‘ t* fit* departed this life without esecu-
U wt »a* -V- lr to <aid Henry F. Mercier,
V; V, n * ‘i‘ ' u !’* l * rs since his death, or in any
r •> M. * lui •PlH'aricg said Hen
• V ~ r *de. pj*.d the full amount of the
: > '*** v - lar.d. aud vour petitu'ners <
It is ; her*t'>re Ite: eby v. der«*d that m«ti ve be given at
three urmort p«*v»- m-aid county, and in
gazette, fur ttiret «u,.mbs. * £ such application, that ||
persons may hie objtvtion? in office, if tov
th»k*' h-*vc. why ka d Thomas A Kjuh.-da':** and Jame«.ii.
W4K*. admin >tr»iors. as a:NrcsA»U. should not execute
tltk - :e -ait! tract of land. m. vufoimity with said
lM)nd,*aud fn terms ** the b*w-. mi ~mrh cases mad* and
I revised
* . uaie extract frew the Minutes of the Court of Ordi
narv, this *lnr.e 4.
June 7.1 -06. B. F. T ATUM, Ordinary
- iroTrcE.
4 have a gwud COOK WASHER ami IRONERLt
L sab i- vyars old, w ilh a very iikely chi d two
year?,. L a . live .r t \ kcly BOYS, from six to
f welveyear* aid which can be obtained low. for ca»h or
g»sod sixty or afnsiy dav c*ty paper.-**
» v J§HX l k\X
S2O REWARD.
IA Y1 pay the above reward for the apprehension
and delivery so :m*. or the lodgement in anv safe jail
m Gforgi* of Small Carotid that I can get him. of a
Negro Man named M ILL! AM lie u a ami Bo< t
Maker . is ertppW i» b;> right leg. w- al*oat 5 feet 4or t>
inches high ; sti»u.* tt in taikuig 1 ot dark complexion;
, dr; road and write, and may have « psux- ofh’.s own
.niing lli* fatner livesu« uraiigeaurg. mid uis mother
;,i She i Blutf. 1 ptirchased bun from <*reea A Holdsoti -
ruck ' JOHN F SUTTON,
auto wtt Ravsville. Ga.
C op AST NEHSHIF
r|A |f K undersigned have this formed a Copartner
J. ship under the name and hrui of H. J AE. A.
SIBLEY* for. the ptn-poae of u-ausacting a General
Fatndv Grocery and F ajitor - Hn«Lne»t, at the oid &mnd
oiTtu * 1 A Sli'lev H J SIBI.ET,
Augusta Feb. 1, 1650; £ A- SIBLEY.
vLjjroiiitlc H
I\,r the Ck ronich df Stutrnfl.
Tfce (’tfimiitntUtnalMl —Tbe Sanford Letter.
At last b&s the C^nttituitonalitl been driven to
publish ti<* .Snmlford letter in full. After deitaneia
tion of its Couae from the stamp, and constant jeer
ing by American orators of its significant tbe
letter is given to the public in all its hideous mon
strosity, containing n political dogma which it will not
dare to explain aw ay, because it caunot be covered
up, And cannot justify, because it is an open avowal
of Wilmot Provisoism. Attention inustbe diverted
from this point, and therefore it is said that Mr. Bu
chanan's opinions in 1848, just eight years ago, upon
the vital question as to the power of Congress to
legislate upon the question of slavery in the territo
ries, present no question worthy of our considcra
tion. The Con*titutionali*t immediately thereupon
says:
* k We have a practical issue before the people—a
living, vital issue—one paramount to, and over
shadowing all others. Tim- issue is, shall the South
fuirr c/psal right ' iu all tin Territories of the Union
With Sort hr ru St ale. a. or shall Congress inter erne
0 y the re-enact men’, of the Missouri restriction, to
rjc/luiJe the South from all participation in Territo
ry Sorlh of *Wi - 3(K f *
The italics arc its own. “Or shall Congress inter
vene by the re-enactment of the Missouri Compro
mise.” rbis is the language, and is it not the very
soul and spirit of the issue to know what are Bu
chanan's sentiments upon this power of Congress to
intervene ? But it is conceded by the Constitution
alist that Buchanan may have entertained the opin
ion in 181 H that Congress has this power, but says
it “ has now no longer a political significanee.”
Why not, if the isaae before the people as stated
above be the true one ? It is a concession of that
power to Congress, which has always been denied
by the South, and the denial of which brought about
a repeal of the odious Missouri restriction as an un
constitutional enactment. The Constitutionalist ,
tlien, places its champion iu the same category with
“ the entire Freesoil and Know Nothiug parties
North, with Fillmore at the head,' who “hold
to tin* right of Congressto reenact the Missouri
Compromise or the Wilmot Proviso.” And
has the glorious Democracy come to this sad
plight ? Was it necessary to go into the ranks
of freesoilers for a candidate ? into the dark dens and
caverns of despised Know Nothings fora leader?
into the scattered remnants of its ancient enemies
the Whigs for a chosen standard bearer ? “ Help
me Cassius, or I sink.’
Conceding, then, as the Constitutionalist does,
that Mr. Buchanan did entertain this doctrine justly
regarded so hostile t > the rights of the South “ when
expressed, it wus in view of the protection the pow
er would give to Southern rights then ruthlessly as
sailed by David Wilmot.” What was David Wil*
mot attempting to do ? Why, to fasteu the proviso,
which has been coupled in unholy union with his
name, upon the newly acquired territorythat
proviso was, “ that slavery or involuntary servitude,
except for crimes, whereof the party had been duly
convicted, should never exist in said territories.”
David Wilmot and his co-laborers insisted tlmtCon
gress had the power to pass such a provision, and
Buchanan agreed with, while the whole South op
posed it ns not (»nly unjust, but unconstitutional. If
Buchanan opposed Wilmot, the whole South did
not, for they were on opposite sides, the one main
taining, that Congress had the power claimed for it
by Wilmot, and the other denying it. Thus it will
appear to what extent this opinion was invoked for
the “benefit of the South.” The cuttle fish must
have been about the birth place of that idea.
This opinion of Buchanan, says the Constitution
alist, is irrelevant and obsolete. Why, forsooth ?
Because it is ‘in contravention of the creed and
policy” of the Cincinnati Platform, and in conclu
aion, it is unblusbingly admitted that only so much
of the letter was used as suited the then present pur
pose, while that more important part, which dis
closed a more dire hostility to the South, was sup
pressed. So much for candor and the Spc. , <s' c -
But while admitting that it hud published all the
record (*-f Mr. Fillmore that it was thought would
make aguinst him, nml spreading the Campaign
Extra broudeast through the State, containing Hint
record and the garbled Suuford letter ; after as much
injury as possibly could be done to Mr. Fillmore’s
cause had been accomplished, and the wrong im
pression was made upon the public mind by the dis
torted extract, it begs to be excused from going
back forty years, or even eight years, (though it
does not say so,) and entreats the people to decide
the question of reliability between Fillmore and Bu
chanan, not upon their own respective merits and
political positions, but upon the Cincinnati Platform
umi Mr. Fillmore’s speeches. This issue ought not
to be avoided, and will not, if it ought. For the
American party are fearless with their principles
and with their leader, und while they are ready at
all times to pit the principles of their party against
the principles of their opponents, they will not
“wriggle and twist” out of a comparison of their
candidate with the grand incarnation of bogus De
mocracy in the person of “ten cent” Jimmy Bu
chanan, and beg to be excused, as haR the Consti
tutionalist. The stars und stripes are above us—
our cause is our country —Millard Fillmore is our
leader, and our motto is to conquer or die. The
cry has gone forth throughout the land, “country
men, your cherished institutions arc in danger!
Awake to a realisation of the dreadful fact, and
prepare for the conflict! You have an insidious
enemy to battle with, who resorts to deception and
fraud to accomplish its object. Take up the wea
pons of truth and justice, plunge iuto the midst of
the tight, and you mwi be victorious—for those
alone deserve success, who dare to battle for it.”
American.
Fillmore and Uouclnou Meeting.
At a meeting of the friends of Fillmore and Don
elson in the 119th District of Richmond County, for
the purpose of forming a club for the district, the
following were the officers elected : Dr. Jas. T-
Barton, President; Gen. Geo. VV. Summers, James
P. Fleming, and John 11. Fitten, Vice Presidents,
and John A. Bohler, Secretary.
On motion of Col. John Milledge, a committee of
five was appointed for the purpose of preparing bu
siness, resolutions, &.0., for the meeting. The Pre
sident uppointed Col. John Milledge, Dr. Robert T.
Barton, Floyd Thomas, Erwin Hicks, and Tlmd. E.
Lovell, that committee, who theieupon, after retir
ing, through Col. John Milledge, offered the follow
resolutions, which were unanimously adopted :
Whereas, it behooves every true American citi
zen to do ull in hie power to calm the present exci
ted state of the public mind, which threatens to
overthrow our time-honored institutions, and where
as, we have looked in vain to the present dominant
i party to inaugurate a rule of action by which the an
tagonistic and hostile elements now grasping at the
reins of authority might be harmonized without dan
ger to the country ; and feeling it our duty to give
impetus and momentum to that cause and party,
which, in our opinion, is the only cause ami party
by which the interests of the country are to be con
served—by which the elements of Government are
to be reconciled and adjusted to their proper spheres
of act ion—by which baa faith, ferocity of temper,
and resistance to law are to be subordinated to the
control of reason, and by which constitutional go
vernment will be commissioned to promote the
reign of tranquility and harmony, therefore,
Resolved, That we have unlimited confidence in
the wisdom, patriotism, and integrity of Millard
Fillmore, ami in bis unwavering fidelity to the Con
stitution and laws of his country, and we applaud
the manly sentiment and patriotic tone of his late
speeches, which prove him a noble champion, around
whom may rally—as the last and only safety of the
country —every true friend of the Union.
Resolved, That in our opinion the election of Bu
chanan would be a sectional triumph, sufficient to
excite the just apprehension that it would prove
dangerous to the l mow in keeping alive the sec
tional animosity so hostile to the genius of the coun
try, ami therefore we pledge ourselves to use ail
honorable means to prevent his success.
Resolved. That Andrew Jackson Douelson, by his
lofty devotion to the Union, as well as the signal
ability displayed in the various public stations lie
lias held, has shown himself fully competent to
discharge the duties of the second office iu the
country.
Resolved, That we desire to see au American
administration, conducted by a President whose pa
triotism is broad enough to embrace all the great
interests of the whole country, without regard to
geographival divisions. Such au one was that of
Millard Fillmore, who left office crowned with gar
lands entwined by the hands of his political enemies,
and therefore,
Rettdeedy That we heartily and cordially endorse
the nomination of Millard Fillmore and A'. J. Douel
son for the offices of Preeideut ami Vice President,
by the Maoon Convention, aud pledge ourselves to
a faithful and indelatig&ble co-operation with their
triends throughout the country, to secure their elec
tion, as the only means of restoring internal peace,
aud of re-establishing fraternal relations between
the different sections of our distracted country.
On motiou of R. J. Godwin au Executive Com
mittee of thirteen for the Club was appointed by the
President, consisting of Col. John Milledge, Daniel
Walker, Thos. H. Skinner, R. J. Godwin. Dr. Robt.
T. Barton. Floyd Thomas, William Allen, Erwin
Hicks, Tuad. E. Lovell. William P. Crawford.
Patrice H. Primrose, John M. C. Evans, and Win.
V. Keener. The Hon. William Gibson, James G.
Collier, Esq.. John D. Butt. Esq., and John W
Walker, being present, were loudly called for. and
severally addl*Msed the meetiug in an eloquent and
fervent manner in behalf of the claims Fillmore and
Poneisou. On motion of Wm. V. Keener it was
ordered that the proceedings of this meeting be
published in the Chronicle A* Sentinel. After giv
ing three cheers for Fillmore and Douelson, the
meeting adjourned, subject to the call of the Presi
dent. J.vs. T. Barton, President.
John A. Bohler. Secretary.
August 9th, 1856. _
the Baiubridge (Ga.' Ar-gus says a murder was
committed near that place on Monday, the 20th alt.,
o\ one Daviv, \y .Griffin on the body of Stan*
:KLL Griffis struck Bajibkree on
tLe head with a fu.ee u s Umu ., of a W ni block,
producum iartant death. The murderer decamped,
and has not since been heard of.
