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I»Y \VM. S. .JONES
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I. I’obi.- . • r-i :■ -vdamfcy
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f ( j.r i» i DUALS * ding us Ten
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FOR SALE
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f OPF>:Kiii FA-'Mt - !.-• fWhm-p* county
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a . (< i ... . n J ,I. t r. ••:» b< ntr unler good
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ofihwnarhKL For tonu , apply o . the projnl^^.
w. i ). cowiut/ y.
<’ . j r- #r, July 10. I .V. Iyl < -.v f
row LTOrj M.LLb Fvil CALB.
A • »I. LILLP -■ i*»• l LAND
f..r ... 'I 1 rr . . • ~i. too 0/e<-r.b<-.« Hiver.
oii. R: .1 a iiuU tr- i l*. . n, cu the load to Cum-
It. INN ■ ... .la'Jy-l.a; four
in t- f i nnors two wl.vit an.l two si -u. The Flour
Mill li .. «Um. '■ I'liipltUt.'l hi w. The for.. rtiMtom
w . A ' ■ ’•! -y '• *.. llm river, a. I the
at’, . i-. , ‘ni. anti •\ .: Aaw andt .u»tMills in
•1,„ |. uni n I! . OgcerUee
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.. . v. . « . >i any I nI ho county in
, , hi .r. ..r o. r graiiu. Those
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th. ~. l .• tact . -1...- i» • i-» -it. -fara ahedwlth
€ o ->|.r.i . iv.hir. CV»I. MRUS 1. SHIVERS.
FORMf-rrS IRON FLOW-STCOK.
'JNxi;; ~| .- - I: ■« ; ., •■•<J tho i»aieutr**rbt
I .* . . i popular PLOW f-.r the
....
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■if • . . : .
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cates
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et * ani rl thhi Plow a £alr trial, lu
M 5, the odi-
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and toua.tial V.:M wo vaiditaa
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Am-usta. Ga.
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pay, in rd-
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l one also at
a >v, ■: .u . N ’i ive I. ai I of Us be • is
1 i| art
H I n N, AagnaUtfiNi
nth > night of the 4th
a OOKET-BOOK eon
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sight < eye He wa- rat- h!
The .- «v.* : ~ .rd tv.*l be tv» d tor Us delivery to me.
or 1 « .1 so that 1 ca:t get tan.
. • • • N V. HARRIS.
< rn 1.-.*! .nlcr w ill forbid,andfer
/ • . •x. ' ri. Nn-oRDKi:.-
V f vKT ORPIN . %x .Jt XE i bM. Inv
La- =. . ‘th. t . : . u at Jane Mer
rier. J »Un Men ier, rhontas .Mi F Merrier,
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ua Merrier a 1 \s :
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r two trnete of
- rater* Crock
o contain. Five
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ola *• n.
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1 v • an out of the
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It U•' rV he... y oro. red. that notice bo given at
I. SSS
t" • . tv with g-id
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A 1 rue ex ?“:u t ir. r the M iu;os of the C mrt cf Onii
J .ne7 InV> B V. TATOM, Ordinary.
| U'V. ; , XV. .:KR am! IRONRRfor
1 lC -ut >vo , r , , ! v a v-.-v ke?v chi d two
yca-1. At., t* or - v . uiypiVs. i> . -m «ix to
myl N
%-J RT. WARD.
j WII 1 «** ■ tl.e apprehension
X /ro Man uain.;u WII * ! i and Boot
writing His fa’.her .4V» >in On. and h * mother
»: She- Ulu«r. I purchased fr. a Ony- AIP l.lsi m
bark JOHN F. SUTTON.
anl6 wtf K.h t-v dlo, Oa
COPAHTc'-xiSHIP
mHK **a> ier hate this day for rued a C<
i • . u.ider the r.ai ic A Arm of K J AKA
Si BLLV, R.r the of a General
i H . ;r »•« r* and Planter’s BasUes .at the old stand
o: R jssell A * ley H. J SIBLEY,
Attgnsta, Feb. 1, lcso E. A. bIBLEY.
Weekly Chronicle & Sentinel.
vLjjrmtidc & Sentinel.
loterrMioK News from Niearajrua.
In the New (Irleans of the i#th ult. are
':ev«rral letter** from Granada, written by their able
oonv-;K>ndent, Mr. Callahan. On the £l»t July he
write-*:
Startling new* Las been received from above.—
T soil of Nicaragua has been invaded by hostile
bands from the Northern States, and the contest be
tween the tw.» races for supremacy may be consid
ered as commenced. Yesterday evening an Amer
ican gentleman, named Greer, arrived here from
Honduras, having passed through Leon. He states
that a body of six hundred San Salvador troops
were in that city, and that about five hundred Gua
temalans were a few leagues off. This, I presume,
the advance guard of the forces of the Northern
States, who, in conjunction with the disaffected na
jvrs of Nicaragua, are to drive the Americans
from ti e country, and restore the state of anar
chy and misrule from which it has so recently
emerged.
The Dative troops in Leon do not amount to more
than between two and three hundred men, and as
tt i* the avowed intention of the League not to
move until they have a force of ten thousand men,
» is not likely they will pay us a visit soon. They
nave, or are to have, twenty pieces of artillery, and
? ijre#- or four mortars, with the necessary tnu
ui Lions.
The f- I roes of the League are not so harmonious
- - might be expected from the unity of object which
,i y announce, i am credibly informed that tlie
• •ves of San Salvador could only be brought to
•* nby force, and actually entered Leon tied to-
* r c.es of union ral her frequent among the
'ipat.i.-h American races, but not considered as ten
mg to produce extreme harmony and concord.—
T..e principal element of discord, however, arises
r ro n the nval pretentions of Estrado and Rivas hi
me Presidency. When Cbamarro died, Estrado
'as i.ominatea Provisional President by the »Ser
i rimaiticd in office until the peace con
tided between Walker and Corral, by which both
• artie.i united on Patricio Rivas as Provisional
President, ii trada s claim is supported by the
. ateomlans, while the troops of San Salvador are
tavor of Rivas. Ti.e latter are now in Leon,
while the former remain some leagues distant.—
-? uiiano Salu/.ar, the original cause of Rivas 1 s kit» 1-
• conduct, who was supposed to have been killed
by the CuainorrMoa, has turned up again, like a
bid shilling, and i now in I^eon.
A duel was fought at M assay a, on Saturday last,
between Captain Thomas Henry, formerly of the
f. S Army, and Dr. Lundy, one of the Assistant
surgeons, in which the former waa shot in the
thigh, at the second fire. I am happy to state that
• wound, though severe, is not considered dan
On Saturday last ('■ 1. Wheeler, the U. S Minister
rinaliy u-.-unn-d dio’omatic relations with the
Slate of Nicaragua, an 1 recognized the Govern
nient of President Walker. The scene was a very
brilliant one, a number of American ladies being
present, a!! the officers of the army in full uniform,
tl e civil officers of the Government, and a large
number of citizens. Col. Wheeler’s address to the
l’r< :-ident and the latter’s reply, you will find in the
of Saturday last. Gen. Walker
n ude an extempore reply, to which the published
ai «- .nt does very inadequate justice. After the
c«-i rionics of reception were over, a very pleasant
party assembled at Col. Wheeler’s, which, added by
the presence of the ladies, music and the dance,
made Lhe time pass so quickly and joyously that the
“wee sma, hours’’ stole upon us ere we were aware
of their approach. It was au evening long to be
remembered in Nicaragua.
Among the arrivals by the last steamer were Gen.
Cazneau and his accomplished lady. The General
was warmly greeted by many of his old Texas com
rades.
The next letter is dated .July 31, and states that
infeunation had been received that the troops of the
League, stationed at Leon, were commanded by
Cabanas, the aoidisant President of Honduras, who
not long ago was badly whipped by Guardiola and
compelled to take refuge in San Salvador. Every
< ffort was being made by the invaders to induce the
foreign soldiers in the brigade of Walker’s army at
Masaya to desert, and a storekeeper named Calvo,
who was actively employed as nil emissary of the
enemy, and three soldiers whom he had corrupted,
had been shot by General Walker's orders. The
i otter then alludes to Mr. Appleton Oaksmitb having
been appointed Minister at Washington, with au
horityto raise a loan of two million dollars, for
which government land in Matagalpais offered as
security.
The date of the third communication is August
3, which states :
We have received news from Lcen that the cho
lera has broke out among the troops of the League
and committed fearful ravages. So great is the
consternation that nearly all the principal inhabi
tants of L* »»u have migrated to Pueblo Nuevo, and
i lie troops are preparing to follow their example.
The Guatemalans are said to be very much dissatis
fied with their reception by the people of the coun
try, and threaten to leave in a body. The quarrel
between the adherents of Estrada and Rivas ap
pears to be coming to a head, and i should not be
Mirpriscd if tin- I ague should be dissolved at any
moment, particularly as the soldiers of the Northern
States have no interest in the result, and are aux
i**us to get home as soon as possible. As it is, they
desert every chance they get ; and the dread of the
cholera will effectually prevent their receiving any
reinforcements.
I regret to state that intelligence has been reeeiv
« d which renders it certain that Lite absence of Capt.
Turley, with his company, is voluntary, or in plain
word-* that he and his men have deserted. A party
of Col. Cole’s men arrived yesterday from Chontales
and report that Turley and his men were goiug
through the country, plundering the ranchos and
haciendas along the route. They are evidently ma
king their way for the Atlantic coast, intending to
come out either at Greytown or Blewficlds. 1 sin
cerely trust that they may be caught by the Eug
hsh authorities at these places and punished as they
deserve. lam sorry to say that most if not all of
these men aro Americans, and most of them hail
from Texas. Turley, himself, is a Mississipsiau by
birth, and is said to be of good family. He has spent
the last few years in Texas. Lieut. John J. Rivera,
who deserted with him, is a native of Texas, and is
a young limn who has always borne a good charac
ter heretofore. Ho is a priuter by trade, and has
worked in several offices in New Orleans.
He was in command of his company when he left,
which he did without asking leave, taking all his
baggage with him. Ido not know the others, but
will procure for you the names of all who belonged
!.>the company and have deserted. They are as
fbilows i
Capt. Turley ; Lieutenant John J. Rivera ; Lieut.