FiKE.-AW. one o clock. Wednesday morning,
a fir© occurred in a small wooden building on the
corner of Jackson aud South Boundary streets, own
cd and occupied by John H. Spencer, Esq., as a
store, which with its contents was entirely con
sumed. Insured on stock and house $750 —which
wrill nearly cover the lo*e. The origin of the fire is
unkuov* aa.
Yeloow Fever in New York Cite—One case
of yellow fever is reported as having occurred in
the city of New York last week.
Mortality in Charleston.—There werethirty
ught deaths in Charleston last week, only one of
which was from yellow fever. But three deaths
trom that disease have occurred since Saturday
Fillaiore .Meeting.
Ratsville, Ga.. Aug. 9,155 G.
At a meeting of the friends of Fillmore and Don
elson this evening, for tl»e purpose of forming a Club
for the counties of Lincoln, Wilkes and Colombia,
Capt. John Collins was cxlh*d to the Chair, and Albert
G. Dozier requested to act as Secretary.
On motion, a committtee of three was appointed,
consisting of Dr W. A. L. Collins, Thomas H.
Wheat and V. M. Barnes to report business for the
consideration of the meeting, which committee, af
ter consultation, reported as follows :
The times are troublesome, the public mind is ex
cited, civil discord rages iu one of the Territories,
sectionalism is marching steadily to trample under
loot the Constitution and destroy the l r Dion, our
country is in imminent, deadly peril. The present
administration, imbecile, unreliable, agitating for
mere party purposes the most delicate subject that
can be presented to the American people, has put
t he country in this great peril, and has acknowledged
its ultra incapacity to extricate us from the dificul
ties its own mismanagement has brought about.—
Therefore,
Resolved, That true patriotism, as well aa sound
wisdom, dictates that we should no longer trust our
affairs iu the hands of those who have shown such
total want of both capacity and honesty.
Resolved, That as the country can have no confi
dence in this administration, so neither can it safely
trust its destinies in the hands of that party w hich
seeks a continuance of th» same policy—a party
having no common bond of Union but the public
plunder, advocating free trade iu one section and
protection in another, opposing internal im
provements in one section and lavishing the public
money on local objects, by its votes, in another, ad
vocating Kansas and Slavery in the South and
• Kansas and no more Slave States” at the North,
and Squatter Sovereignty and Alien Suffrage in the
Territories, evervw’here, except ichen acting under
oath , radical, filibustering, and pandering to all the
vil; passions of human nature, a mere conglomcra
iou of political gamblers and jobbers, seeking to
build up “party,” while the coumry bleeds, putting
at its head a aujierannuated intriguer, James Bu
chanan, w’ho commenced life a Federalist, and now
claims to be a Democrat—who has steadily shown
his hostility to slavery since 1819, by resolutions,
speeches, fetters and votes, declaring in 1848 ihat
Congress ha 3 the sovereign and exclusive right to
legislate on the subject of slavery in the Territories;
and now, in 1856, that the people of the Territories,
regardless of accidental birth-place, have the same
power over the subject as the people of the States —
the slanderer of Henry Clay, in favor of reducing the
wages of American laoor to tbe level of the pauper
labor of Europe—publicly committed to the most
gigantic scheme or squandering the public revenue
ever presented to the people, the Pacific Railroad—
in short, a shuffling, timid, weak old man, every
thing by turns ana nothing long, without ability or
fidelity. Such a party is, neither in its declared
principles, nor iu its acted policy, nor in its candi
dates,a true exponent of American sentiment, and
ought not, and we believe will not, receive the sup
port of the American people
Resolved , That the best interests of our country
require that Americans should rule America ; and
thut no person owing allegiance to any foreign pow
er, prince or potentate, incompatible with and para
mount to the allegiance due from every citizen to
the Constitution of these United States, is worthy of
holding office under that Constitution ; that the time
of naturalization should be extended; that foreign
paupers, criminals and lunatics should be prohibited
oy positive law from landing on our shores; and
that neither Congress nor the people of the Territo
ries have the right to establish or prohibit slavery
therein, but that “ only the native and naturalized
citizens of the United States permanently residing
iu any Territory thereof,” can rightfully determine
this matter when forming a State Constitution, pre
paratory to admission into the Union.
Resolved, That we are opposed to the restoration
of the Missouri Compromise, being a party of peace,
opposed to all agitation of the subject of slavery, in
Congress and out of it, under every pretext whatso
ever, as dangerous to the Southern minority and
fatal to the Union; and as no party nor any ennside
rable number of individuals even, desire such resto
ration, it is mere insane stupidity to pretend that
that is an issue in this canvass.
Resolved , That, in this hour of our greatest peril,
our eyes and hearts, as the eyes and hearts of pa
triots everywhere, turn instinctively to one man —a
patriot and statesman, who seeks no office and
shuns no responsibility—not a “ Northern man w'ith
Southern principles,” but a Union man, on the prin
ciples of the “ Constitutiou and the Laws.” boldly
fightiug our battles at the very door of Seward —
given to us by Providence ouce to save us from tur
moil, strife and dunger, who lelt us safe, peaceful
and prosperous—who lias been tried and found
faithful, capable and honest —who couquered the
prejudices of his early education—scorned to be the
President of a party or a section, and turning from
partiznns and flatterers, determined “ to tread the
lonely puth of duty,” with an eye single to the good
of his country, his whole country, and nothing but
his Country. That man i« Millard Fillmore.
Resolved, That in Andrew' Jackflon l)onelson,the
bosom friend of Andrew Jackson, the faithful repre
sentative of our country abroad, ami the staunch
defender of the Constitution and the Union at home,
wise enough to know the truth and honest enough
to do it, regardless of party, we recognise the chosen
candidate of the American people for the Vice-
Presidency.
Resolved , That we will use all honorable means
within our power to elect Millard Fillmore and A. J.
Donelson to the Presidency and Y r ice-Presidency
of these United States, and cordially invite all per
sons of like mind to unite with us, heart and hand.
Resolved , That this meeting now organize it
self into a Filhnore and Donelson club, with the
following officers, to W'it : President—Dennis Pas
chal, Sr., of Wilkes. Vice-Presidents—Cant. 11. C.
Bussey, of Wilkes; Jeremiah Pasclml, ol Lincoln;
James B. Neal, of Columbia. Secretary—Thoma
H. Wheat. Treasurer—John Collins. Executive
Committee of Thirteen—B. 11. Broomhead, Edw. S.
Harrison, R. S. Neal, Henry O. Williams, Richard
Avery, Jacob Reed, W. T. Paschal, W. F. Orr,
Benj. Paschal, J. L. Paschal, J. M. Dill, Hezekiuh
McCorkle, Dennis Paschal, Jr.
On motion of J. C. Talbert, Esq., the proceedings
were ordered to be sent to the Chronicle 4' Sentine
for publieation.
The Club then adjourned to meet again Saturday
the 16th iust., at 4 o’clock, P. M.
John Collins, President.
A. G. Dozier, Secretary.
Benton mid Buchanan.
The Washington Union having asserted that Mr
Benton was opposed to Mr. Buchanan, and that his
pretended support was designed to injure the pros
pects of the latter in Missouri, the St. Louis Demo
crat, Benton’s organ, replies by publishing ail article
in which the following statement is made :
“In this connection we take occasion to say what
we should not have said otherwise, that we have
received within the past two days, trom the very
best and highest authority, the assurance that Mr.
Buchanan was deeply mortified and aggrieved by
the course of the Washington Union in this respect,
and had remonstrated against a repetition of any
such articles iu a manner that would not fail of its
effect. He also has sent his assurances to Colonel
Benton of his gratitude to him for his exertions in his
behalf in Missouri , and his regret at the hostility to
lum manifested by a •portion of the Democratic par
ty, but in which he never participated. It will be
well therefore for Democrats who do not contem
plate going over to Fillmore at the first convenient
opportunity, not to be misled by the tirades and
abiu- o of that jovmal against Col. Benton.”
Will our readers please mark and remember that
it is affirmed here that Mr. Buchanan has recently
sent assurances to Thos. 11. Benton, of (Buchanan’s)
regret that a portion of the Democratic party are
hostile to the former, and that he (Buchanan) never
participated in that hostility ! We shall next hear
we suppose, of their cordial sympathy and perfect
political identification!
How long before Mr. Buchanan will be sending
similar messages to the Van Burens ? He ought to
do it soon, in return for their endorsement What
a trio for the South to rally upon! Benton, Bucha
nan aud Van Buren ! Squatter Sovereignty, and
foreign-rule-ism! How long will it take such a
team to reach the White House ? Certainly not this
year.— -Natchez Courier.
The Game of Brag.— The Locofoco papers have
again fairly commenced the game of brag. A co
temporary says the same game was played in 1840,
when they claimed twenty-two of the twenty six
States, giving 261 electoral vote, and they got 7
which gave 60. They are somewhat less greedy at
present, and claim 15 of the 26th States, and there is
some possibility they may succeed this fall is carry
ing about the same proportion of the 15 as they did
the 22 in 1840. Now, let us contrast their boasting
in 1840 with the actual result in that year:
They claimed 22 States and they got 7.
They c laimed 261 electoral votes and got 60.
They claimed Penn, and lost it l>y 359 maj.
They claimed Maine, and lost it by £ll “
They claimed Delaware, and lost it by 1,003 “
They claimed Michigan, and lost it by 1,802 “
They claimed N. J.. and lost it by 2,317 “
They claimed Miss., and lost it by 2,543 “
They claimed La , and lost it by 3,680 “
They claimed Md.. and lost it by 4,776 “
They claimed Ga.. and lost it by 6,324 “
They claimed Tenn., and lost it by 12.102 “
They claimed N. C\. and lost it by 11,594 “
They claimed N. Y., and lost it by 13,290 “
They claimed la., and lost it by 13.698 “
They claimed Ohio, and lost it by 23,375 “
They claimed Kv.. and lost it by 25,673 **
Nicely Caught.—The Democrats of this State
are scattering to the four winds a pamphlet written
by Capt. James Williams, over the signature of
“Old Clay Whig,” in which the writer attempts to
give the reasons why Clay Whigs ( Heaven save
the mark!) should vote for Buchanan. One of the
strongest reasons offered by this political lecturer,
will be found iu the following, which we extract
from his pamphlet:
“I have only to add in this connection, the convic
tion upon my own mind, that old Clay Whigs can
not, without to some extent abonding their old prin
ciples, refuse to accord their support to the Demo
cratic party, if a free man is nominated for the of
fice ofPresident ; and that, in opposing the Van
Burens, the Bentons, the Blairs and the~Douelsons,
they will stand precisely T .vhere they stood of old
when battling against these same men under the
lead of the no ole aud gallant Clay!”
The reason suggested here—“opposing the Van
Buren<. and Bentons ” —isafirstrate one to guide
the conduct of genuine Clay Whigs, but the fact
that the writer of the above is now found fighting
shoulder to shoulder with Martin Van Buren John
Van Buren and Torn Benton, shows how utterly he
falsifies the name he has assumed—more especially
when he unites with them in supporting the vile
slanders, under whose calumnies that “gallant Clay”
went down to the tomb ! — Knoxville Register.
Fatal Boiler Explosion is Brooklys.—The
X. Y. Herald, of the 10th inst.. states About half
past 4 o'clock, y esierday afternoon a melancholy
disaster occurred in the iron safe manufactory of
Messrs. B. G- Wilder A Go., situated on the corner
of Third avenue and Thirteenth street. Brooklyn,
the boiler of which exploded, destroying that por
tion of the building in which it was situated, and
burying five persona under the ruins. The building
was four stories high, built of brick, about two hun
dred feet deep, and having an extent in front of fifty
feet. It was used as a manufactory for Wilder's
patent won safes. The boiler and machinery were
placed in the back part of the building, which was
separated from the extreme rear. The explosion of
the boiler demolished one half of the main building,
the southerly portion of the wall and the roof falling
inward, and leaving about two-thirds of the building
standing, burying peneeth iis ruins, as we have
crated, five persons. and injuring a number of others.
The portion of the building destroyed was used for
the finishing of the safes, and contained about seven
ty-five heavy safes nearly completed. The explo
sion was heard at a great distance, and shook the
entire building to its foundation. The falling of the
walls was almost simultaneous, barely giving time for
those who were so fortunate as to escape to do so
at the imminent risk of their fives, many jumping
from the windows of the building to the ground.
The loss sustained to the owners and proprietors
is estiiaated by the proprietors to be not far from
SIO.OOO, which will cover the damage to the bulld
og. the loss on machinery - stock, dtc. Seventy-five
heavy safes, which were in process of manufacture,
*-ere kept in the portion of fe bniftfeig demolished,
fad completely destroyed. The property was fully
insured.
Memphis and Ohio Railroad. —The Common
Council of Memphis has authorized a loan of $70.-
Uw to the above road.on good security, for the com
pletion of the said road twenty-four and three-lourth
miles tothe junction of the Mobile and Ohio Rail
road. This ioan is rendered necessary in cosse
queoce of tie failure of the people of Havwood
i-ounty to meet their subscription
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING. AUGUST 20, 18.5 G.
SFBfiCll OF If ON. JERK. (LEUENai.
Delivered at Blue Spring, Scar Decatur, Ala.,
on the *26//, of July, 1856.
Mr. Clemens said : We Lave met together un
der extraordinary circumstances. For tLe first time
in the history of the country, the question is directly
submitted to the people, “whether Americans are
competent to rule America,'* or whether the admin
istration of public affairs shall be committed to those
who have never read the Constitutian, who are ig
norant of the laws, aild unfamiliar even with the
language in which they are recorded. Heretofore,
amid all the changes of parties and politics, the pa
triot has been enabled to reflect with pride that
there vras at the bottom of every one a basis of
I sound Americanism, and however we might differ.
owever bitter might be the discussions those differ
ences engendered, still it was admitted on all hands
that American patriotism swayed the heart, and
sought to shape the public policy to the advance
ment of American interests. The Irish brogue and
the Gemau accent were indeed familiar to us, but
they were heard in plaintive notes, not in the thun
der tones. It was the gentle pleading of the op
pressed and the destitute, who, had fled to our shorts
for refuge from the chain gangs of tyranny, or the
deadlier tortures of hunger, not the hearse bawling
of the Pretorian auctioneer offering the Republic
for sale at the Presidential shambles. In scattered
places—iu the great cities for instance—foreign ar
rogance iiad begun to manifest itself, aud those who
ought to have been grateful for a shelter beneath
the temple of liberty, were sometimes heard insisting
on the right to minister at the alter ; but these in
stances were rare, and the people of the country
looked with dktrust upon the early efforts to crush
this budding treason, because they regarded the
danger as insignificant, and believed it would soon
die <»ut of itself. No one imagined at that day that
the right of foreigners to make laws by which we
are to be governed could ever be seriously mooted.
Sometimes, in fourth of July orations, or college an
niversaries, the fact that a foreigner held a particu
lar office was referred to as an evidence of the ex
treme liberality of our poople, but no where iu the
wildest dreams of the school boy or the enthusiast
was were painted the coining of a day when that li
berality should be shorn of its merit, and the reci
pient of it should insolently exclaim *‘l owe you no
thanks. It was not a boon I asked, but a right I
demanded. I have as much right to make laws
here as you have, and I intend to exercise that
righ.”
Still less could it have been imagined that a time
was coining when the fact of being born on u foreign
soil would be regarded as a merit, and the physical
characteristics of the Irishmen or the Dutchman, be
accepted as a certificate of a qualification above all
native pretensions. You have listened as I have, I
know, with sickening disgust, to the insolent argu
ment so often repeated in broken English, that the
Americans deserve no credit for living in a free
country, because we were born here and could not
help it, whereas our foreign population, urged and
impelled solely by an inherent love of liberty have
come of their own free will to worship at the shrine
which is ours only by the accident of birth. I might
question the quality of that love of liberty which
seeks security from personal oppression, but leaves
a father’s grave ora mother’s ashes to be desecrated
by a tyrant’s step, aud watered by a helpless sister’s
teal’s. 1 might question the fitness of those to main
tain free principles in America who dared not strike
for them at home—who loved freedom well enough
to run away from the land where their infancy was
rocked, where the bones of their sires now moulder,
where a mother, a sister, and an infant brother still
groan in bondage, but who did not love it enough
to fling out the banner of resistance beneath their
native skies, and win with their own hands the
right to govern themselves before they officiously
volunteered to govern us. If I chose to enlarge up
on so fruitful a theme, I think I might alter the tri
umphant tone with which this foreign dogma is an
nounced, aud cover the most impassable cheek with
blushes. I might assert also, without doing violence
to past history or cotemporary testimony, that many
of them had left their country, “for their country’s
good,” and that the free choice of which they boast
so much was a choice between safety auu com
fort on this side the Atlantic, and a poor house or
the whipping post on the other. But! have no wish
to recall unpleasant reminiscences, or indulge in
expressions more harsh than the occasion demands.
Besides, there is much to be forgiven to an arro
gance which could never have reached its present
bloated proportions without native aid. There is a
greater criminal to be arraigned before the bar of
public opinion—a viler and more detestable spirit to
be rebuked —a more dangerous enemy to republican
institutions to be crushed. That criminal is the
great anti-Know Nothing, Democratic, Mac Whig,
Sag Nicht party, with professions of love for the
people forever on its lips, and schemes to plunder the
people forever iu its mind—bartering for every
thing from the highest office down to casting a can
non call in the most insignificant foundry—declaim
ing about State rights while raising a corruption
fund to control by bribery a State election —boast-
ing of manliness when it is steeped to the lips in
hypocrisy, and habitually breaking faith with all but
the worst ofits minions. Rapidly sinking under the
weight of many and grievous sins the ignorance of
the foreigner and the bigotry of the Catholic offered
a chance for support, and it mattered nothing to
them what might be the ultimate result of the per
nicious connexion, so that their present hold upon
the public treasury might be secured for another
Presidential term.
The American In this canvass who fails to hold
them to a just accountability, will be untrue to his
high mission, and every hour expended in defence
of American principles will be so much time ab
stracted from the greater duty of exposing the cor
ruption that degrades, the selfishness that blasts,
and the blustering imbecility that covers with ridi
cule the Republic. The task of defending belongs
to our enemies, not to us. They are in power, not
we. They have administered this government in
such a manner as to bring shame and reproach upon
it, and it is their business to answer at the bar of the
people for the violated trust. At an extraordinary
time, and under extraordinary circumstances, a na
tion’s destinies were confided to their keeping. No
foreign war depleted the public treasury. No heavy
debt was pressing upon us. No unfavorable season
blasted the crop of the husbandmen. No hostile
fleet crippled our commerce. No domestic conten
tions dotted the land with intestine tires. Within
and without there was peace, prosperity, abundance
and contentment. The ashes of a past sectional
controversy had ceased to glow, anil scarcely a
spark remained to indicate the presence of a fitful
life in the smouldering heap. From its million
tongues a nation sent up rejoicing anthems, and pa
triot eyes grew brighter, and patriotic hands were
locked in a firmer clasp at the renewed assurance of
the durability of free institutions, and the capacity
of a free people to settle all disturbing questions
among themselves upon principles of justice, mod
eration, and brotherly forbearance. Amid the gen
eral joy, men forgot the asperities of politics, and nl
most refused to remember that there had been such
a thing as party divisions.
With an accord approaching unanimity, Frank
lin Bierce was selected from an extreme Northern
State, and borne triumphantly to the Presidential
chair. It was a cold day, that fourth of March, 1853.
The snow and sleet came down from the dun clouds
above, and the wind whistled mournfully among
the columns of the capitol; but sunshine was with
in, and no gloomy presage came to warn the assem
bled multitude that it would be as reasonable to ex
pect that the frozen earth and the frozen air would
woo the rose-bud to put forth its leaves, as to look
tor a firm, consistent, upright, and unselfish admin
istration of the laws from the vacillating thing whose
lips that day touched the Evangelists, and whose
hand grasped the baton of office Washington hud
hallowed. Confidence was in the bosoms of all, and
all listened with delight to the honeyed promises of
the Inaugural, and the seeming frankness with which
it was delivered. Next came the announcement of
his cabinet. It was of all hues, and every shade of
political complexion ; but to those who expressed
doubts about the harmonious action of such incon
gruous materials, the President gave assurance that
every one of them had read his Inaugural before its
delivery—that all endorsed it, and were prepared
to carry it faithfully into execution. Men are easily
satisfied when they wish to be so, and the Presi
dent’s assurances were received with the generous
confidence which ought to exist between a great
party and a man fit to be its chief. But from that
hour equivocal acts began to excite distrust, and
when they ceased to be equivocal, they were plain
ly, undeniably, and inexcusably bad.
But I have no intention to comment upon the acts
of this Administration any further than they are
connected with the Cincinnati plattonn and nomi
nees. It is true, the Alabama and Anti-Know No
things endorsed Mr. Pierce. It is true, they in
structed their delegates to vote for his re-nomina
tion, and that they are therefore responsible for all
that is past; but they have also endorsed the Cin
cinnati platform, and that is a burden heavy enough
for any party to bear. I propose to analyze that
platform. To show that where it is sound, it has
been shamefully violated—that iu other respects it
is a double-headed monster, looking North and
South at the same time, aud showing an honest face
to neither section —that if announces a foreign po
licy dangerous, unwise and impracticable, and that
the convention resorted to an unworthy trick to se
cure the votes of California aud Missouri.
The first resolution upon which I wish to comment
is the sth, and is in these words :
“That it is the duty of every branch of the gov
ernment to enforce and practice the most rigid econ
omy in conducting our public aflairs,'' dec.
The principle here announced is unquestionably
a souud one : let us see how it has been observed.
I will take the three last Democratic Adininistra
tiousbywav of illustration. Mr. Van Buren, from
183 b to 1840, with the Florida war upon his hands,
ran up the expenses of the Government to thirty
seven millions of dollars. This was regarded as
such inexcusable extravagance that in 1840 he was
badly beaten for the Presidency by Gen. Harrison.
Mr. Polk, from 1844 to 1848, with an army of more
than a hundred thousand men in different parts of
Mexico, compelled to transport arms, munitions,
provisions ana baggage hundreds of miles in an ene
my's country, made an average expenditure of less
thau forty-five millions of dollars. In 1852 the De
mocracv'assembled in Baltimore and adopted this
economical resolution; and what has been the re
sult ? In a time of profound peace, with no extra
ordinary demauds of a legitimate character upon
the public treasury, these expenditures have been
swelled to the enormous sum of seventy-five mil*
lions of dollars. More than double Mr. Van Bu
ren and nearly double Mr. Polk's. You will thus
perceive that there is a wide difference between
anti American profession and anti-American prac
tice. And how has this money been squandered ?
A large slice has gone into the pockets of foreign
capitalists. It is notorious that the Collins line of
ttesineis is owned for the most pan abroad, and yet
under the specious pretext of protecting American
enterprise, these steamers receive a bonus of some
thing like three hundred and fifty thousand dollars.
Our Government loaned the company its credit to
build the ships, and now pays them for transporting
the mail- in vessels which ought to belong to us.
it was with George Law ou the line between
Xew York and piiagres.and with {lowland and As
pinwall between panama and San Francisco.—
Large sums have also been appropriated to local
works of irnpi ovemert. As a specimen of the char
acter of these works I may mention that a consider
able amount was appropriated for the purpose of
cleaning out Cape Fear river, alittie stream, which
no one, even in North Carolina, ever imagined to
be of national importance. The salaries of all the
Cabinet Officers Mve been raised, and also those of
the Foreign Ministers. In the various Departments
at Washington, employing over a thousand persons,
the pay of the employees has been increase!, until
now the lowest Clerk receives a salary of SIOOO,
while he is only required to work from nine o’clock
in tbe morning to three o'clock In thp evening, or
six hours in the twenty-four A large increase has
been made to our -landing army, and the perma
nent expenses of both the army and navy are double
what they ought to be. Ail this, too. has been done
by a party professing to believe that economy in the
administration of the Government is absolutely es
sential to its purity.
Nor is it a*one in this particular that the promises
of the platform have been nullified and disregarded.
The Becond section reads thus :
“That the constitution does not confer upon the
general government the power to commence and
carry on a general system of internal improve
ments.”
This also* 1 admit is sound democratic doctrine
but the party who announce it have departed from
it so widely and so often that J find il difficult to un
derstand bow thvy dared to insert such a plank in
their praiform. For the lasi ten years every Con
gress, in one or the other branch, and sometimes in
both, have passed bills of internal improvement.—
There has not been & democrat from Ohio, Miehi
igan, Indiana, Illinois, lowa, Wisconsin, Missouri,
or Arkansas, who has not habitually voted for them.