K. F Russe ll; E. R. Fitzhugh, J. F. Butler, B. F.
Boyle, Samuel Browne, M. Conant, George Dunn ;
W. O. Earl, Jas. A. Gray, J. A. Gammon, B. F.
Klitik, O. 1\ Lampton, A. J. Lewis, A. Locke, W.
Li 'der.. M. R. Morrison, A. N. Moore, Samuel
.■loo-r Y B. Smith, W. B. Shears, 11. Sphear, J. B.
lay lor, F. U. Welch, and M. M. Wells.
Tin* next letter is dated August 5, and gives a
graphic account of the capture and execution of
General Salazar:
On Sunday last this city was the scene of one of
: hoe* sail tragedies which in time of war become po
ical nc oessities, and, however we may regret the
«• of the vii : m. yet, in this ease, none can doubt
ihe justness of the sentence. On the morning of
hat day, the steamer \ irgin arrived from Virgin
».av, li.in ing on board, as prisoner, General Mariano
Salazar, the man who, by bis influence over the
mind ot Rivas, caused the recent extraordinary cs
rnje ot that functionary, induced the people of
• cu to believe that the Americans were bent on
the destr tion of iheir religion, and conducted the
: rootM of San Salvudor and Guatemala within the
borders of this Republic. He was captured by the
m ined schooner Granada, undercommand of Lieut,
fuller, ier Fayssoux, which was cruising in the
Gult of Fonseca, and about which I shall have more
;.» » y anon. Shortly after his arrival, Salazar had
, iuter> iew with Gen. Walker, but of course
.rg is known of what passed between them.—
About Id o*t U th»* American Minister visited Sa
-1 iznr in prisou. wh i the latter requested him to see
Uc n Walker and intercede k r him. The M inister
'.fi rmed him that lie had just been an uuwilling
witness to an interview between the President and
Padre Vijil, in which the latter had exerted all his
ir.tluencelo procure his pardon, but was informed
that it was impossible, as the bold and open treason
of Salazar, and his influence over the rebellious na
tives, rendered liis execution a matter of national
On hearing this, he wished to know how long he
!iad to live, and ou being informed that he was to
be .‘-hot at five o’clock, he looked at the clock,
and remarked that there were iust seven hours
left Padre V jil was seut for. who confessed and
absolved him, giving him the last sacrament. A
notary having arrived, he made his will and wrote
several letters to his wife and family. At five
o’clock, after evening parade, the troops were
drawn up in the plaza, which was filled with a
dense mass of citizens, both native and adopted.
Ti.e fatal chair, the same in which Corral was shot,
was placed against the dead wall, aud the tiring
party t»H»k their places in front of it, about twelve
paces off.
A solemn stillness, which could almost be felt, fell
upon all present, as the prisoner was seen coming
• ut of the guard house, with a crucifix in his hands,
on which his eyes were fixed, and a priest on each
side, one of whom (Padre Vp) pronounced a prayer
". ioh the prisoner repeated in a i audible voice,
never once taking his eyes from the crucifix. He
«>oked but little like the gay, dashing Salazar of
former days, who used to career over the very’
'Sine ground upon which he was now marching to
ue«th, on a splendid caparisoned steed, admired or
envied by all who saw liun. He was dressed like a
common sailor, for which he tried to pass himself
when arrested, and his countenance was wan
ml thoughtful, with unshorn beard and disheveled
locks.
Still keeping his eyes on the emblem of salvation,
he advanced to the chair and took his seat, the
rieets repeating the prayers for the dying, took a
landkerchiet from his pocket and bound his own
* yea, and the escort tea Lack ou either side, leaving
. in sitting there exposed to the firing party. Capt.
Duseubury, who was in command of the detail,
gave the o. tier shoulder arms, and a moment of
breathless suspense followed, during which the
prisoner repeated a prayer. More thau one firm
hand and stout heart trembled during that moment,
which seemed as age, but at length the fatal order
was given, the party fired as one man, and Mariano
S,..a7.arw&B a lump of clay. The slightest possible
convulsive movement of the shoulders followed the
firing, and head *:.e fell forward upon the breast in
a manner tha: indicated that his neck was broken.
Such was indeed the case, one bail having struck
iuui. broke iiis neck. Os the twelve shots nine
struck him, seven in the breast, one in the leg, aud
one in the neck. The back of the chair was perfect
. v riddled, all baits having passed completely through
Lt:e body. A coffin Lad been provided by* the
priest*, aud the corpse was conveyed to the charnel
house near by, where it remained until the following
day when it was privately buried.
I'hus perished Mariano Salazar in the prime es
life, full of health, blessed with great wealth, and
possessed of unbounded influence over his country
men. His fine personal appearance, social qualities
aud profuse liberality had endeared him to many of
the Americans who witnessed his execution, and
“ but that the spotted rebel stained his name,” few
would have occupied a higher position or been more
ruivcrsally respected. When Gen. Walker left
1.- n the Last time, everything was quiet. The go
\ eminent was under the peaceable control of Pres
iu. : i Kn &s, and there was not an enemy on the
son ot if we except a few scattered
Chamorristas in the provinces
> urfi < V liont flts. But the elections were
ri aMhVr > Warned enough to know
H f »»» ponded bv some of the priests, the ua id
imrnl of kivM took the alarm, and he and hia Cahi
net tied to Chinandega.
A number of ;>ap, » v- ere found in Salazar's poe
»ioo,«nu am -n,- them a letter from Mr. MannW.
1. ' Consul at Leon, to a prominent man in
is: j Salvador, in w hich he- speaks his mind very
tTv t.y about that tiuious man W ulker, and states
that the Northern Spates must send down more men
at once, if they wish to’drive the ."Americans from
tue country.
The enemy were struck with consternation at the
news that the Government had an armed vessel on
the waters of .he Pacific. Their fears had already
augmented the little schooner, carrying a crew of
*c veil teen men. into two men-of-war. fully armed
and equipped. This little schooner, by the way, has
struck terror all along the Pacific coast. During her
recent cruise, she ran down the shores of Costa Ri
ca, and coasted along those of San Salvador and
Guatemala. Bat it was in the Bay of Fonseca that
.-lie did the most damage, capturing and destroying
a number of bongos and spreading consternation
wherever she went. Her crowning triumph was
the capture of Salazar, and it ia a carious coinci
dence that he should have been taken by his own
schooner, for the Granada formerly belonged to
him.
The 9th August is the date of the next letter. It
states :
C&pt. H. F. Witter, Assistant Adjutant General
of the Army, died yesterday morning, after an ill
ness of about a week’s duration. Capt. Witter
was formerly a lieutenant in the United States Ar
my.
The President has revoked the exequatur of Mr.
Manning the British Consul at Leon, for bis imperti
nent interference in the internal affairs of this coun
try. He has also declared all the ports of Central
America in a state of blockade, with the exception
of the interoceanic transit route, via San Juan del
Norte and San Juan del Sur.
A new tariff has been adopted by the government
in some respects a little more stringent than the
previous one, but throwing open the ports to the
introduction of a much greater number of articles
duty free, including, in fact, nearly everything
which is destined for the use of emigrants, or for
private purposes. The export duty on silver, coined
or in bullion, has been removed.
We are somewhat in doubt here as to the inten
tions of the British Government in sending such a
squadron of war vessels to San Juan del Norte as
are now rendezvoused tb*re. No less than ten
vessels, carrying a total of *2BB guns and 2,500
men, were in that port at last accounts; but the
general opinion is that they are favorably disposed,
and that no interference is to be apprehended by
this Government.
A number of Costa Rican prisoners, including
the survivors of those left wounded at Rivas, have
been liberated, and are to be sent home by this
steamer.
On the 13th August Mr. Callahan reports that
Mr. Wheeler, the U. S. Minister, has received a let
ter from Mr. Manning, the British Consul at Leon,
dated August 6, stating that L>r. Livingston, the
American Consul, has been placed under guard in
Cbinandega, and that his life will be imperilled un
less mercy should have been shown to Salazar. Mr.
Maiming begs Mr. Wheeler for the sake of Dr. Liv
ingston, to come on to Leon at once. Mr. Wheeler
in reply informs Mr. Manning of the execution of
Salazar for his crimes, and hopes that so excellent a
gentleman as Dr. Livingston will not be murdered
in cold blood, and promises to be in Leon as soon
as possible. Mr. Wheeler, on the same date, for
warded a communication to Don Ramon Bellosa,
who, it seems, is in command of the united forces
of San Salvador and Guatemala at Leon, which
concludes thus :
“Be assured, sir, that if one hair of Dr. Livings
ton head is injured, or his life taken, or that of any
other innocent American citizen, your Government
and that of Guatemala, will feel the force of a
power who, while it respects the rights of other na
tions, will be ready—and it is able—to vindicate
its own honor, and the lives and property of its citi
zens.”
Nothing further was known concerning the fate
of Dr. Livingston, though there was a rumor in
Granada, brought by a native, that he had been
shot in the plaza at Leon.
The last communication is dated August 15, and
states:
There is nothing more from Leon, but yesterday
a courier arrived from below bringing us news from
Costa Rica. The writer of one of the letters, a gen
tleman of veracity, states that the city of Guanacas
ta, iu which some Costa Rican troops were quarter
ed, had been horribly devastated by cholera and
dysentery, most of the troops and a large portion of
the inhabitants having died. The extent of the sick
ness may be judged from the fact shat Gen. Canas
was himself compelled to dig graves, while his Aids
acted as draymen and drove the coffins to the grave
yard.
The writer adds that there was no further talk of
invasion, and that it would be considered an insult
by any Costa Rican to mention such a thing. An
attempt of the kind would certainly lead to a revo
lution. The only thing that is feared was an ad
vance of Walker with liis troops. Gen. Canas had
retired from Guanacasta to the interior, having lost
nearly all his troops by disease. The Costa Rican
army has become so much reduced since the inva
sion of Nicaragua as to scarcely merit the name, and
several parties who left this State at the time of the
flight of the Costa Ricans are anxious to get back.
Mr. Fillmore and the Fugitive Slave Law.
It has been said that Mr. Fillmore reluctantly af
fixed his signature to the Fugitive Slave Law, and
that so violently opposed was he to it that lie would
never have executed it. To show how riculous al
these charges are, we have only to call Democrats
themselves to the stand, and make them testify to
the truth as it is.