There have been very few from Tennessee. Ken
tucky, Louisiana, Texas, or New Y T ork, who have
not done the same thing. Indeed with the excep
tion of Viiginia, North Carolina. South Carolina.
Georgia, and Alabama, the democracy in no State
has consistently and firmly adhered to this plank of
their national pia ! form. The Convention understood
this as well as I do. There were men in that body
voting for and sustaining tins resolution who had
never given an anti internal improvement vote in
their fives. Take fi»r instance the record of W. A.
Richardson. There never was in the old Federal or
Whig ranks a more determined advocate of inter
nal improvements. Take the record of any demo
crat from the North wesl, and the same astounding
fact is manifest. Even at the present session, after
the adoption of the Cincinnati platform, a demo
cratic Senate has passed three bills of internal im
provement over the veto of the President by a two
thirds vote. How, then, you wil! ask, did they
come to insert a resolution so variant from their
practice ? I answer it was put there to delude and
deceive. They go upon the same principle with the
people that Simon Sugg* did with his mammy. Si
mon had been detected by his parental progenitor
in the wickedness of indulging in a “ short game of
cards.” Whereupon the old man indicated to Si
mon his desire that be should follow him to a shade
tree for the purpose of receiving- the chastisement
due to his offence. On the way that w'oithy indulg
ed in a soliloquy after this fashion : “ Darn it all, I
never could see - what daddies are good for no how,
except to beat boys, and drive ’em, and make ’em
work. Now mammies, there’s some use in mam
mies. I kin poke my fiuger right in the old woman'. -
eye, and if I swear it ain’tthere, she’ll swear so too.”
So these wire working President makers imagine
they can poke their fingers right in the eyes of the
people, and as long as they swear they are demo
crats the people will swear so too.
The fourth resolution is also a delusion and a
cheat.
“That justice and sound policy forbid the F'ederal
Government to foster one brunch of industry to the
detriment of any other, or to cherish the interests of
one portion to the injury of another portion of our
common country.”
This resolution was intended to announce the old
democratic doctrine of opposition to a protective
tariff ; and yet the convention that adopted it nomi
nated as their candidate a man who haa beou a ta
riff advocate all his life—the policy—of whose State
has always been of a protective policy who himself
voted for the Tariff’of 1828, and whose vote and in
fluence carried the tariff of 1842—the black tariff
as we Democrats h. 1844, when we were
trying to beat Henry Otay with James K. Polk.—
An anti-tariff platform, and a tariff'candidate!-
Somebody must be deceived, and who do you think
it will be ! Think you that Peuusylvania interests
will be neglected by a Son of Pennsylvania ? That
Northern interests will be neglected by a Northern
man. That he will revise the acts, and change the con
victions of a life-time to please you, when you are
in a minority / The people of this valley have had
some experience which will assist them to answer
these questions iutelligeutly. When you great
work which is to connect you with the Mississippi
and the Atlantic was languishing for the want of
means to carry it on, you applied to Congress for a
reduction in the duties on railroad iron, and where
did you meet the most determined opposition?
From Pennsylvania. They wauled the duties in
creased instead of diminished, in order that you
might be compelled to pay enormous prolits to their
miners Think you that after the election, when
Mr. Buelmnan docs not want your votes, and is be
yond your reach, that either he, or his friends, will be
more likely to consult your interests than they now
are ? Such a belief implies a degree of stupidity I
would be very unwilling lo impute to any consider
able number of iny countrymen.
Let me call your attention now to the following
clause in the 9th resolution :
“That tiie Democratic party will resist all at
tempts at renewing the agitation of the slavery
question under whatever shape or color the attempt
may be made.”
Like those upon which I have commented, this
resolution is borrowed, word for woid, from the
platform of 1852, and I confess l read it with a feel
ing akin to indignation at the unblushing effrontery
it manifests. In two years after that resolution was
made a part of the Democratic creed, Mr. Douglas
introduced his bill to provide territorial govern
ments for Kansas and Nebraska, Mr. Dixon a Whig
from Kentucky, offered an amendment to repeal
the Missouri Compromise. The Washington Union,
the President’s organ, denounced the amendment
as a Whig trick, —called the Missouri Compromise
a “solemn covenant” —reminded the Democracy of
their pledge never to touch it, and iusisted upon the
passage of the bill as it came from the Committee.
In a few days, however, Mr. Douglas accepted the
amendment of Mr. Dixon ; the Union reversed its
position, and made that a test of Democracy which
it had just declared w r as a Whig trick. Tims the
whole subject of slavery was ve-opened for agita
tion —re opened with the consent, and by the assis
tance of an Administration p lodged to resist all agi -
tation of “whatever shape or color,” Now this same
party re-affirm the resolution they have so palpably,
undeniably and shamelessly violated, and call upon
the people to trust them once more, and risk ouee
more a woful deception. There is an old rule and
a good one that “when a man deceives me once
that is his fault.—when he deceives me twice that is
mine,” because he is foolish to trust him a second
lime. The Convention of ’52 pledged themselves
not to touch the question of slavery. In *54 they
violated the pledge. In '56 they renew it. If we
trust them again ami are again deceived the fault
will be ours, not theirs.
The resolutions of 1852 were judged sufficient for
the Democracy of that year to stand upon, and
were supposed to contain an authoritative exposi
tion of the democratic creed. The Cincinnati Con
vention added a string of resolutions the most ex
traordinary ever put forth by any party, on the eve
of a Presidential election. So extraordinary that
Gov. Wise is said to have indicated an intention to
support it only because he believed Mr. Buchanan
would so interpret it as to neutralize its mischievous
tendency. So extraordinary that a New York dele
gate declared he swallowed it as lie did ipecac, for
the purpose of throwing it up. Upon the great and
vital question of slavery in the Territories, it is as
mystic as the grade of Delphi. We are told that
“the American Democracy recognize and adopt the
principles contained in the organic law establishing
the Territories of Kansas and Nebraskans embody
ing the only sound and safe solution of the slavery
question upon which the great national idea of the
people of this whole country can repose in its deter
mined conservatism of the Union.”
It would have been impossible, under existing
ciicuinstances, to have adopted language more in
definite, and the conclusion is inevitable that it was
purposely worded so as to be interpreted one way
at the North and another at the South. 1 will not
cast so serious a reflection upon the intelligence of
the convention as to impute to them ignorance of
the fact that the principle of the Kansas bill means
one thing in Illinois, and quite another thing in Ala
bama. At the North it means that the people of a
territory (while it is a territory) who cannot even
pass u law for the recovery of stolen property wit h
out the approval of a Governor appointed by the
President, may yet prevent Southern men from emi
grating there with their slaves, aud secure the coun
try to Abolitionists. At the South it means that the
people of a territory when they come to adopt a con
stitution and form of stable government, then, and
not until then, may regulate the subject of slavery
for themselves. The diversity of opinion was no
secret, and the convention found itself in this di
lemma. If they adopted Squatter Sovereignty,
plainly and without ambiguity, they lost the South.
If they repudiated it, they lost the North. The men
who pulled the wires of that immaculate body, were
however, equal to the occasion. They simply adopt
ed the principle of the bill, without defining what
that principle was, and left it to the different sec
tions of the party to interpret the language accord
ing to their localities. 11l the Nortli it is held to be
a “ bill of freedom.’' Mr. Pierce placed his support
of it on that ground. Gen. Shields and W. A. Rich
ardson did the same thing, and .Judge Douglas de
clared that he voted for the repeal of the Missouri
Compromise not as a measure of justice to the
South, but because it tolerated slavery south of 36:30.
I beg to refer here to the testimony of two Dem
ocrats of unquestionable orthodoxy.
On the 15th Oct., 1855, at Barnwell Court House,
Mr. Keitt, of S. C., said :
“How stands the party, even upon the Nebraska
bill 1 In the Free States, it is maintained upon the
ground of squatter sovereignty, and alien suffrage,
and Northern facilities for colonization. Can ihe
South uphold it on these grounds ? Who here
will endorse the monstrous doctrine of squatter
sovereignty, born of political cow ardice and selfish
ambition ? Where, then, is the unity of the Demo
cratic party ? It differs in the defence of even its
fundamental measure.'’
On the 7th November, 1855, at Sumpfcerville, Mr.
Boyce said i
“But when I have said thus much, I must be al
lowed to say what the truth of history demands—
that the repeal of the Missouri restriction in its gen
eral scope, was not so much an act intended to the
South as a great political move by which the South
was to be conciliated, the North lose nothing, and
all through the agency of the Democratic party,
who were to be the real beneficiaries of the move
ment. * * * * *
Under this view of the case, I do not see that we
are under an insupportable weight of gratitude to
the Democratic pr.rty ; certainly the burden is not
as heavy as Atlas had to bear on his shoulder. But
if the Demociatic party had stood up to the Nebras
ka bill after its passage, I could hardly have felt at
liberty to have raised the veil which concealed the
secret workings of the machinery; but after they
had completed their work, they fied from it In dis
may, and repudiated their own offspring. * * *
How then can I be asked to put confidence in a
party which has no confidence itself, but f alsifies its
own action?*’
These were the opinions of Messrs. Keitt and
Boyce, Democrats of the Calhoun school, as late as
October and November 1855. In January, 1856,
the Alabama anti Know Nothings assembled in
Convention at Montgomery, and adopted a plat
form of principles. .Perhaps some member of that
Convention can tell us how it happened that while
endorsing the Kansas bill they were guilty of the
inconsistency of inserting a resolution in direct
conflict with its provisions. The Alabama platform
insists upon “ the unqualified right of the people
of the slaveholding States to the protection of their
property in the States, in the Ten*itoriee, and in
the wilderness, Ac. The 14th section of the Kan
sas act says:
“Provided that nothing herein contained shall be
construed to revive pr put iq force any law or regu
lation which may have existed prior to the act of the
sth March, 1820, either protecting, establishing, pro
hibiting or abolishing slavery.”
Not only therefore does the law refuse the unqual
ified protection demanded by Alabama, but it goes
beyond that and guards with scrupulous vigilance
against the revival of the old French law protect
ing slavery. The great proportion of this territory
was purchased from France. Siavery existed there
by law at the date of the purchase. It was exclud
ed by the Missouri Compromise North of 36:30, and
when Mr. Douglas introduced his bill for the repeal
of the Missouri Compromise he was careful cot to
let the South derive any benefit from the legal con
struction that the Repeal vkat act revived the
o\s French law slavery. lie meant
it to “be a “ Bill for freedom, ’ and he made it eo ef
fectually. With singular inlatuation the Alabama
Anti-Know Nothings endorse the bill and at the
same time declare they are entitled to “the protec
tion of their property in the territories and in the
wilderness.”
This Alabama platform was written by W. L.
Yaney, whose name is at the head of their Electo
ral ticket. It was endorsed and supported by L. P.
Walker, who is second on that ticket. In point of
ability these men stand a t the head of the party in
Alabama. I should not exaggerate if I said they
deserved to rank among the first men of their party
in the entire South. Ihm pot at liberty, therefore,
to rdgaid a document having such a paternity as
giving expression to hasty and ill considered opin
ions. lam bound to believe that they knew what
they were writing and infant to be understood ac
cording to the terms of the language employed. I
call upon them to answer upon what pretext they
can ask tbe people to sustain a panv Which has re
fused the protection they demanded, and expressly
repudiated a principle they said could not even be
compromised.
So much for the Kansas bilL I was opposed to it
from the beginning. lam opposed to it now. Be
cause it has a double meaning. Either the North or
the South must be deceived, and as we are the weak
er party, I think it most likely that we shall be the
sufferers. Because it revived a section
al agitation for no practical purpose, no ostensible
Because it was an of oad faith after
noth paniea had pledged themselves not to re-open
the subject of slavery. All the evils I foresaw have
come to pass, and tbe soil of Kansas is even now
being fattened by blood shed by the hands of broth
er.