On the 3d November, 1850, the Washington cor
respondent of the Richmond Enquirer, now Mr. Fill
more’s virulent enemy, but then his extravagant
eulogist, wrote as follows to that paper;
“A distinguished gentleman from the West—an
ex-Senator —called on Mr. Fillmore, and, after ex
changing the usual courteries, was asked by the
President how the fugitive slave bill was received
in the West. The reply was. that the law, although
unpopular in his State, would doubtless be enforced.
The remarks was playfully made that, as the Presi
dent was sworn to ‘preserve, protect and defend the
constitution and laws,’ he (the ex-Senator) presumed
Mr. Fillmore would execute this law. ‘To the very
letter , Sir,’was tlie instant reply of the President,
; Ho the very letter , Sir, whatever may he the conse
quences.’ This reply was worthy the palmiest days
of Old Hickory himself.”
The Washington Union, then edited by Andrew
Jackson Donelson; copying this a few days after,
added the following:
“It gives us pleasure to state another anecdote
about the President, for which we vouch, as we had
it from two gentlemen of the West, with whom the
President had just been in conversation yesterday
morning. They were applying to him tor the ap
pointment of a gentleman ns Attortey for the Uni
ted States iu one of the Western States. After dis
cussing the qualifications of the candidates, Mr.
Fillmore remarked that there was another qualifica
tion which he considered indispensable. He said he
was determined to execute faithfully the fugitive
slave law, and would appoint no man to office who
might he called upon to assist in the administration
of that law, who would not zealously . ooperate in
its execution.
“On another occasion we understand, from good
authority, that the President declared Hhat the laic
should he executed at every hazard—even at the
/ isk of blood?
“This is the spirit alone iu which the Union can be
preserved.”
The National Era, the Abolition organ at Wash
ington, referring to these incidents, said :
“It seems, then, the infamous Fugitive law is a
cherished measure of the present, administration. A
man’s fitness for office is to be judged by his opin
ions of that law. In its superabundant zeal to se
cure the arrest of runaways, under a law which
furnishes temptations, and secures immunity to kid
nappers, the administration is determined to carry
it out, even at the risk of flood." — Rich. Whig.
Disastrous Fire at New York— The Lolling
Observatory Desl/ oyed. —The N. Y r . Commercial
Advertiser of the 30th ult., states :
About half past 12 o’clock this morning, a fire,
supposed to be caused by incendiarism, broke out
in a cooper’s shop belonging to the 6th avenue Rail
road Company, and occupied by a man named Con
nelly, in lod street, between sth and 6th avenues.—
This shop was in a short time destroyed.
Thence the flames extended across the street, and
communicated with the Latting Observatory. The
firemen aud police were present in large numbers,
but their efforts to save the Observatory were with
out success, and it was entirely consumed. It had
lately been occupied by the proprietors of the Ilyde
ville Marble Works.
The fire also spread to a block of houses in 42d
street, between sth aud 6th avenues, and thirteen of
the row were consumed, rendering about twenty
families houseless. Many ot them did not save any
thing except what c.othmg they could carry in their
hands.
The flames also communicated with the Eastern
end of the Crystal Palace, and it was with difficulty
t hat the edifice was saved. The damage to it was
slight. T'’e entire loss on the building destroyed is
estimated at $150,000 to $160,000. The cooper’s shop
in >\ hieh the fire originated contained about six thous
and new barrels, all which were destroyed.
A large frame cottage in 38th street, was also de
stroyed. It was worth $3,500, and was partially in
sured.
The aggregate loss of the Latting Observatory and
the marble company is estimated at SIOO,OOO, on
which there is only $17,500 insurance.
A Strange Animal. —The present canvass for
the Presidential office has revealed a new order of
animals that we do not recollect to have seen des
cribed in history, tale or song—a sort of
“ Lawless, linsey-woolsey brother —
Half one order half another,
A creature of amphbibious nature,
A beast on land, a tish in water.'
The varmint to which we allude is called an “Old
Line Henry Clay Buchanan Whig!” and we ven
ture to say that uo such creature was ever before
heard of in this or any other couutry. Alluding to
the biped a few days ago, we understand a friend of
ours, at Cedar Hill, in Anson county, remarked that
he had heard of many strange animals, such as the
Wolly Horse, the Kangaroo, the Gyascutas, and the
Great 800-Hoo that it took two ships to bring from
theFejee Islands, but never had the world before
produced such a zoological wonder as the “Old Line
Henry Clay Buchanan Whig.
The nearest approximation to the new order that
we recollect to have heard anything about, is pre
sented in the person of one Caleb Cushing, now At
torney General of the United States, and an influ
ential member of the Pierce Cabinet. He is des
cribed by one who knows him well as double-sexed
(hermaphroditic) in politics, with a hinge in the knee
that bends when thrift is likely to follow fawning.—
Exchange.
Gold and Silver Product of California.—
The San Francisco Chronicle, of the 4th ult., pub
lished the statement of Gold and Silver bullion ex
ported from San Francisco to foreign ports from the
nrst of January, 1851. to the 30th of June, 1856.
According to this statement, the total amount ex
ported is $11.989,71)0, for thirty months : $1,667,178
was shipped in 1854; $6,300,035 in 1855, and $3,-
063,487 from January Ist to June 30tli. 1856.
The rtatement of treasure shipped by steam
ers to the Atlantic States, commencing Janua
ry. 1854. and ending June. 1856, shows the fol
lowing figures : Shipped in 1854. $45.666.339: in
1855, $37,761,339, ana m 1856, $20,701,724. Accor
ding to these official figures the total shipment of
uncoined and coined gold and silver from the port
of San Francisco to the Eastern and foreign ports
during the year
1854 was $47,333,517
Shipment during the year 1855 44,060,374
Shipment for the first six months of 1656 23,765,211
Total shipment for two and a half years.. $115,149,102
To this statement must be added the shipments
by other sources, of which no entry is made by
the C ollector of Customs, and the aggregate vear-
of treasure will amount to at least $50.-
Tbe Chronicle also publishes a statement of the
quantity and value of ail the American Quick
silver exported from San Francisco from the first of
January. 1854, to the thirtieth of June, 1856, inclu
sive :
Total value exported in 1854 $658,317
Total value exported in 1855 975.621
Total value exported for first six months of 1856. 36L953
Total value for thirty months $1,995,891
Accident on the North Carolina Railroad.
—The Wilmington Herald learns that a very serious
accident occurred on Mondavi morning on the
North Carolina Railroad, by which three, if not
mere, persons lost their lives. When the freight
Uain. which left in the morning, reached Little
River bridge, distant a few miles from Goldsboro’,
the structure gave way, precipitating tbe locomo
tive, and perhaps others of the cars, into the river
beneath, killing the conductor, fireman, and an
other person. One report is that five persons
were killed. The whole train was not precipitated
from the track, the couplings having given wav. —
To probably, otSr| on the ttain
are indebted for the eafety of their lives It is
thought that the accident was occasioned bv the
bridge Le * Vy Wc&kenin « supports of the
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING SEPTEMBER 10. 1856.
Correspondence of the Baltimore American.
Proceeding* of C'onare**.—Extra Session.
IN SENATE August 30.
On motion of Mr. Clay, a resolution was
adopted, requiring t&e Secretary of the Interior
to report at the next session, the amount re
quired to pay the allowances proposed by the
House bill, providing for the settlement of the
claims of the officers of the revolutionary army, and
of the widows and children of those who died in the
service.
Mr. Houston said that although he had taken very
little part iu the discussions which had been in
dulged in the Senate recently, he had not been au
inattentive or unconcerned listener. He had seen
ten years’ service in the Senate, and thirty years
ago he was in the public councils of the country,
but during the whole of the time of Lis service he
had not seen a crisis like the present, portending
such evils to the peace, and even threatening the
perpetuity of this Republic. He said he wished it
was in his power to cast oil on the troubled waters,
and he would rejoice to see Senators co-operating
in a different work than exaspering the irritated
feelings of the North and South. The times were
sadly out of joint, and there must be some occasion
for it. There must be some latent disease that re
quired a remedy, and he would therefore go back
and enquire what was at the root of the evil. He
deemed that he had found the Pandora's box from
whence all the difficulties had originated—in the re
peal of the Missouri Compromise. Before that fatal
stop was taken, all was tranquility and peace, but
since that time, all has been discord and contention,
bloodshed and strife. This result had been predict
ed by him at that time, but he hoped these evils
might be brought to a termination without any
fearful disaster to the Union. He hoped and be
lieved that the W’isdom of the American people
would yet devise some remedy for these troubles,
which be thought had all sprung from the ambitious
views of individuals, and he trusted that Providence
which had guided this nation through many perils
in days past, had yet rich blessings in store to lavish
upon us. If the Missouri Compromise could be re
pealed, after having been regarded as a sacred com
pact for a third of u century, why could not the or
ganic act be repealed also, and were not the laws of
of the Territorial Legislature, which were made in
pursuance of that organic act, likewise repealable ?
Those laws Lad been justly styled a disgrace to the
age, and ought not to be suffered to remain on the
Statute Book. He proceeded to define his political
portion. He was reared as a Jacksonian Demo
crat, but he was now a member ®f the National
American party, and he took this occasion to defend
their principles. He said that they warred against no
sect, Dut against the union of Church and State,
which was dangerous to liberty and to the Con
stitution. Jle would not disturb a pagan or an
idolater in the exercise of his religious opinions; but
when he saw every act made use of to put down
Protestantism and to establish Popery, he felt that
it was the duty of all aho are in favor of free religion
and an open Bible, to place themselves on the de
fensive aud use ail their efforts to thwart these Je
suitical designs.
Mr. Clay inquired whether the American party
were iu favor of the restoration of the Missouri
Compromise ?
Mr. Houston said that as a piu’ty they deprecated
all agitatiou that threatened the"peace of the coun
try. He believed there were inseparable objections
to a restoration now, but he would cheerfully give
half of all he possessed, if the state of things could
bo restored which existed prior to the repeal of the
Compromise. His cardinal principle was that the
Union must and should be preserved, and if he were
to hear a man of the party to which he belonged,
utter a word against this Union, although three
score years might have somewhat relaxed the
vigor of his frame, he would knock him down forth
with.
Mr. Crittenden’s bill to amend the act organizing
the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas was then
laid on the table—yeas 22, nays 11.
The new army bill having neon received from the
House, Mr. Hunter moved to strike out the Kansas
proviso, which was agreed to—yeas 26 ; nays 7 ;
and the bill was then passed.
After a recess, the Senate considered the resolu
tions in reference to the compensation of its em
ployees, and other private business.
A vote of thanks to the President pro tern, was
unanimously adopted, and the usual committee was
appointed to wait on the President, informing him
that Congress was ready to adjourn.
The Senate having been informed of the concur
rence of the House in the amendment of the army
bill, and the committee to wait on the President
having reported that the President had no further
communication to make, at half past three o’clock
the Senate adjourned sine die.
HOUSE.
Mr. Campbell, of Ohio, obtained unanimous con
nentto report by direction of the Committee of Ways
and Means, a bill making appropriations for the ar
my. He said it was the old army bill with the fol
lowing proviso:
That no part of the military force of the United
States, for the support of which appropriations are
made by this bill, shall be employed iu aid of the cu
forcementof any enactment heretofore passed by the
bodies claiming to be the Territorial Legislature of
Kansas.
Mr. Campbell demanded the previous question.
Mr. Cobb, of Georgia, appealed to Mr. Campbell
to allow him to strike out the proviso, in order that
the sense of the House might be taken on the ques
tion, and then acton the passage of the bill, whether
the motion to strike outr be successful or not. f Cries
of “that’s right.”]
Mr. Davis, of Maryland, desired a test vote on a
proposition he wished to offer, but Mr. Campbell re-
Jused to withdraw his demand for the previous ques
tion.
Mr. Stephens, after saying that gentlemen were
absent who did not expect a vote would be taken
so soon, moved a call of the House.
The motion was ugreed to, and 198 answered to
their names. The doors were then closed for a short
time to hear the excuses of the absentees.
The bill was then passed as originally reported—
yeas 99 ; nays 77.
On motion of Mr. Benson the House took up and
passed the Senate joint resolutions authorizing the
acceptance of gold medals by surgeons Williamson
and Harrison from the Emperor of France; and
Lieut. Maury from the Kings of Prussia and Hol
land, and from Bremen ; and by Professor Alexan
der D. Bache, from the King of Sweden.
A message was received from the Senate, return
ing the army bill with au amendment striking out
the proviso.
The question was taken on agreeing to that amend
ment, and determined in the affirmative—yeas 101;
nays 97.
The House then passed the joint resolution of the
Senate permitting Dr. Kane and the officers associa
ted with him in tis expedition to the Arctic Ocean
to accept tokens of regard from the British govern
ment ; and also passed the Senate bill fixing the
time for holding in Deleware an election for a rep
resentative in Congress.
Mr. Whitney made a fruitless attempt to intro
duce a bill to repeal certain obnoxious laws in Kan
sas, and to secure the people of the Territory in the
possession of their rights.
Mr. Grow introduced a resolution for the dismis
sion of the prosecutions for treason and other politi
cal offences in Kansas. No question was taken
upon it, other motions and questions intervening.
A message was receceivea from the President in
forming the House that he had approved and sig
ned the army bill.
The House then acting in concert with the Sen
ate, at three and a half o’clock adjourned sine die.
Soul hern Penehes in New York.
We understand from a reliable quarter that about
six thousand dollars have been received at Kalmia,
for Peaches, a large portion of which were shipped to
Now York and sold by Wm. Gregg, Esq., who
planted an Orchard in 1817, after the completion of
Graniteville, in the vicinity of the beautiful and
flourishing manufacturing village, with a view to
supply New York with Fruit.
What a commentary on the neglected resources
of South Carolina, which need only the hand of
enterprise to bring them out. The sand ridges
near Aiken and Grauiteville, may, with little enter
prise, be converted into fruitful orchards, and
made to yield a larger profit than the culture of Cot
fon or Rice.
We understand that Mr. Gregg has been brought
out as a candidate for the Legislature, from Edge
field District, where he now resides, at his orchard
farm, in the village or settlement called Kalinia.—
His enterprises in that District ns a manufacturer
and a horticulturist, richly entitle him to any office
within the gift of the Edgefield people. We regard
ed his removal from Charleston as a public loss, and
trust that old Edgefield will duly appreciate his
merits and gladly embrace the opportunity to enlist
in her legislative service, a gentleman of so much
intelligence and practical ability as Mr. Gregg. He
will make one of the most useful members on the
floor of the House.
Mr. Gregg is a public benefactor. He has devel
oped our manufacturing resources, and been the
founder of Graniteville, where the Cotton Factory,
which owes its existence to him, is in the full tide of
successful and profitable experiment, and while he
has been the means of converting a large number of
the sand hill population into useful laborers and good
citizens, giving them remunerating employment,
and their children both employment and education,
and in every way improving both their physical
and moral condition, he has now opened, in his
peach culture, a new road to competence and per
haps wealth, which all his neighbors and his fellow
citizens In similar tracts of country, throughout the
State, may travel, if they please. He who makes a
blade of grass grow where none grew before, is said
to do a service to his kind, and to be a public bene
factor. This praise is certainly due to Mr. Gregg.
He deserves to have a monument in honor of his
enterprise and noble spirit erected at Graniteville
out of his own granite. But is not this Granite
village already his living and his enduring monu
ment ?—Charleston Courier.
Fruii Cans.
To the Editors of the Newberry Mirror : You
will oblige our lady friends by inserting the follow
ing simple ana excellent method of preserving fresh
fruits. This discovery is important as it will super
sede the trouble of preserving them in sugar, as
has been the custom, the flavor of the fruit thereby
being entirely destroyed and rendered unwhole
some. By attending to the plain directions which
follow, any housekeeper can put up a supply of
fruit for winter use. Wm. Summer.
Self-Sealing Fruit Cans.—Take a common
fruit jar, with a tin cover made like a shoe-black
box, the jar and the cover will probably coat twelve
cents, and hold a quart. Any of the cements that
are used for sealing cans or jars will do for this.—
Heat your fruit either in the jars, (or in a preserving
kettle would be preferable,) and pour in the jars,
previously warming them. Now pour enough of
cement in cover to give the bottom and side a
thin coat. When the cement becomes slightly stiff,
apply the cover over the jar, the jar having been
well filled, and turn the jar upside down, and here
is the invention. As fruit jars have a lip, you have
a little trough to fill with cement, and the* work is
done. Let your jars get cold, standing on the cov
ers. and put them away in the same position.
It is the steam escaping in the common way of
sealing or soddering cans that leaves so many of
them imperfect. The plan recommended above* en
tirely obviates this difficulty, as the steam or vapor
is always on top of the fruit. This arrangement,
you perceive, is merely a chemists pneumatic
trough, and there is no 'danger when your fiuit
has been cooled down and created a v acorn that
the external atmospheric pressure will force the cork
out.
As some persons may not understand the nature
of the cement that is used I add a recipe for prepar
ing it :
To every ounce of Shell-lack, (or Seed-lack being
cheaper is commonly used) add one and a halt
ounces of Rosin, which can be procured at anv
tinner's shop, reduce all to a fine powder. Melt
over a moderate fire and apply as wanted. ,
It two ounces of rosin is aaded, ana a little bees
wax melted with the cement it is an improvement.
W. S.
Grasshoppers on the UpperMississippi. —The
grasshoppers, or a species of locust are said to be
making fearful havoc on the Upper Mississippi.—
At Lin’ ? Falls, says the St Anthony Express, they
doeU-oyed corn. oats, wheat, and everything of the
grain kind which came in their way. At Elk River
they appeared in a perfect cloud, and, lighting
upon a cornfield of twenty acres, destroyed the whole
crop in a short space of time. At Crow Wing, on
the farm of Isaac Moulton, they destroyed 5,000
bushels of oats.
A friend submitted to us yesterday a specimen of
a French pear grown m a garden on Rutiedge-st..
which is worthy of note, as showing what may be
done with this variety in our city. Although just
beginning to mature, and broken off by the ‘late
storm, the pear referred to measured 12 inches in
circumference.— Ck. Conr.
SPEECH OF HON. N. U. FOSTER, OF GA.,
ON THE PRESIDENTIAL ISSUES.
Delivered in the House of Representatives of the
United States . on the r .'tn of August, 1856.
The House, being iu Committee of the Whole on
the state of the Union, having under consideration
the President’s Annual Message—
Mr. Fester, ol Georgia, said :
Mr. Chairman: That we are in the midst of per
ilous times, no one who opens his eyes to things
around him, will deny. Civil war in one of our
Territories—strong feelings of hostility between sec
tions of the Union—a great party marshalled under
a sectional banner, claiming the'whole North, and
pressing the truth of that claim by every demon
stration which comes to us from that quarter—a
deep and settled purpose in tho South never to
submit to sectional rule, not evidenced by the rant
of extreme men of that section, but made signifi
cant by the demonstrations of men who have al
ways stood by the Union. This is an epitome of
‘.he state orthings. Would I could give a more
cheering picture. But truth requires me to
sketch the likeness as the lines of light and shade
fall upon the original, from the point at which 1
stand.
How shall these things be remedied T The skilful
physician will always seek t hrough the symptoms of
liis patient for the cause of disease, before he risks a
prescription ; especially if he has a proper regard for
the life of the subject. If we feel the same solici
tude for the body politic, we too, will look well to
the cause of all our present ills, before we hurry to
a remedy.
Did the passage of the Kansas-Xebraska act pro
duoe these troubles ! It is alleged that this act,
containing as it aid, a clause for the repeal of the
law of Congress known familiarly as the Missouri
Compromise, did bring upon us the present unhap
py state of things. It is my purpose on this occa
sion to examine the history of that act, and show
that not the repeal of the Missouri line, but the mode
and manner of that repeal has done the mischief.
Why should the simple repeal of that line excite
the North to resistance, when it is well known that
a large portion of those now arrayed against lhe
South were always opposed to it as u compromise ?