* The next proposition to which I direct your
attention is the following :
“That the question connected with the foreign pol
icy of the country is inferior to no domestic ques
tion whatever. The time has come for the people
of the United States to declare themselves in favor
of free seas, and progressive free trade throughout
the world. And, by solemn manifestation, to place
their moral indueoce by the side of their successful
example'
Our Sag-Nicht friends have a habit of covering
up their meaning by such ambiguous words that it
is not always easy for a plain man to tell exactly
what they are at. “Free-Seas” is a very taking ex
pression, but there is something behind more than
meets the eye. It was intended to cover a war
with Denmark on account of the Sound dues. Dues
which that Kingdom lias collected from all vessels
navigating the Baltic fora period dating back be
yond the discovery of America. Our commerce
there is trilling, and the money collected from our
ship owners insignificant. Washington, Jefferson,
Madison and Jackson recognized the right of Den
mark to make the collection and secured it to her
by solemn treaties. But Mr. Pierce, more jealous
ol the nation’s right than they, suddenly discovered
that it was inconsistent with the national honor
to pay this paltry tax, when England, France, Rus
sia. all Europe h.ad paid it before our nation had
an existence, and pay it yet without a murmur:
and when moreover, six months’ war would cost
us more than would be collected from us in a cen
tury.
I* may do Mr. Pierce injustice, but I think I can
account for the sudden importance these sound dues
have assumed, lie had seen proper to indulge iu a
good deal of blustering on the occasion of a Spanish
vessel firing into the Black Warrior. An unsophis
ticated pei*son would have supposed that he intend
ed to land an army on the Island iu six weeks at the
lurtherest. But unfortunately the fleets of France
and England were riding in those seas, and it was
pretty well understood that a blow at Cuba would
be met by a blow from the three powers combined.
Mr. Pierce’s courage was not equal to such a trial.
He hesitated, vasculated, uutil his minister resigned
in disgust, and the Secretary of Legation then
patched up a compromise. Mr. Pierce had backed
square out, It was mortifying, and he felt it; so,
like the fellow who was whipped at a muster und
swore “he’d be d—d if he’d stay whipped, but
would go straight lmtne and whip Sally,” Mr. Pierce
determined not to stay backed out. lie would not
light England and France, but lie resolved to “pitch
iuto” little Denmark. So long as the thing was
in his hands alone, however, I had no great appre
hensions of a rupture. I thought lie would find
some way of getting out of it and sure enough he
did. When the time specified in the treaty had ex
pired, instead of carrying out his warlike threats,
he issued a circular to the American Merchantmen
to pay the duties, but to pay them under protest.—
So a protest was substituted for a war, and there the
ridiculous farce ought to have ended, but the Demo
cratic Convention have taken it up, and what was
a face may soon be a bloody tragedy. To do them
justice they mean what they say upon the subject
of lighting. They lack neither the courage nor the
will to do battle with the Devil himself if it should
strike their fancy to try and get possession of his
kingdom. How far it becomes peaceful citizens
who delight not in bloodshed, whose trade, com
merce and agriculture must suffer so grievously in
the event of a foreign war, to link themselves with
a party so reckless, and so ready to quarrel with
anybody, and upon any pretext, is a question you
must settle for yourselves. For one, I choose to
follow quiet paths. All history teaches us that ra
tional liberty can only be enjoyed far away from the
din of arms, and it is not the least of my objections
to the anti-American party that they seem to take a
savage delight in every prospect of a difficulty with
other nations.
This resolution shadows forth another principle
more oppressive to the poor man, and more blight
ing to the prosperity of the country than all the for
eign wars iu which they propose to plunge us.—
They are not only in favor of “free seas,” but “free
trade throughout the world.” Free Trade ! Do
you know what that means ? It means that instead
of supporting the Government by duties on imports,
all duties shall be abolished, and the money dragged
by taxation directly from the pockets of the people.
Let us see how such a system would work. There
are in the United States about twenty-live millions
of inhabitants. Our expenses have been swelled,
as I have already told you, to seventy live millions
of dollars. Equal taxation, therefore, upon free
trade principles, would take from you yearly three
dollars for vourself, three for your wife, three dollars
for each of your children, and nine dollars for every
five of your negroes. Add up these sums, and you
will have some idea of the parental care the Democ
racy propose to take of your pockets.
We in Alabama have had some experience of di
rect taxation. There are few of you who uo not
now feel that the taxes you pay are a very serious
burden. The Cincinnati Convention held a differ
ent opinion, and in addition to what you already pay
propose to tax you with your proportion of seventy
rive millions of dollars, to be squandered on works
of internal improvement, which will do you no good
—given away to steamship companies, owned
abroad, or wasted in extravagant salaries paid to
public officers who are feasting on French dishes,
and drinking champagne and Burgundy, while you
aerrestricted to corn bread butter-milk, and mid
dling meat.
Under our present system, you pay no taxes to
the support of the Government but what you choose.
The luxuries of the rich are taxed —the necessaries
of the poor are exempt. The party now asking you
to support James Buchanan, propose to abandon
this system, and resort to a mode of taxation which
favors tlttj rich and oppresses the poor—which
wrings from your hard earnings to feast the lazy
drones about Washington.
Can sue men be the friends of the people ? Are
they entitled to the name they have arrogantly as
sumed ? Is it not a desecration of the time-honored
word Democracy to apply it to those who have so
far departed from all the landmarks erected by Jef
ferson and Jackson ?
The resolutions which follow are all in relation to
the foreign policy of the government, and are all
mischievous and dangerous in their tendency. The
Inst one of the series is equivalent to a general dec
laration of war against the civilized world.
“That the Democratic party will expect from the
next administration every proper effort to be made
to insure our ascendancy in the Gulf of Mexico, and
maintain a permanent protection of the great out
lets through which arc emptied into its waters the
products raised on the soil, and the commodities
created by the industry of the people of our West
ern valleys, aud the Union at large.”
There are two outlets to the Gulf of Mexico. One
into the Carribean Sea between Yucatan and Cuba,
where we do not own a foot of soil—never did, and
where we have no more right to establish an ascen
dancy than over the mouth of the river St. Law
rence. The other is into the Atlantic Ocean be
tween Cuba and Florida, and which Cuba lias just
as much right to control as we have. Through one
or the other of these outlets nearly the whole com
merce of Cuba must pass, and the whole commerce
of Eastern Mexico. There are west of Tortugas
some twenty islands in the Gulf of Mexico, not one
of which belongs to us. The waters of the Gulf
wash other shores than ours. Other nations carry
on a commerce there of immense extent and impor
tance; and yet the next Democratic Administra
tion is required to establish a permanent ascendancy
in the Gulf. How is this ascendancy to be estab
lished ? It cannot be done by treaties, and must be
done by ships of war. The navy of Spain is larger
than our own. One hundred million of dollars
would not put us on an equal footing with France ;
nor would a much larger sum enable us to compete
with Great Britain. Are you prepared to submit
to taxation to the amount of three hundred millions
of dollars for the wild and impracticable purpose of
establishing our ascendancy in the Gulf of Mexico!
Three hundred millions of dollars to be drawn from
your pockets, and expended in building ships at the
North ! Three hundred millions of the products of
your industry transferred to New York, Boston and
Philadelphia, rearing marble palaces on barren
rocks, while the wild grasp is growing in rank luxu
riance over the riohest savannahs of the South ?
Does not such a proposition startle you l And yet,
let me tell you, this taxation is among the least of
all the evils this anti-American policy would entail.
Some of you are in debt—many of you own slaves
—almost all of you depend for your income on agri
cultural productions. An attempt to establish an
ascendancy in the Gulf brings with it inevitably a
war with France, England and Spain. How are
vour debts to be paid when your trade stopped ?
What would your negroes be worth when there is
no market for the products of their labor ! Cotton,
corn, rice, wheat and tobacco would become almost
entirely valueless; while many articles which are
imported from abroad, and which from long use
have become absolute necessaries, would rise to an
enormous price. The poor man could no longer
drink his coffee, aud even the rich ones would lie
compelled to dispense with many of the comforts to
which he is habituated. Add to these the other
evils attendant upon a state of war—the general
demoralization—the weakening of those wholesome
restraints without which society would be a curse—
the natural tendency of a soldiery to lose their affec
tion for country, in affection for their leaders—and
the contempt for rational liberty which long service
in the camp so certainly engenders ; and you have
a picture on which neither (Up patriot nor the Chris
tian can gaze wittfut a shudder.
Grant that we were successful in the end (as I
believe we should be,) it would only be after we
had waded through sens of blood, and when the
public mind was prepared to exchange the Repub
lic for a Military Despot. The veterans who foil ow
ed Caesar to the conquest of Gaul and Britain, did
not hesitate to turn their arms against thpir mother
Rome at his bidding, The Republican soldiers who
fought beneath the banner of Napoleon ou the
plains of Italy, required little pursgasion to prop his
imperial throne with bayonets. So it Ims ever been
and ever will be, ami the policy now announced by
the miscalled Democratic parly now only leads cer
tainly to present misery aud suffering, but just as
certainly to eventual slavery aud degradation.
This is the end of the Democratic platform, as
published in the Huntsville Democrat. It is head
ed, “Democratic platform in full.” Aud so i ( t ig
headed in other Southern papers: but tha; is not the
truth. There is something ‘UWi which i do not
wonder at their trying to hide from their readers.
At the time this platform was reported, another
resolution accompanied it. That resolution read
thus:
“That the Democratic party recognize the great
importance, in a political and commercial point pf
view, of a safe and speedy communication) oy mili
tary and postal roads through bur own territory, be
tween the Atlantic and Pacifio coasts of this Union,
aud that it is the duty of the Federal Government
to exercise promptly all its constitutional power for
the attainment of that object.’*
This resolution was laid upon the table by a vote
of 138 to 120. It ought to read 135 to 123, because
three of the Alabama delegates who wanted to vole
for a road to the Pacific were overruled "by their col
leagues, and prevented from doing so.
When the resolution was laid upon the table, Yr.
Inge, of California, nominated Gen. Cass, and vo
ted for him until Buchanan’s nomination was no
longera matter of doubt. He then made a speech,
an extract from which I will now read '
“ And new, sir, so far a-, Mr. Buchanan is con
cerned, we have a gigii appreciation of his eminent
qualities as a patriot and a statesman. We acqui
esce in hie nomination not withstanding the course of
the Pennsylvania delegation in voting against the
proposition in reference to an overland communica
tion with California, which was presented to U,e
Convention.
“ We bdiexe he does v.yl agree to what that dele
ctation has dotu.”
But the private assurances which satisfied Mr.
Inge did not satisfy Missouri, and Mr. Shields offer
ed the following resolution :
“That it is the duty of the Federal
to construct, as far as" it has constitutional power u»
to do, a safe overland commqmcaUon with our own
territory between the Atlantic and Pacific States."
Mr. Sanders,of Wisconsin, offered a substitute :
“ That the Democratic party recognize the great
importance, in a political and commercial point of
view, of a speedy communication through our own
territory between tLe Atlantic and Pacific coast of
the Union; and that it is the duty bf the Federal
Government to a hits constitutional power
for the attainment of that object, thereby binding
the union of these States in indissoluble bonds, and
opening to the rich commerce of Asia an overland
transit from the Pacific to the Mississippi river aud
great lakes of the North.”
The chief difference between this substitute and,
the resolution first reported is that »t an
meaning wonis in it, and is therefore uearor to the
standard of tabie. The substitute was
adoptea by a ytVte of 905 to 87—the Alabama dele
gates reversing their former position and voting
with the majority.
And thus this wild scheme of building a railroad
to the Pacific, over lofty mountains and impassably
snows, at an expense of hundreds of mdlfanaj was
recognized as a cardinal prim.ip^eof tneifemoc.atic
creed. No they were ashamed of their
work No wonder when they publish what they
call their whole platform, they leave out this ruin
ous resolution. But it la not left out in and
California. There where it is supposed help
Buchanan, it is dwelt upon with intense dehgnti—
And this is the party caning itaelf national. This is
the party who profess to dem always fairly and openly
with the people. This is the party who claim to be
Cerned by one (set of principles North and South,
t and W est. Let me examine a little in what
this claim to nationality consists. I will begin with
Arkansas and Alabama. Both have always been
Democratic States. Both have always had Demo
cratic Senators: and yet for years they have voted
directly against each other upon every question of
Internal Improvements. Mr. Sebastian and Mr.
Johnson would be very indignant if any one denied
their right to be called democrats. Mr. Fitzpatrick
and Mr. Clay would alike resent any attempt to les
sen their claims in that regard; yet the first declare
thut the improvement of Riven and Harbors is an
imperative duty, while the last denounce it as a
flagrant violation of the Constitution. Mr. Butler
says that the right of a State to secede from the
Umou is clear and unquestionable. Mr. Toucey
declares that secession is a folly and an absurdity.—
Mr Dodge, of Wisconsin, bolds that Congress has
the power to abolish slavery in the Territories—Mr.
Toombs denounces it ns n wrong for which disu
nion is the proper remedy. Mr. Broadhead de
mands a high tariff for the protection of Pennsylva
niainterests—Mr. Brown, of Mississippi, indignantly
resists the incorporation of any such principle in the
Democratic creed. The Washington Union claimed
that the Buffalo platform men were sound Demo
crats, and the Cincinnati Convention endorsed the
claim. The Washington Sentinel denounced them
as traitors, but still its editors participated ia the de
liberations of a Convention of which they constitu
ted a part. Gen. Cass bases true Democracy upon
squatter sovereignty. His Southern coadjutors in
many localities repudiate the principle and deny the
orthodoxy of the teacher.
Air. Dodge, of lowa, proposes to make grants of
land to unnaturalized foreigners—Mr. Mason, of
Virginia, and Mr. Clay, of Alabama, condemn the
policy, and warn him against the consequences.—
Mr. Douglas proclaims that the Kansas act is a
“bill tor freedom”—Mr. Slidell lauds it as a great
measure of justice to the South. Mr. Pierce says
that opposition to the repeal of the Missouri compro
mise is anti-Democratic—Mr. Buchanan in his Lo
ndon letter says that no Democrat ought to be cen
sured for any opinion he may have held on that sub
ject. Mr. Guthrie reports in favor of the High Ta
riff—Mr. Hunter, Chairman of the Finance Com
mittee, unceremoniously rejects his recommenda
tion. The Secretary of War, “speakiug in the pre
sence of his honored Chief,” advocates a great rail
road to the Pacific—Virginia declares sucTi a road
unconstitutional and anti Democratic. Twelve
Democratic Senators, including Bigler of Pennsyl
vania, Cass and Douglas, voted lo confer the right
of suffrage upon naturalized foreigners. About the
same number, including Fitzpatrick and Clay, vo
ted ngam&t it. Upon every question there is the
same effversity. Upon no one tiling are they agreed,
save the love of power and the love of spoils. Gov.
Wright, of Indiana, advocates the Kansas bill “ax
the best Wilmot Proviso ever adopted ,” and Win.
Acklen and Reuben Chapman, who cannot be sus
pected of entertaining any such opinion, voted with
him to endorse the principle of the bill. The New
York “Softs ' denounced Southern emigrants to
Kansas as cut throats and robbers, and W. L. Yan
cey and L. P. Walker, who stimulated that emigra
tion by money and speeches, are now acting in lov
ing fellowship with them. The Democratic party
have given Sumner, Chase, Wilson, Hale, Hamlin,
Blair, Cambreling, Wilmot, Banks and Fremont to
the Abolitionists. What a record is here presented
of a party claiming to be national. What a spec
tacle is exhibited of Democratic unity and Demo
crat ic regard for principle !
If we turn from the party to the candidate they
have nominated, there is still nothing to relieve the
shifting, time serving, doubld-dculing policy that
distinguishes alike the one and the other, lu 1815
Mr. Buchanan made a speech in which he denounced
thewarof 1812, and the administration of James
Madison, and lauded in high terms a Bank of the
United States. In 1817, he wrote a letter to George
W. Jones, in which he admitted the use of the lan
guage imputed to him, but said that he was then a
very young man, und that ho very soon afterwards
regretted and re-called it. What tie means by very
soon afterwards lie does not condescend to inform
us, but the records of the country supply the infor
mation lie is disposed to withhold. In 1820 Hive
years afterwards) he was elected to Congress as a
Federalist. In 1822 lie was re-elected as the candi
date of the Federal party. Here then is a period of
years during which lie certainly had not regretted
his youthful indiscretion ; and it strikes me that is
not repenting very soon.
In 1828 he was elected to Congress os a Jackson
man, but his old Federal partialities clung lo him,
and he voted for the tariff*of that year, which drove
South Carolina into nullification and almost into rev
olution. In 1819 he participated in public meeting
in Lancashire, Penn., and was one of the committee
who prepared the following resolutions:
Resolved, As the opinion of this meeting, that as
the Legislature of tins State will shortly be in ses
sion, it will be highly deserving their wisdom and
patriotism to take into their early aud most serious
consideration the propriety of instructing our Re
presentatives in the National Legislature to use the
most zealous and strenuous exertions to inhibit the
existence of slavery in any of the Territories or
States which may hereafter be created by Congress:
and that the members of assembly from thi3 county
be requested to embrace the earliest opportunity of
bringing the subject before the Houses of the Leg
islature.
Resolved , That in the opinion of this meeting, the
members of Congress who at the last session sus
tained the cause of justice, humanity and patriotism
in opposing the introduction of slavery in tho State
then endeavored to be formed out of the Missouri
Territory are entitled to the warmest thanks of
every friend of humanity.
James Hopkins.
William Jenkins.
James Buchanan.
In J 847 iie recanted these opinions, and wrote a
letter to Berks county, Pennsylvania, urging the ex
tension of the Missouri Compromise to the Pacific.
In 1856 he takes that back also and plants himself
upon squatter soverignty.
In 1814 he made a speech upon the annexation of
Texas in which he declared that he had only been
brought to favor the measure from the conviction
that it would be the means of limiting instead of
enlarging the area of slavery. lie presented peti
tions again and again for the abolition of slavery in
the District of Columbia, and on Mr. Calhoun’s reso
lutions recorded his name in favor of the religious
agitation of the slavery question, and in favor of
the constitutional power ot Congress to abolish sla
very in the District of Columbia In his letter to
Mr. Sanford he deliberately asserted the exclusive
power of Congress over the subject of slavery in the
Territories, or in other words that Congress had the
power to establish, prohibit, or abolish it. And now
he has placed himself upon the Cincinnati platform—
says that he is mum from this day forth—that he is
no longer James Buchanan, and has no opinion to
express upon the great questions which divide the
country other than they have seen fit lo express for
him.
Contrast with him the candidate of the American
party, Millard Fillmore. Look at his record ! Look
at the man! There he stands a light and landmark
tor future generations. Commencing his career a
poor boy, friendless and penniless, he worked his
way up slowly and laboriously, to the highest ofli
ges, and the highest honors. His is no mushroom
creatness —no accidental elevation. Called to the
ciiief magistracy at a time when the wild storm of
faction was raging through the land, he discarded
the prejudices of a life-time—forgot party, forgot
sections, and gave himself up wholly to hia country.
Driving from him with a lofty scorn the narrow
minded counsellors who sought to sway his action to
their own selfish ends, he took to his bosom Clay,
and Cass, and Webster, and the Angel of Peace
once more spread its wings over a distracted land.
And when Ins work was done, without a murmur,
without oue repining thought, lie left the splendid
mansion of the Executive, for the humble home of
the citizen. Time rolled on, and another cloud ga
thered in the horizon. Like the old Romans, when
a great calamity had come upon them, (he Ameri
can party turned from the politicians to the walks
of private life, for a man fit to be their leader. They
found him, not indeed like Cineinnatus, at the
plough, but far away from the din, and strife, and
trickery of parties, adding to the intellectual lore he
had already gathered, and learning in the shadow of
thrones to love still more deeply the free soil on
which his infancy was rocked. Asking no question
but whether his country needed his services, lie came
to assume a leadership which looked gloomy enough
at the time, but which, thank God ! has been bright
ening every hour, and now promises to end in a glo
rious triumph.
“ Not his the heart the Phyrgian victor bore ;
Not bis the brand that gleamed on Granic's shore ;
Not his the race ail conquering Julius ran :
Not his the star that led the Corsican ;
His country called him—called in wild despair,
The patriot came, aud all his soul was (kcJ* e -
From the first moment ht tended on our shores,
his heart has been in his hand. He has sought no
votes Uy slippery evasions or unworthy conceal
ments. Firmly as a man and honestly as a patriot,
he lias given utterance to his sentiments. Seeking
no shelter behind the resolutions of an irresponsible
convention, he tells you lie would despise himself if
he could conceal his opinions. Listen to what h c
says at Albany. After denouncing Northern agita
tors in terms no other candidate lut® dared to use, ho
says:
“ is there not some secret Cursed-
Some hidden thunder, red with immortal wrath—
To blast the wretch who owes his greatness
To his country's ruin.”
“ In the language of the lamented, immortal Clay
—‘ I had rather be right than President.’ ”
And tliis is the man you are asked to abandon be
cause his enemies say that he has no chance to
elected ! If it were true, as it is false, i\ would be
more than base to desert such a man in such a crisis.
It is the coward’s pjeft at bert. What would you
think of t(i~ soldier who on the eve of battle told
yp.U that lie had no doubt his own regiment would
discharge its duty manfully and well, but another
regiment on the left would run away, or be over
whelmed by the enemy, aud therefore he would
time by forelock, .and run away first l Yet the com
duct of that soldier would bp no more indefensi
ble than that of the citizen who shrinks from the
manful aoLertion bf his political principles because
he *s afraid he may be defeated. It was not so our
fathers answered in the days of the old revolution.
If they had, the chains of British tyranny would
even now be rusting around our limbs. It wt»9 uo*
so the immortal Travis answered whsn 'urged to
abandon the Alamo. When toid that if be remain
ed he must be off, and, every man ®f his little band
sacrificed, he answered, ‘T know it, but I want to
tcc.vh these barbarians what Americans can do.”
He did give them a lesson which more than
any other one thing led to the liberation of
Texas. Let us imitatethe example of tho>e who
have gone before us. Discarding ail weak, unmanly
doubts, let each one d,y. hi, duty m his sphere, with
his why!? aud I answer for it, a crowning giory
awaits you in November.
Americans in Europe.— The National Intelli
ligencer has a letter written from a friynfiia »he Med
iterranean squadron, dated Florence, in which
the writer aayu:
Every petty Italian State has its revenue laws,
police regulations, and peculiar coin. Formerly. (I
Lave been told,) Americans were particularly an
noyed as to passports, and sometimes evyq travailed
as Englishmen, to avoid detention. But some Cant.
Ingraham demonstrated, to ihe iatisfaetion of Eu
rope, fh»t eycu iy fbe Mediterranean we would as
our lights, Americans travel with as great facil
ity under the protection of their own passports as
any other people. The question now asked by offi -
ciais, if any is asked, instead of being “What Aj&tx
icans ?” is, “Are you from the Republic V x The af
firmative reply is sufticiyut, The Republic.”—
Europeans recognise but one, aud to that all
eyes ary turned, especially at this moment, Ito
wa till* its course, whether, like the constella
tions in heaven, it shall move in a steady or
bit, emitting an undimmed light, or take, like the
comets, an eccentric path, flash for awhile and dis
appear.
The Kansas Patriots. —The Buford expedition
to Kansas has proved an entire failure. AMobilian
writer frym Franklin, K. T., under date of July 6th",
giving a doleful picture of the career of the band,
fie says that of the 360 who accompanied
not more thon 50 remain in tire territory. Olf those
who returned, the correspondent V
“ The men on whom w*e South relied to vindicate
her rights, tnd whose support liberal subscrip
tion wj-£ made—the men whom the Missourians
welcomed with outspread arms and open purse, have
proved false just at the time when th.-y should have
stood ready to do or die for Southern rights.
“ Having seen Kansas, having spy\xt their money
in dissipation, when the time fey w<Sk and enduring
hardships came on ‘liny struck for home, to dispar
age the poultry, u> denounce Col. Buford,and what
L worse to desert and leave unprotected the rights
of the South. In short, they wfil do and say any
thing to save themselves from that contempt and in
dignation with which they should be received by
their old neighbors and friends.”
The President of Liberia has been under the ue
ceasily of issuing a proclamation to prevent the em
igration of laborers to French Guiaua.
VOL. LXX.—NEW SERIES VOL. XX. NO. ;*1
Fremont, the Tnilor’* Foe.
I Col. Fremont, the pet of the Abolitionists, lias
! been praised for magnanimit y in not having been a
i slave owner, «Uhough a Southern man. To show
| tho miserable absurdity of such a boast, the Charles
j toil Mercury publishes a copy of a record from the
| Clerk's office in that district, revealing the pitiful
plight in which the Colonel found himself while liv
ing in Charleston. Such a man could not pay for a
pair of small elot lies much more for a negro. lie was
sued by two tailors for clothes supplied, which
clothes, it seems, have not been paid for to this day,
aud the following precious documents were filed :
Schedule of the Estate and Effects ok J. C.