It serves a very good prete: t for agitation, but it i
nothing but a pretext. We frequently hear the
South appealed to to resist every effort to restore
that line, and the attempt is being made to induce
the belie! that such a.i effort will be made. Now,
sir, I have no apprehension on that point. If there
were no more serious difficulties before us than an
(-ffort to restore that ln:%. I “iiouldbave no fears for
the safety of the Commonwealth. I speak what !
conscientiously believe, when I now assert that if
the question of restoration were put to this House,
under cirsumstances favoring ita consummation be
yond these walls, that not twenty-five votes could
be recorded for its passage.
I know that upon an amendment offered to one
of the bills before the House by the gentleman from
!iana, [Mr. Dunn.] proposing, among other things
to re> tore that line, that a majority voted for ir. I
understand that game. It was very safe to make a
point for home coinsumption, when there was no
chance for the ultimate succe s of the measure. We
are not to make up our conclusions from a bingle
act, but from the line of action projected by a par
ty. Do the Republicans propose to restore that
line ? Look to their platform, and you will find not
even an intimation to that effect. No, sir, their
panic is not to repeal the Kunsas-Nebraska act,
but under the excitement incident upon that ac
tion ot Congress, they intend to drive another great
party of the country to the adoption of principles,
as deductions from that legislation, which will give
them more than a restoration can promise. They
seek for a wider scope for agitation, and new a venues
through .which to make their assaults more deadly
upon the institutions of the South. How far they
have succeeded, and are likely to succeed, will ap
pear by lookiug to the action of the country for the
past few years. lam going to speak freely of the
Kausas-Nebraska legislation in the presence of my
Democratic friends liom the South. That it was
denied al! over the South that that bill contained
anything akin to “Squatter Sovereignty,” all must
admit. It any man who advocated the Democratic
side of the question had made the admission one
year ago, iu the South., that the Kansas bill recogni
sed the power of Congress to legislate on the subject
of slavery in the Territories, he could not have gath
ered a cuporaPs guard to muster under his banner.
There has been great anxiety to ascertain what
that bill did contain. It has been alleged all the
while, that it was read one way at the South and
another way at the North. I know that it was he
lieved one way at the South; and talked another
way at the North. This, so long as it remained a
simple question of theory, gave little cause of con
cern. But, when a great parly in this country, now
in power in two of the co ordinate departments of
the government, and asking of the people an ex
tension of their lease, saw proper, at the commence
ment of the present session of Congress, to adopt
the Kansas bill, in terms, as the only rule of their
faith and practice, it did behoove every voter, who
intended to give his suffrage understandingly, to
look well into the principles of that bill. I Lave, on
a former occasion, uiluded to tills tiling, and I then
asked of my Democratic friends, that, they would
lay down as a rule of action, not the Kansas bill,
but the principles contained in that bill, as they un
derstood them. And I hoped that, when they as
sembled in national convention, kuowing os they did
the charges that had been made against them of an
effort to mislead, they would have done themselves
and the country justice in this matter. In this hope
I have been disappointed. That convention met
and adjourned, and when the proceedings came to
the country, the oracle was as Delphic as before
they met. I have sought through every channel that
was open to me to solve the mystery, and will now
proceed to give to the Committee and to the coun
try the result of my labors. It appeals from the de
clarations of some of the Southern supporters of the
Democratic nominee, that there was a compromise
made between the Kansas-Nebraska men North
and South when that measure was to be adopted.—
What was that compromise ? The men of the South
denied that Congress had any power to legislate up
on the subject of slavery in the Territories. The
men of the North claimed that Congress did possess
that power. Here was a difficulty that must, be
met. Shall the North or the South yield ? Both
sections claimed that they yielded no principle in
this adjustment. Let us see. When the Kansas
bill proposed to leave to the people of the Territo
ries the right to form their own domestic institutions
in their own way, subject to the Constitution of the
United States, did it intend to express the idea that
Congress had to legislate upon the subject of shivery
in tiie Territories? We at the South say it did
not. How do the men at the North regard it ! Os
course, if they yielded no principle in the arrangen
ment, they must hold that the bill not only does
contain the admission of that power, but was inten
ded to contain that admission.
The bill in tenns proposes to clothe the people of
the Territories with the power—it assumes it sub
ject only to the Constitution of the United States ;
and all, therefore, who hold that the power exists iu
Congress under the Constitution, must of necessity
hold that the power was recognized in the bill. Did
the monos the South who were parties to that ar
rangement of compromise know that the men of the
North po understood it. As a matter of course,
they must have known it, for that formed the very
gist of the compromise. A simple repeal of the
Missouri restriction would have left both sections
free to seek their rights under the Constitution ; but
this did not satisfy the North. If they agreed to
the repeal on their side, the South must at least go
through the form of recognising tho power of Con
gress, and if they feared the thirj wculd be too pal
pable, might throw in the \ erlf.age “ subject onof to
the Constitution of the United States." That little
addition could hurt nobody, especially those who
claimed the power under the Constitution. And
just here a very grave question arises. If the men
of the South who were parties to the understanding
voted for the measure with a full knowledge that
the party North understood the bill to contain the
recognition of the power of Congress to legislate
upon the subject of slavery in tho Territories, «*re
they, or are they not, bound by that act ? In law
this would not admit of a question. How far good
faith and good morals require a fulfilment of the ex
pectations of the North on this subject, I leave eve
ry one to determine for himself. But, if there had
been any doubt upon the subject as to how the
parly at tue North regarded this question, that
cloubt has been dissipated by the developments of
the last few mouths. I pass over the fact, that at
Cincinnati the South was required to give up her
preference for the nominee for the Presidency. Nor
will I stop to discuss the platform of that Conven
tion. It is sufficient on that subject that resolutions
in relation to internal improvements were passed,
and violated before the ink that wrote them got
dry. That a kind of bush-seine drag-net was hung
on byway of making a clean sweep, tad-poles ana
all. But the only plank in the platform which at
tracted attention, or at least the one that was of ab
sorbing interest—the ground and pillar of its sup
port was the Kansas-Nebraska act. The principles
of that bill, undefined, it is true, to the unitiated,
were still to be the landmarks of the Democratic, or
rather American Democratic party.
How anxiously tuen did we look to the letter of
acceptance of the nominee of that Convention. Will
he illumine the darkness that hangs around that
much-talked of measure, was felt by all and ex
pressed by many. Well, the letter came and the
mystery was revealed. Hear him:
“This legislation is founded upon principles as
ancient as free government itself, and in accord
ance with them, has simply declared that the people
of a Territory, like those of a State , shall decide
for themselves whether slavery shall or shall not
exist within their Units."
Is there any doubt low as to what the Kansas bill
meant ? “The people of a Territory, like those of a
State shall decide for themselves whether slavery
shall or shall not exi .-t within their limits.” Is this
“squatter sovereignty ?” No sir—it is much worse,
as I shall now propose- to show. The practical ef
fects are the same, but the principle involved is
vastly more dangerous to the
sovereignty,” as defined by those who were at its
baptism, is" the right claimed by intruders or squat
ters in a Territory of the United States, to manage
their own affairs, independent of Congrc*s altogeth
er. Those who hold this doctrine, are fe w in num
ber, so far as they have developed. The distin
guished Senator from Michigan, | General Cass,]
ranks as Godfather to tiie bantling, and I be
lieve the gentleman from Tennessee, [Mr. Jones,
not now in his seat,] thinks him a promising
youth. At least he talked something in the
first pail of the session about the “inherent rights”
that went with the squatter into the Territory. Mr.
Buchanan does not place the power of the people in
a Territory like those in a State, upon any “inhe
rent right” iu the squatter, but draws it from the
“legislation” of Congress, tor want of a rame,
we may designate his, “charter sovereignty.”—
And to get the power into the people of a Territo
ry, you perceive he must first recognise it in Con
gress.
If his letter of acceptance left any doubt on the
subject, (which to « candid mind it cannot,) that let
ter, taken in connection with his letter known as the
Sanford letter, puts the matter beyond all contro
versy.
Mr. Warner, interrupting.) I understand my
colleague to say that, as he interprets Mr. Bu
chanan's letter of acceptance, he holds that the peo
£le of the Territories in their legislative capacity
ave the right to exclude slavery therefrom. Now I
wish to call his attention to the fact, that Mr. Bu
chanan sayß that the people of the Territory have
the right, in the same manner as a State, to deter
mine the question for themselves— at what time ?
Will my colleague say that that refers to the time
while they are acting in a legislative capacity, or to
the time when they meet in convention to frame a
State constitution 1 As I interpret it, it means that
it is when they meet in convention for the {purpose
of framing a State constitution that they have the
right, in the same manner as a State ?
Mr. Harris, of Alabama. My honorable friend
will permit me to interrogate him one moment. I
presume he has before him the letter of Mr. Bu
chanan's. called the Sanford letter, to which he has
alluded. If so, I ask him to look at it and say if
Mr. Buchanan does not there expressly lay down
the proposition that the people have the right to
decide tue question of slavery at the period of time
when they come to frame their constitution ?
Mr. Foster. I will answer both the gentlemen.
My colleague over the way [3l r. Warner] asks at
what time it is. I understood 31r. Buchanan in his
letter of acceptance to hold that the people of a Ter
ritory have the right to admit or exclude domestic
slavery. I did not suppose, as I have already said,
there could be any doubt left. Mr. Van Buren, his
commentator, does not think it admits of a doubt or
caviL He says :
“From these terms it Ls too clear to admit of
doubt or cavil, that it was the intention of Congress
to clothe the people of the Territories with ample
pow er to exclude slavery from within their respec
tive limits, as well while they continued Territories
as in making provisions tor its exclusion from the
State when ihat transition shall take place.”
Has Mr. Buchanan or any of his friends ever re
pudiated that letter ? On the contrary has it not
been heralded forth, even from the Southern Demo
cratic press as a “ patriotic letter 1" My friend from
Alabama, [Mr. Harris] says that in the Sandford !er
ter it is at tne time they come to form a State consti
tution that they may admit or exclude slavery. I
said before that the two ietters together made up
the case beyond cavil. So /ar from denying I am
attempting to establish, by incontestable evidence,
that Mr. Buchanan holds the doctrine that Congress,
and not the people of the Territory, have the power
over the subject. \Y lule the power remains in Con
gress, of course it is not with the people, for it can
not be in both places at one and the same time.—
The great question for the South iu this matter is,
has Congress the power ? This is the hinge on which
turns the whole thiug, and it is that I am now trying
to impress upon my Southern friends.
Mr. Y\ right, of Tennessee. As the gentleman
trom Georgia is arguing the doctrine of squatter
sovereignty, I should like to know what is Mr. Fill
more s position upon that subject.
Mr. Foster. 1 will come to that presently. Let
us finish the job we are upon, before we enter upon
another.
Mr. Y\ arner. Ido not desire to embarrass my
colleague at all. I have the kindest feelings for him.
but I desire to ask him if he does not hold that the
people of a Territory have the power when they
come to form a State constitution, to decide wheth
er there shall or shall not be slavery there ?
Mr. Foster. Most assuredly I do. My colleague
is too good a lawyer not to understand the position
lam pressing. The Kansas-Nebraska bill proposes
by its terms, to transfer the power, by Congress, to
the people of the Territories. My colleague, (Mr.
Stephens) not now in his seat, has' been asked the
question more than once during the present session
of Congress, whether the power to legislate upon
domestic slavery had been transferred by Congress
iu the Kansas bill, to the people of that Territory ?
liis answer has been frank .aud explicit. If Con
gress had the power, the people of Kansas hus got
it—Congress could only grant what power it had.—
This is, • i substance, his answer ; I have not his
language before me. He stated, at the same time,
tiiat he, as an individual, did not believe that Con
gress had the power ; but, if the people of the Ter
ritory exercised that power, he stood ready to ac
quiesce. Now, that Mr. Buchanan holds that Con
gress possesses the power under the Constitution,
i repeat, is too manifest to be questioned by any
body. In his Sauford letter he says so, most em
phatically.
Ido not wonder at all that my Southern Demo
cratic friends are a little restless upon this subject.
They feel the force of the position I have taken—
that Mr. Buchanan, with his declared opinion as to
the jower of Congress, must hold that the people
are to determine the question for themselves while
in a Territorial state. And they can but feel the
disagreeable position they are driven into by their
support of Mr. Buchanan. If they take him at all
they must take him cum onere. They must admit
in the very act of their support, that Congress has
power to legislate on the subject of slavery in the
Territories, and, having that power, have already
transferred it to the people of Kansas ami Ne
braska.
Mr. Houston. Has the gentleman a cony of Mr.
Buclianuu’s letter ?
Mr. Foster. I have got it mixed with my papers
and cannot put my band on it at this moment; but
it shall be published correctly.
Mr. Houston. Will the gentleman state his lan
guage on the subject (
Mr. Foster. I will not undertake to state his pre
cise words, but I can state near enough for our pre
sent purpose. He had been represented as holding
to the doctrine of “squatter sovereignty.” lie re
pelled that idea, and, as a conclusive proof that lie
could not so hold with consistency, said he held that
Congress had a sovereign power on the subject,
which, from its nature, must be exclusive.
But, to save the gentleman from any apprehen
sion of unfairness on that subject. I again assure him
that when I have my speech printed the letter shall
be inserted, and permitted to speak for itself:
Washington, Aug. 21,1848.
Dear Sir : —I have just received yours of the 12th
instant, in which you submit to me tiio follow ing
paragraph, aud ask whether it contains an accurate
version of the conversation between us concerning
my Berks county letter, on tho occasion to which
you refer ;
“Happening to meet Mr. Buchanan at the Presi
dent’s levee, on Friday evening, I called his atten
tion to this letter, and asked inn if he intended to
be understood as claiming that the population of a
Territory in an unorganized capacity had th ■ right
to control the question of slaveiy in such Territory;
He declared that no such idea had ever been main
tained by him; that the construction put upon his
language by Mr Yancey was a perversion of its
plain and obvious meaning; that, in his opinion, the
inhabitants of a Territory, as such, had no political
rights, [although they possessed all the private rights
of American citizens ;j that they had no power what
ever over the subject of slavery; and they could
neither interdict nor establish it, except when as
sembled in convention to form a State constitution,
He further authorized and requested mo to make
any public use of these declarations that I might
think proper, to correct any impression which Mr.
Yancey [a construction of his language in tho Berks
letter might have made.”
With the addition which I have inserted between
brackets, this statement is substantially and almost
literally correct, according to my recollection.
In my letter to Berks county of 25th August, 1847,
I had said,|“under the Missouri Compromise, slavery
was forever prohibited north of the parallel of 36 de
gress 30 minutes, and south of this parallel the ques
tion was left to be decided by the people.’ What
people! Undoubtedly the people of the Territory
assembled in convention to form a State constitution
and asked admission into the Union; and not the
first adventurers or “first comers” who might'hap
pen to arrive in the Territory, assembled in public
meeting. If a doubt on this subject could possibly
exist, it is removed by the next succeeding sentence
of my letter. I proceeded to state : “Congress, on
tlie admission of Texas, adopted tljp same rule,”
etc. And what was this rule f “The Joint Resolu
tion for annexing Texas to the United States,” aD-
] proved March Ist, J. 845, answers the question in
i;he following words : “Aud such States as may
be formed out of that portion of said Territory
lying south of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes,
north latitude, commonly known as the Missouri
Compromise line, shall be admitted into the Union,
with or without slavery, as the people of each State
asking admission may desire. Such was the descrip
tion of the people to whom I referred in my Berks
county letter.
Any other construction of the letter would render
it essentially inconsistent with itself. Having urged
the adoption of the Missouri Compromise, the infer
ence is irresistible that Congress, in iny opinion,
possesses the power to legislate upon the subject of
slavery in the Territories. What an absurdity
would it then be, if, whilst asserting this sovereign
power in Congress, which power from its nature
must be exclusive, I should in the very same breath <
also claim this identical power “for the population
of a territory in an unorganized capacity ?”
In conclusion, I desire to reiterate and re-affirm
every sentiment contained in my Berks county let
ter. I cling to the Missouri Compromise with greater
tenacity than ever, and yet firmly believ that it will
be adopted by Congress.
Yours, very respectfully,
James Buchanan.
T. Sanford, Esq.
Mr. Houston. Will the gentleman permit me to
ask him a question ? Does he hold that Congress
does or does not have the power to legislate upon
the subject of slavery in the territories ?
Mr. Foster. I hold that Congress has no such
power,
Mr. Houston. Does the gent leman hold that Con
gress has no power to legislate for the protection of
slave property ?
Mr. Foster. If the gentleman will have a little
patience, lie shall have my views upon that subject
in an unmistakable form.
Mr. Houston. The gentleman istryirg to make
a point on the fact that Mr. Buchanan, in liis San
ford letter, according to the gentleman’s version of
it, admits the power of Congress to legislate on tho
subject of slavery in the Territories. Now, I pre
sume, if the gentleman from Georgia will reflect for
a moment, lie will see that Conere3s has the power
to legislate upon the subject of slavery to the extent
of protecting and regulating that species of properly.
I understand Mr. Buchanan’s position to be just
that. Not that it has the power to abolish slavery
there. We have no power to legislate slavery inro
a Territory or out of it. 1 would like t- e gentleman
from Georgia to say whether he does not hold that
doctrine ? I want him to answer the question
whether Congress has the power to legislate for the
protection of slavery in the Territories ?
Mr. Fob ter. Ido not want the gentleman to mar
the proportions of the speech I am endeavoring to
make, nor exhaust the time allotted me with his ir
relevant matter. Has not Mr. Buchanan asserted
“ sovereign” anu exclusive power iu Congress over
the whole subject of slavery in the Territories ? And
has it not been admitted, as I have already said,
that if that power exists in Congress, then the peo
ple have to admit it or exclude slavery ? Does not
Mr. Van Buren show how and for what that power
is to be used ?
Mr. Houston. I hope the gentleman will, before
he attempts to play Yankee with me, answer the
question I put to him. I will answer his questions,
if he will give me the opportunity. But I insist that
he shall not evade the question I put to him by ask
ing another.
Mr. Foster. I’ll answer the gentleman if he will only
keep quiet. Does enforcing the principles of the
Missouri Compromise line include only legislation
for the protection of slave property ? Is the Wil
mot Proviso a measure for the protection of slave
property in the Territories ? If so, then Mr. Bu
chanan may only mean that Congress, viffi the
“sovereign and exclusive ” power over the subject,
can only legislate for tho protection of slave proper
ty. Whenever the people can be made to believe
that, to drive out or set free slaves taken to a Ter
ritory, is legislation to protect slave property,
they may be prepared to see Mr. Buchananpo
sition in the light in which the gentleman presents it.
And now, Mr. Chairman, 1 ask gentlemen to look
at the fruits of this new doctrine. The Territories
opened with the understanding at the Nortn that the
first-comers were to determine the character of
their domestic institutions, with a strong detennina
tion ir. that quarter that no more Territory should
be appropriated to slave labor, and this begetting
on the part of the South a counter-determination
that they would not be thus driven from the com
mon property of all, a collision ensued. The result
is familiar to all; for every wind that has blown
from Kansas since we have been in session has been
laden with wars and rumors of wars.
Mr. Oliver, of Missouri. What does the gentle
man mean by wars and rumors of wars ?
Air. Foster. I mean that we have had a
many rumors of war in Kansas, whether they be
tme or not.
Mr. Oliver. What does the gentleman mean by
the remark to which I have made allusion ?
Mr. Foster. I mean this ; If you open the Terri
tories where there are two opposing interests, and
say to the parties in interest, the first that gets the
management of affairs shall determine the character
of your domestic institutions, you may expect just
such scenes to occur as have been reported to have
occurred in Karsas.
Air. Oliver. Is that what you mean ?
Air. Foster. Yes, sir ; that is what I mean.
Mr. Oliver. Very well. Goon.
Mr. Foster. I repeat, what else could you expect
from such a state of things ? As I before remarked
in the arrangement of the Kansas bill, as understood
by the North, no principie was abated on their part.
They gave up no right to exclude slavery from the
Teri’tories. The question was not settled ; it was
only transferred. If while the question was kept
here you had wars of words, what else could you
look for when the same question was sent to the
plains of Kansas to be settled by the greatest
speed and the stoutest arm ?