Fremont, in custody of the Sheriff of Charleston
District by virtue ot two writs of capias ad re
spendendum, at the suits of Edward Sebrino
and E. L. Roche :
1 Coat.
5 Waistcoats.
8 pair of Pantaloons.
5 Shirts.
6 pair of S<x ks.
4 Collars.
2 Stocks.
2 Cravats.
And sundry Books, (number not recollected.)
All of the above, except wlmt I have on, are in a
trunk at Xew-York.
South Carolina, ) J. C. Fremout being duly
Charleston District. $ sworn, deposetli that the
above contains a just, true, and correct account of
all his estate, real or personal, whatsoever or where
soever. J. Charles Fremont.
Sworn to before me, this 9lh August, 1831.
J. W. Mitchell, J. Q.
Filed 9th August, 1831.
The Slate of South Carolina :
I hereby assign all my right, title aud interest to
the property specified iu the within schedule, unto
Edward Seining and E. L. Roche, at whose suits I
was arrested and availed myself of the benefit of
the Prison Bounds Act.
Given under my hand and sent, this nineteenth day
of August, Anno Domini, 1831.
J. Charles Fremont. [Seal.]
Test—W. S. Smith.
The Defendant having been brought before me to
take the benefit of the Prison Bounds Act, and no
opposition being made to him, it is ordered, that he
be discharged on executing the usual assignment.
E. H. Bay.
19th August, 183).
The State of South Carolina, )
Charleston District. >
Office Court of General Sessions and Common
Pleas :
I, Daniel Iloribeok, Clerk of said Court, do here
by certify that the preceding Schedule, Affidavit,
Assignment, and Order, are true and faithful copies
of the original proceedings now on file and of record
in this Office.
Witness my hand and seal of said Court, at
Charleston, this fourth day of August, Anno Domini,
1856. Daniel Horlreck, ff al
C. G. S. and C. p. Il " J
Los* of (lie French Army in the Crimen.
The Moniteur publishes a complete fist of the loss
es of the French army in the East, which, it states,
is compiled from returns sent to the Wav Depart
ment. The list includes all losses,' from the disem
barkation of the troops iu Turkey to the signing of
the treaty of peace iu Paris. The return includes
the several staff* and health officers, and the almon
ers aud pastors attached to the expidition.
The remits are a8 follows :
General’s Staff’—Officers 14
Staff Officers 20
Military 5
Imperial Guard —Horse of the Household. —
Officers 1; non-commissioned officers 14; soldiers
101.
(Ircnedicrs, (2 regiments).—Officers 11; non-com
missioned officers 67; soldiers 436.
VoUigcurs, (2 regiments).—Officers 39; non-com
misionca oflicers 1 11 ; privates 838.
Chasseurs a Vied. —Officers 5 ; non-commissioned
officers 22 ; privates 232.
Zouaves. —Officers?; non-commissioned officers
18; privates 98.
Artillery. —Noncommissioned officers 11; pri
vates, 121.
Artillery Retinue. —Non-commissioned officers 1;
privates, 22.
Infantry. —Regiment of the Line, (50 regiments)
—Officers, 712; non-commissioned officers, 2,735;
privates, 3(5,798.
Chasseurs a Pied, (12 battalions.) —Officers, 65;
non-commissioned officers, 347; privates, 3,994.
Zouaves , (G regiments.)—Officers 13(5; non-com
missioned officers, 421; privates, 4,327.
Cavalry .-—Cuirassiers, (2 regiments.)—Oflicers,
9; non-commissioned officers, 38; soldiers 292.
Dragoons , (2regiments.)—Officers 8; non com
missioned oflicers, 26; soldiers 401.
Hussars , (2 regiments.)—Officers, 10; non-com
missioned officers, 33; soldiers 364.
Chasseurs d' Afriquc,{4 regiments.)—Oflicers, 15;
non-commissioned officers, 35; soldiers 307.
Turkish Cavalry , (2 regiments.)—Non commis
sioned officers, 1; soldiers 2.
Artillery . (17 regiments.)—Officers, (i 0; aon-com
missiom d officers, 161; soldiers 4,635.
Artillery Workmen , (2 coinimnies.) —Privates 35.
Armorers, (2 companies.)—Privates 14.
Engineer's Corps.—Staff oflicers, 1(5; (3 regi
ments,) oflicers, 20; non-commissioned oflicers 81 ;
privates, 703.
Military lutendnais , (6 squadrons.)—Oflicers,
4 ; non-commissioned officers, 55 * privates, 1583.
Constructors of Works , (2 companies.)—Pri
vates, 75.
Health Officers. —70,
Department of Administration. —Officers 27; pri
vates, 226.
Military Overseers. —2B7.
Almoners and Pastors. —l 2.
RECAPITULATION.
Officers ] ,284
Non-commissioned oflicers 4,402
Pri >ates lntendauto 56,805
Total men 62,492
A most formidable list of killed. The wounded
are not mentioned, but it is considerably less than
has generally been represented.
Benjamin Franklin in his Gig.—lt is now
about a century since Benjamin Franklin, Postmas
ter Gencrul of the American Colonies, by appoint
ment of the crown, set out in his old gig to make an
official inspection of the principal routes. It was
about eightv years siiice he held the same office un
der the authority of Congress, when a small folio,
(now preserved in the department at Washington,)
containing but three quires of paper, layted na his
account book for two years. Ibese simple facts
bring up before us, more forcibly than an elaborate
description, the vast increase in post-office facilities
within a hundred years; for if a postmaster general
were to undertake to pass over all the routes at
present existing, it would require six years of inces
sant railroad travel, at the rate of one hundred
and twenty-five miles daily, while, if lie were to
undertake the job in an “old gig,” he would require
a life-time for its performance. Instead of i\ small
folio, with i ts three quires of paper, the poat office
accounts consume every two years ‘ throe thousand
of the largest sized ledgers, keening no less than one
hundred clerks constantly employed in recording
transactions with thirty thousand contractors and
other persons.
Ancient Remains in California.—
11 ughes, in a letter from Santa Clara, California, t o
the Scientific American, gives, thefollowing account
of some old rums discovered : I recently
had an opportunity of examining some ancient ruins
lately discovered abont six miles eastofSanta Cruz.
They were nearly buried up in n sand hill. I found
twenty three chimneys with their tops peering above
ground. These chimneys are round, and vary n\
diameter from four to twelve inches. They are
made of sandstone ; and were filled pp with loose
red sand. The stones of which they arc built are
cut circular and cemented together, I stamped on
the hill, and it emitted a hollow sound, indicating
vaulted chambers below. A tunnel is now being
Ve'n isl under the hill; at first it was attempted to
sink ft deep shaft* but the sand came in too last up
on the miners. Who built these structures no one
can imagine. They appear to be thousands of years
old. A Targe yellow pine was growing on the top
of the hill. The number of years required for the
sand to cover up these houses, and form the seed of
this large tree germinated, eouki not be less than two
thousand.
stiiiUeau'nl of the Ceiitrnl American Question.
Important private dispatches by the Asia, dated
on the day the steamer left Liverpool, state that the
difficulties between the United States and Great
Britain have been satisfactorily adjusted on terms
honorable to both countries. The following from
the London Morning Advertise* of Saturday, July
26th, was telegraphed io Liverpool previous to the
sailing of the steamer :
‘ The American question may now be regarded as
virtually settled. We believe we are not wrong jp
preparing our readers for an announcement to Ibis
effect in the speech of Her Majesty an the proroga
tiou of Parliament on Tuesday next. The terms
agreed on are : ‘That the Bay Islands are to be gi von
over by us to, Honduras.’ in return for our handing
theu>ov er io the Republic of Honduras the Govern
meat of thatßepublic pledges itself never to give
them over to any other Power, dr to allow any other
Powers to interfere in their affairs. America hear
tily acquiesces in this settlement of the question, and
joins us in n tripartite treaty with the Government
of Honduras for carrying the conditions of agree
ment into etfect. France is also a consenting par
ty to the agreement, and has expressed her readi
ness to sign the treaty if deemed necessary.”
Per contra, we have the very positive assertion
that Mr. Dallas has no instructions to up
on the subject, and that connection *ly his agreement
to any plan of scttlem.exit la not probable. One of
the best infonded and most reliable of the Washing
ton 00x75 spoadents, says in relation to tbe subject:
Notwithstanding all the confident assurances of
the London Times in regard to a project alleged to
have been submitted by Mr. Dallas (07 the setth
ment of the Central American question, there is not
a syllable of truth in it Mr. Dallas has no instruc
tions to negotiate on this subject hi the manner indi
cated, and it is hardly probable he would undertake
uuch an enterprise on his “own hook.” Until the
British Government responds to Mr. Alarey’y, L t
letter, accepting the overture of arbitration quuli
fiedly, no steps can be taken by ti e l eaked States.
As lias been more than once fctftWd in this corres
pondence, there have ween informal int rchang*H of
opinion, and, perhaps, acme understanding as to the
character of an arrangement. Both sides
anew how the Bay islauds, Belize and the Mosquito
Protectorate may be disposed of, but there b**h**n
no agreement. So fur us the port us tvui Juan Is
concerned, which is the trou\dc*onie point, the Uni
ted States can take yv pan without the concurrence
of Nicaragua, and in the disturbed stute of th'mgs
there, Yap Tittle prospect exists of any immediate
concert or co-operatnm. So that the story of the
Times is likely to prove so much moonshine.
A XegroTarred and Fva •*#♦**& at Hudson
X. Y.— I The Hudson Sta\ oXTueaday, says tliat b< -
tween the oi S and 0 o’clock on Monday
evening ♦Lc.t usually quiet community was thrown
into an extraordinary state of excitement, in conse
quence of a tarring and feathering affair which cam'*
off in t he upper part of the city. The subiet-t was
Wm. Mo wens, a colored barber and an, *dd resident.
He is supposed to have been ou U»ui« of too great
intimacy with a respected white girl.* He was
taken from his ckoL ny force, inarched upon .th e
public -iuUwfv-, 4hd in the presence of a large “Vigi-
Ktf»y£ Cuhunittee,” a coat of tar and feathers was
Woil applied. He was then given till Tuesday
morning to leave the city, lie left as soon a; be
could conveniently, after getting out oftW eiufcht*
of his “friends.”
'The good people must have a very
rare idea of W*ttl constitutes respectability y if the
to is “respectable." —(Eo. Chkok. At
Went. _
Tragedy ui Florida.—At Ocala, Flu., on the
3d met., Dr. W. J. C. Rogers proprietor of a drug
store, while quarreling with his wife at the dinner,
table, jumped from his seat and seizing a loaded gun
discharged its contents into her side, causing
death in two hours. Be was immediately arrested.
The unfortunate act is attributable to the too free
use of liquor by her husband.
There were 406 deaths in Phi ! a lelphia for the wee!*
ending 9th inst., including 82 of cholera infantum, Xt
of dysentery, j1 of measles, 11 of diarrlivva, and 95
of consumption
, Yellow Fever in Now York.
j The New York correspondent of the Baltimore
! American writing underrate New York, August
, I Mli, says :
The Yellow Fever at (Quarantine continw tr lg?
one i»f tiie most exciting topics of comcreation
among our citizens. It is the general how
ever.- that the Board ol Health will he able to ke»q»
this dire pestilence away from u . hv p *ise\ ering in
their present admirable quarantine regulations
The residents of Staten Island are much alarmed,
and commenced to-day to employ some very strong
measures against the Marine Hospital at Quura.t
tine. They have barricaded the gate leading
mto the Hospital, and placed officer* along the
beach to prevent boats from Undoing than v'c.ss. !.
at anchor in Quarantine. They have also deh .
mined tlmtno pusseugeiH landed from infectious v s
sels slmH conic outside the walls, iwrusoihe ferry
boats to New York; nor shall the Health Oilioi h,
Physicians, die., of the Marine Hospital have any
communication with the people of the town of L
tleton.