Now, if any man at the South supposes that
anything was accomplished for his interest by the
passage of the Kansas bill, with the Northern con
struction of it; or that there is any party at the
North who do not desire to see Kansas a free State,
he is laboring under a very great mistake. The
feeling of the great body of the North is against us
on the subject of slavery. And even the fair men
there, who will stand by us upon the Constitu
tion, had. nevertheless, rather see the Territories
mad<- into free than into slave States. They would
use no unfair means to accomplish that object, but
at the same time, would avail themselves of the ad
vantages which result from the doctrine we have
been discussing. What, then, can the South ex
pect from such a state of things ? Will any sane
man b* willing to risk the tenure of his slave pro
perty in a Territory so situated as tomak*,* it doubt
ful as t- which side will have the ascendanc y all
the while subject to have it rwept from him by
an act of Territorial legislation ? Os course, under
such circumstances, no man would settle with his
-:aves and make improvements. The South must
e:ther surrender all doubtful territory, or hold it by
force of armc.
Are not those men at the North who sustained the
Kansas bill upon the ground that it was a good
measure for freedom, in the right. It was charged
that Mr. lheree was in favor of making Kansas a
free State, and I am not prepared to deny that
**harge. But was he not in sympathy with the
large majority of the supporters of the bill at the
North on this subject ? I might multiply instances
jfl °ver the North, if it were necessary to do so.
Mr. Pierce’s organ at Concord, N. 11., held the fol
lowing language:
“All the valuable land open to settlement is al
leady ‘staked out’and ‘claimed,’and eternal decrees
cou.d not make freedom more certain.
“Nor is this the beginning and end of the chap
ter, though tins might be thought enough by any
reasonable man. It is now proclaimed by anti-Ne
braska papers, that such is the rush of emigration
m this direction, that, like the too abundant rains
which swell rivers, it will overflow its natural
bounds, and, passing the immense Territory of
Texas, make two or three new free States out of soil
which had ben devoted to slavery ! German emi
grants are universally auti-slavery men, both from
principle and taste, being unable to endure contact
with the colored race, aud already occupying the
western part of Texas, they will unite with theemi
_rrants from the North and West in organizing free
states on the soil of slavery !
“Nor is this all, great and good as it is. It is said
that Missouri is awakening to thoughts of freedom.
Slavery was never strong there, and is mainly con
fined to the rich bottom lauds of the Mississippi,
while the western portion of the State is almost ex
clusively occupied by free men. During the last
few yearn the number of slaves has been diminish
ing as things that were : and now, when the State
shall be nearly surrounded by free States, and the
escape, of slaves become so easy, and when so large
a portion of the people are opposed to it, both from
interest and principle, it is thought by those well
acquainted with the state of public feeling that sla
very will give way to surrounding circumstances,
and Missouri itself join the sisterhood of free States
around her ! Should not such prospects satisfy the
most zealous Abolitionist ? Should not the part
only which is moral certainty create the most devout
thanksgiving ? Utah, New Mexfoo, Nebraska, the
territory of a dozen future independent States, and
Kansas, all sure to be free , besides two or three to
be carved from Texas, and Missouri itself to be free!
Hho could expect so much / Who asks for more ?
The Abolitionists have harangued for freedom,
preached for freedom, and, as they say, prayed for
freedom over this vast territory. Should they not
thanlc Heaven, and be content, when then received
what thy asked l
“Indeed, they now admit, almost without an ex
ception, that such results have been secured by the
Nebraska bill —results grand, permanent and glo
rc’/s —such as no single act ot Congress has ever
before secured.”
Governor Wright, of Indiana, within a very short
time, said it was tho best kind of a Wilmot proviso.
Now, these are from Kansas, Nebraska men at the
North. 1 furnish them, not to prove that these men
are unsound, but to show what their interpretation
of the Kansas bill is ; and to satisfy all those at the
South who fear the restoration of the Missouri line,
that li ir apprehensions are groundless. Why, I
ask again, should they restore it ? No, sir, as I
said at the outset, the game of the Republican par
ty ’s not to restore, bul to drive the whole North to
their construction of the Kansas act, aud then, in
the language of the New Hampshire Kansas editor,
“overflow their natural bounds,” &c. What is to
be done if more territory should be added iu the
Southwest ! Is this same war for the power to rule
to be without end ? Would the men of the South
tamely submit to an avalanche from the North into
Southern territory to pass laws iu advance against
slavery, so that it might never *have a foothold
there 1 Let men pause and reflect. To illustrate
some of the difficulties this construction of the Kan-
sas bill has thrown in our way, I will give you some
of my own experience. I have urged at different
times sinfte 1 have been here, upon some of the
more reasonable of the Republicans, the impro
priety of their having, through aid societies and
otherwise, attempted to take Kansas, whether or no,
and thereby bring about tho unhappy state of
things iu that Territory. They reply to this, that
whatever may be thought of the policy of their ex
traordinary efforts to possess Kansas, that it was
lawful, and that they had only complied with what
they considered a kind of promise held out by those
who pressed that measure upon Congress, and
sonic of them Southern men at that, in their oeola
l ations that the North ought not to complain, that
she had the most people, could emigrate with loss
difficulty than the men of the South, and, therefore,
were bound to make Kansas a free State. They
claim thut they are only laboring for n full execu
tion of the law, and in the spirit in which they
were invited to do so. With the present received
construction of that act, I confess it ii« not so easy
to meet that argument.
Mr. Houston. I wish to ask the gentleman a
question.
Mr. Foster. The gentleman will be brief, as
my time is very short.
Mr. Houston. I would not interrupt the gentle
man if he had not spoken of what has been said
by Southern Democrats here on the passage of the
Kansas-Nebraska act. If he does not wish to have
a reply to what he says, then he ought not to
quote from papers and letters which he has not
with him, and the exact purport of which he docs
not recollect.
Mr. Foster. Whatever paper or letter I have re
ferred to in my speech, I shall print with my pub
lished remarks, and this is a full answer to the gen
tleman. lie need have no apprehension that any
thing will be concealed. lam merely making com
mentaries on what papers I refer to.
Mr. Houston. The gentleman’s commentaries
may be wrong.
Mr. Foster. If lhe text is right, the commentaries
if wrong, will hurt nobody.
Mr. Houston. My question is this : The gentle
man presents as an evidence of the fact, that, the
Kansas-Nebraska bill was urged by Northern
Democrats, as a measure of freedom, that they ar
gued before the people ot the North that, having a
larger population, they could sooner settle up the
Territory, and make their regulations to suit
themselves. Now, does the gentleman see, and
will he not candidly acknowledge, that this is not
an argument in favor of abolition—not in favor of
slavery, but in favor of the justness of the principle
embodied in the bill that the people of the Territo
ry, those who go there to settle and make it their
home, shall be perfectly free to form their institu
tions in t heir own way ? It is a measure of justice
aud not of abolition.
Mr. Foster. What Isay is, that the construction
of the Kansas bill as held by Mr. Buchanan and his
friends, that Congress, possessing the power, and
having transferred it to the people of the Territo
ry, that they may act now, while in a territorial
character, upon their domestic institutions. I say
it is the doctrine held by Mr. Buchanan and Ins
friends upon this subject which has produced the
unnatural hot growth in Kansas, aud brought
all H is trouble and gloomy apprehension upon the
country.
Mr. Warner. When my colleague says that Mr.
Buchanan’s friends hold that doctrine, he does not
intend to include me ?
Mr. Foster. Certainly not. My colleague lias
not come out yet upon that question. I only refer
to those who haye come out.
Mr. Warner. I have come out. I have declaim
ed my views to the House.
Mr. Foster. 1 was not apprized of the fact, as I
did not hear my speech. But I have
been asked w hat were Air. Fillmore’s views upon
this question ?
Well, sir, I think I can at least furnish such proofs
as ought to satisfy Democracy. It will be remem
bered, All. Chairman, that at the opening of Con
gress, when we were endeavoring to elect a presid
ing officer tor this House, and the South Ameri
cans were voting for the distinguished gentleman
from Pennsylvania, [Air. 11. Al. Fuller] that our
Democratic friends became exceedingly unhappy
at the prospect of our depravity. They said that
Fillmore tend his party were unsound on the negro
question—not that Air. Fillmore had done anything
to forfeit the good op'nion they had once had of
him, but because the gentleman from Pennsylvania
was his chosen organ, and that Fillmore and his
friends must be judged by him. They made
speeches, and wrote letters, and had the country
in a perfect fever on the subject. Well, in due
time, the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Air. 11. AI.
Fuller] made up his record, and it has gone before
the world ; and 1 am perfectly willing that Air. Fill
more c’iall be judged by that record. What does
he say l He says :
“I would haveprefened that the legislation of the
33d Congress had not been enacted, and that the
people of all sections should have abided by the
compromise of 18*20, as a measure of repose, be
cause, under the compromises of 1850, peace, quiet
and social harmony had been generally restored. It
might have averted the unhappy difficulties exist
ing in Kansus—would have saved the country the
long scene of disorganization through which we
have recently passed. I would have let the com
promise of 1820 alone ; and did not favor the repeal
because I believed its effect, upon the public
mind of the country, would produce injury and
mischief greater than any good it could possibly
attain.
“Now that the repealing act has been passed, we
have, as practical legislators, to meet the existing
facts, and a different stale of case. We are not
called upon to abide by past legislation, but we are
asked to legislate anew for the establishment of the
restrictive clause, under a plea of a restoration of
the status quo before the Kansas bill was passed.—
That restoration is now impossible. To attempt
it can only produce irritation , sectional aliena
tion, and a disturbance of the public peace of the
country
“Practically, so far as the extension of slavery is
concerned, the South has gained nothing ; the North
has lost nothing by its repeal. It is conceded, I
believe, by intelligent men of all sections familiar
with the country, that neither the soil or the climate,
or the natural productions of the Territories thus
thrown open, can offer any permanent inducement
for slavery to enter there. The cotton planter, the
sugar grower, and the rice producer, will not feel it
his interest to leave his own warmer latitude, where,
in the millions of acres of unoccupied territory, he
baa ample room for present as well as prospective
expansion. The law of interest—the irrcpeulable
law of nature —must operate there as everywhere.