The City Inspector reports the total number ot
deaths in *Uie city stud county of New Yoi k f<u i !..•
week ending yesterday, at C27—-showing ad* *V
of 119 as compared with the previous w% « k in a
table appended to his report the Inspector that
notwithstanding all the unnecessary alarm with i
fcrcnce to the existence of yellow fever in this < it..
he deems it proper to state that the only death <!•
ring tJiis year returned to him as from yellow . v,r
is one last week, and on uu examination of that . <
J«e is satistied that death was causes] by intunper
ance.
From R»c Tribune, of the same date, we clip the
foliowitig :
At the time that the Health Officer at the Quar
antine ordered certain infected vessels to be anchor
ed off Fort Hamilton, that locality was remarkably
free from sickness of any kind. The wind, for ten
days after the mooring of these vessels, blew steadi
ly in the direction along the Hue of the Long Island
shore. Duriug tlie period, or say within two weeks
thereafter, wo have announced in the Tribune the
deaths of Judge Rockwell, General Stanton. Alder
man Bergen, Chandler \Ykite, Esq.; I'oWe.ll,
Esq.; Miss Bergen, Mia* Warner, am! Miss Boyle.
In addition to the above, there were two or thr» e
servants, or poor people, died in the same locality,
and all of the foregoing resided immediately on t:
shore of the Narrows.
In the Fort, there wore during the same period
no less than five or six deaths, including See «• mi
Henry and his wife. The mortality iu the Fort v ill
be regarded as more remarkable when it .s Mated
that not a single death had occurred in the Fml t r
six yearn previous to the visitation of these \.
sols. Major Morris himself assured us of tlii lit.
We think ah inspection of the books of Ur. Bailey,
at the Fort Hospital, may also afford some yalu •
blc suggestions to the profession. We have net e.\
amined these books ourselves, but we arc inlet nn-d
that during the prevalence of the winds in a con
trary direction Iromtho vessels, no new cases who
reported on the sick list.
Wore these ousts yellow fever ! We have be
stowed a great deal of attention on this subject and
examined the whole question thoroughly. Yt iio v
fever or not, it was a fever which proved speedily
fatal—most of the above recited deaths occurring
withiu two or three days after the attack. The
same disease iu a Southern locality—Charleston
or New Orleans, for example, without being one
whit more marked or virulent in its symptoms,
course and termiuation, would be called and desig
nated by no otner term whatever than yellow IV\ < i.
In some of the oases the local physicians were ex
ceedingly unwilling to have it unde: stood that tin
were attending any other than bilious fever put :«-:.ts
and not until the unmiatakenbloblack vomit demon-
Struted the character of the disease, would they nn
sent to call it by its proper name.
Havana Items.—Letters from Havana dated flu*
sth iust.jgive the following news :
A highly accomplished lady, the Count ess dc
who docs not live very happy in tin* domestic circle,
made a bold effort to escape to Paris via the Unite I
States, but was seized by her husband before she
could get on board of the Star of the West. An un
seemly street scene ensued.
President Comonfort’s Mexican policy was very
popular in Cuba.
I>on Genaro Basaries, cashier of the rich bank, r,
Pedro Lac os t, hud forged his employer’s name to a
draft for $20,000, got it cashed, and lied for New < M
leans.
Burglaries, open day robberies, nightly nssasNiua
tions, and murders in daylight, prevailed in and
around Havana.
Fever was very life. Captains Carney mid Lei
laud, of the American barque Si vi uud brig Julia
Hathaway, luid died.
The American prig Frank Horton had been wreck
ed West of Bahia Honda.
A serious collision had taken place between the
military and citizens at Sanctus Espcritua on a
Saints’ day. A country gentleman having benlon a
dog belonging to an officer, the soldiers at tucked M.--
people, when three persons were killed in the m< A,.
The inhabitants were routed, but are still sullen and
diaeonted.
A slaver was chased by a war steamer roun 1 < htpe
Autonio.
The Convalescence of the Captain GenereJ,
hailed with nearly equal joy and sorrow bv <h. p..,
pie.
Colonel Munoz had fought a dual with a , m ■
Creole.
Some of the political exiles wen; expected home
soon from Spain.
Trade and freights were dull.
Twenty Thouhant Americ ans in Coi:m-ii.
There was on inline me American mooting at
click, Maryland, on Saturday last. The proccs im
was live miles in length and it is supposed lh.it n< u
ly 20,000 persons were present.
The speakers addressed the multitude from lfit
stands, the ball bein" opened by 1 hat talented and
indefatigable Virginian, the Hon. John S. Curiile.
The Hon. Ilenry M. Fuller, of Pennsylvania <mu
next, and devoted his reinaiks to Ooi. Fn-moni.
The Hon. Mr. Tripp* , of Georgia, then spoke, and
handled Mr. Toombs without, gloves.
Hon. Humphrey Marshall, of Kentucky, Hpolm
for two hours, reviewing the homestead ‘bill, ll„-
Cincinnati platform, and flic life anil iharnolir ol
James Buchanan, and his connection with flu* charge
of bargain and corruption.
Speeches were also made by I lie lion. Mr. Ib-nom
of Pennsylvania; Hon. Mr. ifofl'muu, ol Maryland’
Alex. H. Boteler; of Virginia; and Messrs. McPhail.
Kilgour, Roman, Wallace, Alexander, and IV.im
of Maryland, and French S. Evan*, of Washington*
This meeting at Frederick was the largest },/•!.I m
that city since the year 1840.— Organ.
A BOGUS AREN’T OK THE BRITISH GoVREMIEM
Arrested. —John W. MeAlpino, alias Li. Col. (Jen.
Manuuduke Rives, a pretended agent of the Ib ili.J,
government, whs arrested in New York on Sauu
day charged with having, by false pretence, defran
ded Mr. Frederick Grilling, of Brooklyn, out «.i
$61)0 in cash and a gun worth S3O. The affidavit «•.
Mr. Grilling states that MeAlpino called upon him in
the capacity of an agent of the British government,
and entered into negotiations, with- him for the pur
chase on behalf of said government of 200,000 guns
for the use of.the British array, such guns bob* e‘
the manufacture of Mr. Grilling, and lie bring part
owner of the patent for the same, 110 stated mi
flier that he was authorized to purchase the pub ht
for England, and fl» pay for the name SL I OO.nno. li\
means of these representation, and by calling In
quenUy upon Mr. G., and receiving him at his room
in the Clarendon Hotel, he gained his confidence ami
managed to borrow from him S6OO, which h<-him
never refunded. These transactions took place la.-i
rnonUn and a few days since Mr. Gritting lined;
that McAlpine’s representations were false. <Hi Hi.
arrest of the accused, he was taken negore Ju.-'u,.
Connolly and committed for examination.
The Duchess of Sutherland Renews nr it
Acquaintance with Uncle Tom.— ln the London
Times of the 29th ult. appears the following
site passage ;
'‘Uncle Tom” and his Cabin have not y H disap
peared from the gaze of (he Louden public. >■■■■
terday afternoon along line of carriages, drawn up
before Stafford-house, tho residence of the I Inches
of Sutherland, declared to the Wi st End woild Hi;.!
some new attraction bad brought together ; v. r.J
members of the higher circles. Mrs. M. K. Webb, a
lady of color, daughter of a Spanish gentleman and
of a female slave of Virginia, had recently ai i ived
in Liondon, bringing with her a dramatized \. rsitm
of Uncle Tom's Cabin, composed by Mrs Slow» ,
self, for the purpose of a public reading, and 11k Iml:
of the splendid mansion in St James' had Wen gran
ted to her by the Duchess, as the site of the ci i -
bain merit.
Placed behind a reading desk, Mrs. Webb read in
a clear voice, and with great signs of iidel!ig« m .•,
the interesting scones that liad been prepared t<>.
her, and which comprised the most ccl< brated d .
logues and incidents in (he celebrated n<u«:
Without exactly acting the different part', sh.-
disci imiimfed them with a great deal of mocty, ami
the dark hue of her delicately formal eoindcimnc**
gave a charneleristic tone to the pyiiorumnee. 4 !,<•
Earl of Shaftesbury and several distinguished adh.
rents of the philanthropic |«irty w<*ri among her au
dience, which could scarcely be surpassed i i biidi.u,
Cy ' .
Franklin College. —The Tiualeca d< tor
wined to sell the Botannical Garden.
To enclose the College grounds with an iron rail
ing, to lay them off into walks and adorn with
trees.
Also to educot* y*«ng men for the Mhn dry. by
giving them their tuition free. To giv< tiu Mitimi
fiee to ion young men from the St/ite. one from
each Congresftional 18-drirf and twn the Stale
ut large; from the applicants Hr* Facull v a.
select.
The Valedictory is to W /given to tin b. t hp.*«4.
er among those wW fake any of the honor
To allow u«o*e v<>ung nu-n to rim s -i L i:„i»
class wW* may fall below the average - andaid, it
U*t-y have b»;en pun* tual, siudion., ano oi g»»odd
port men t.
To enforce rigidly dmcipti*.*' among the -huieidu
in the Chapel, CoHego gnutnds, and while in . n:
town.
All officer* of the College un- sirimly * »i|< ie< d to
carry out this last, and any neglect L* do -» ti.c.
Pi udciitia! ComiiiliVe or Heehhnt Tru dvts ;,r« ,fli
fhorized to convene the Board (4 v- (hat Hi.
nmy d sink* the delinquent ofiteer.
The Trustees filled the vacancies in their * boat* f
by electing I*. M. Nightengale, Esq., J> \V \.<
K-o ; , B. If. Hid, Esq., iinu Jndg. If ..lien .mi .•
The degree oi' D. 1). was conferred Ly Hum
the Rev-a. K. Higgiiu ,of Cofnmbn s flu* P. y. ,j,
! H.ThOirtft3, of Oxford, andlhe Hi v j. l\. S. A*. ...
of Greeiißijoro.-^-^a/r»ie/.
Rhode Island in *n.-Tie RUod* Jab-nd
Telegraph* says U now deeidod that a Fiih-.oie
electoral tsekei will be p!:*<*ed in nominaiioc n j> '
Statp 4 Rii»i a Conveuthui ibr fhal puvj> • • v f i!' Im*
ht>ft( hi Newport on Tncwltoy, Sept. 2
'J’hc meeting Hi i'mvideuee w«» one. Hu i- ■’t
of ;i deep feeling in favor Mr. Wllm. . e!. lion,
and Uic t;au»( of ft! ,
naif. It is a&iuiu£ the enr*o'iiies es polities tha» thr--*
step has not V-tfH resolved upon ami put i»i . na
tion at w*» earlier period.
Hhiin be Imped, however, llmt Hh> doptnirl .
Mr. Fiflmoi. will receive »omen sot .i • >»••:.
those \yho enter fully into ail his view- r«- p»-«li
<»ur public policy, and in this tact li< ; very great
sticiigth for hint. A*i*iy from thus* who < oroiailv
endorse his liaHtfcat opinions, there is a ’urge anil
increasing JWw who so appreciate the mudy ot !.
ad mud A ration, the executive ability dipUyni ?»y
idio, and the integrity of his. whole bea* t 2 HuU tl.» %
are more than willing In sacrifice any difterem*e •*'.
opinion on the altar of public good. in order to sc. ur*-
onoe more to flit nati«*w‘» s, rviee those'exc.dVm
qualities which ‘ hey know him to post***, and tv hi. ; i
the history of the ya.it him! the uncertainly es (
future const min them to prize.
The providence Post (l)cinocratie; says that flu*
FiUiedw; men are quite numemys in that city, and
their numbers are steadily increasing. In one ward
—the third—thev are probably Wronger (hati both
Hie other parties reckoned blether, !« other w ;nv
they are not so slijoug, hut they cajipri-.e them, i
intelligent, wealthy suit influential of tic Ann ji- ;.i
order, and ts*r a few old-line Whigs who have wit:
►t«*wd its attractions. Their determination t.» !.. •
heard in the campaign creates a great deal of Uivi
tering.
Taxation in Utah. —Mr. oai evj ifiwwl
emigrant to California, had to winter t!.e
Mormons, whi levied a tux vs twenty two per e» i 1
on all his effects ! One per cent, vras a county amt
territorial tax, one per cent.a school tax, anu turn: *
per cent, u “fvft” ofcily wall tax, a work now in
progress by Uepcojile oi Brigham City.
tyiL Frazier, of the corps of engine. 14, V. S A .
m charge of the construction of the loitiueuAimi.
the harb«jr of Key West, died of yellow !« ver uu the
x!Bth ultimo.