True, there is now a heated and angry controversy
in the Territory of Kausus. The men of the border,
iu natural antagonism with aid societies elsewhere,
have been stimulated to associated effort tor the
purpose of its establishment. Men may engage in,
out will not continue a struggle of unproductive la
bor. If this be true of Kansas, it cannot be less so
of Nebraska. But whether slavery will go into
Kansas or not —whether it will go into Nebraska or
not—is a question I shall leave with the citizens who
reside in those Territories to determine for them
selves, when they come to form their State constitu
tion and apply for admission into the Union.
“Entertaining these views, on the 19th of Decem
ber last I declared, in the House, that I would vote
for the admission of Kansas with or withour slavery.
“My declaration, in substance, was that I would
vote for the admission of States without reference to
the quest ion of slavery. What is the past history of
the Go\ eminent ? Eighteen new States have been
admitted—nine free, nine slave. It has thus been
nine times solemnly affirmed, that it is no objection
to the admission of a State that its constitution re
cognises slavery. It has been so often affirmed that
it is no objection to the admission of a State that its
constitution prohibits sfavery.”
Any squatter sovereignty there ? Would the doc
trine therein embraced applied to Kansas have pro
duced any of the troubles which have come upon
that Territory? No, sir—no’. If in good faith all
parties had understood that the Territories were the
common property of all, held by the General Gov
ernment as the common agent of all the parties con
eemed, with no power either in the government or
in the people of the Territories, while in a territorial
state, to establish or exclude slavery, the govern
ment the while as an impartial agent, seeing to it
that my property in Georgia was as much to be pro
tected in the Territory as the property of the man of
Massachusetts; and when the requisite number of
inhabitants were there to authorize the formation of
a State constitution, preparatory to coming into the
Union, the right of the bona fide citizen to either in
clude or exclude slavery from their constitution, I
say, Air. Chairman, with such doctrine as that ap
plied to Kansas, you would have heard of no difficul
ties there.
Immigration would have gone in the natural way.
Men from all sections would have met there to set
tle the country, and build up its institutions. Their do
mestic policy would have been discussed in a spirit of
conciliation, and the institutions would have been
made to conform to the true interests of the people.
It does not matter where they might have emigrated
from : left free to act tor themselves, with the lights of
experience before them, they would, as the proper
time rolled round, have acted for their own inter
ests, independent of all extraneous influences. This
is our doctrine, and was, as I understood it, the
doctrine of the people of whom I left, some five
months ago, of ail parties. But this is not all the
testimony I have on this point, of Mr. Fillmore’s
soundness. I understand the Democratic National
Commtttee have sent out thousands of the letters of
Senators Pratt and Pearce of Maryland.
I suppose they will not object to being held to the
VOL. LXX.—NEW SERIES VOL. XX. NO. a?
doctrine that they shall not be allowed to impeach
? thr own witnesses. Governor Pratt not only says
* j Mr. h lllmore is sound, but that he has a sound pnr
. tv ; and the only thing, it would seem, that alarms,
■ | the Senator is, that the party is not large enough; but
; that it is good, as far as it goes, he bears testimony.
. j Ahe other point we will try and supply. Senator
i Pearce pays Mr. Fillmore one of the handsomest
compliments he has had. Ho attributes his want of
popularity at the North to his patriotic administra
tion. Now, sir,’after adopting these witnesses
themselves, it does not lie in their mouth to say one
word against Mr. Fillmore. Ami yet there are
speeches shipped off from here by the cart load,
filled with all manner of abuse of that good man, and
no doubt in many instances both the speeches
and letters alluded to, sent under the same frank.
I tell gentlemen, in all seriousness, that the people
will soon be brought to the point that they will not
believe anything they tell them.
Mr. Fillmore needs no endorser to commend him
to the people of the country. He stands upon his
ow*n past administration as his platform, and hold
ing the Constitution so as to cover North and South
East aud West, under its ample folds, he submits
his claims to all who love their country better than
party—all who have patriotism enough to look be
yond the agitations of a section—beyond the spoils
of office, to the best means of restoring the harmo
ny of all sections without trenching on the peculiar
rights of either. If ever there was a time when we
should be willing to look beyond mere party tri
umph, in the choice of a Chief Magistrate, in my
judgment, it is now. No mere party President can
bring back peace at this time. It matters not
which section elects, nor how good iu himself the
chosen one may be, if ho comes into the Presidency
by the votes mainly from one of the opposing sec
tions of the Union, supported in Congress by the
men of that section, ho cannot administer the Go
vernment so as to promote harmony. His enemies
will see him wrong however right he may be, and
his friends will be exacting, in the proportion in ad
verse ratio of the area of u Congressional district to
the breadth of a whole Union. This is no time for
sectional Presidents, unless we have made up our
minds to give up the Union without another effort
to make it worth preserving. Aud it is useless to
disguise the fact that there is now the most im
minent peril right in our pathway. Mr. Fillmore
has served us in just such an emergency. He
then lmd the coin age and the patriotism to con
vert his robes of office into “robes of ice,” and for
getting all else, to steer tho good ship to the haven
of safety.
There are few men capable of doing just as he did.
Others may do as well. Is this the time to make the
experiment ? Will he do again as he Ims done bo
fo;>: ? Yes, sir, 1 knojy just as well as it is possible to
know*before liarTd. wait a man of honor, and truth,
aud integrity, and th . most exalted patriotism will do
in the future; that his Administration now would be
as acceptable to all sections as it was in 1850—*51-
’52. His election would now restore pence to tho
country in one month, without the violation of any
law or the infringement of tLe rights of any section.
And :ny firm conviction is, if we could read the
hearts of men as does Omniscience, that Mr. Fill
more would be put int. > the Presidential chair by the
acclamat ion of tin eople.
But I am tojbe told, “you can’t elect Mr. Fillmore,
and, therefore, you ought to vote for Mr. Buchan
an. I have no patience left for such arguments as
that.
How do I know “we oan’t elect him,” till we try?
We ril know if Ins friends all vote for somebody else
that ho oan’t be elected.
1 do nu! believe that any well-informed man will
doubt but that, if all the men in the Union, who
really prefer Mr. Fillmore, were to vote for him, that
he wou.d be elected. Then, why this “chicken
hearted” course ? Do your duty whatever others
may do. But, sir, what do wo gain if wo vote for
Mr. Buchanan and elect him ? We shall not restore
harmony by that act, as I have already shown.—
Shall we establish any great principle by electing
him ? Yes, sir, we shall establish that Congress
has “sovereign and exclusive" power over the sub
ject of slavery iu the Territories. And further, that
Congress having that power, transmitted it to the
people, and that tho first comers into the Territory
may elect a legislature and exclude slavery there
from. This, I say, we establish beyond “doubt or
cavil.”
Now, sir, if the Democratic party had run Mr.
Buchanan simply us Mr. Buchanan, though I never
admired him as a politician, yet, in an emergency,
to get all hands together ut the South for the final
struggle, bitter as the pill would have been I would
have voted for him. I could have done that and
compromised no principle, because he would then
have been run without any declaration at all. Or
if he were run simply upon the Cincinnati platform,
Janus as it was, the South could have voted for him
without sacrifice, because she could still have con
tended for her own meaning of the Kansas zebras
ka bill. And, sir, as an evidence that I was unwil-
ling to throw so much as a straw in the way of any
argument which promised any good to the country,
and especially to the South, I did not open my
mouth. My own people complained of my silence ;
but I had a duty to perform above party. I had no
personal umbition to gratify. I was here, not by
any seeking on my part, but, having taken the re
sponsibility, it was my duty to serve not gratify my
people. Well, Mr. Buchanan wrote his letter. lie
construed the only plank in the platform that at
tracted public attention. He gave the platform a
voice, and it spoke to the nation. I waited to hear
the language of rebuke from the South. I kuew that
party fetters were hard to break, but that the voice
of that platform was strange music in Georgiu.—
Well, sir, that rebuke did not come.
Faint gleams ol lightning it is true, and subdued
niutl cririgs, but no thunder tones. Well, as’soon ns
the Southern patient had gotten over the qualms of
the first dose, and become prepared for almost any
drug known to the political dispensatory, Mr. Van
Buren takes him in hand. I have been at some loss
to know exactly wlmt. trick the magician was up to
—whether he intends to take revenge upon the
South for her repudiation of him iu 1840, by the less
manly but more successful mode of secret poison,
or really has ambition to see once more his name
and blood “lord of the mansion,” I am unable to
dovine. He speaks “to the record,” and almost by
authority, and puts the matter beyond “doubt or
cavil.”
I paused to see whether Mr. Buchanan would
speak, or by lus silence acquiesce in the commenta
ry. He remained “silent ns the grave.” This was
bad enough, but the cup ran over when, instead of
that letter of Mr. Van Buren arousing the whole
South to a sense of the quicksands into which they
were being carried, the Democratic party actually
grew giddy with delight Let me give you one or
two specimens. Hero is one from one of their jour
nals of standing, and In good fellowship with the par
ty in Georgia :
“Martin Van Buren and his son John are out for
Buchanan. The former in a letter and tho latter iu
a spicy speech reported in the New York papers.
We believe this will secure New York to the De
mocratic ticket. The Van Burens have been lead
ers among the Soft Shell Democracy, aud their sup
port of the ticket augurs well for the union of the
party in that State. In taking this step, they are
compelled to back from their former position on the
slavery question.” —Southern Banner.
Back indeed 1 I said they were giddy. Charity
requires us to believe that the editor wrote the arti
cle before he read the letter. Carrying New York
for Democracy seemed to be the one idea that filled
liis min i. Right upon the heel of that another lead
ing journal, at the capital of the State, endorses the
letter as a “patriotic letter.”
Why patriotic ? Is it because he smells less of
the Buffalo Platform than ho did in 1848 ? Hear
him:
“My own course in regard to it (slavery in the
Territories) has been one, by the record of which I
shall always be willing to be judged, whenever aud
wherever the acts of an individual are deemed of
sufficient importance to attract atlention.”
Patriotic! Why ! Because he thinks Congress
has no power to give the people of the Territories
power to exclude slavery ? Hear him again :
4 I have not tho slightest doubt of the power of
Congress to give this authority to the people ot the
Territories.”
Why, again, I ask, is that letter thought to be
patriotic by Southern Democracy ? Is it because
in illustrating a principle throughout his whole let
ter he uses the words exclude slavery every time,
and include never ? No, no, Mr. Chairman, Mr.
Van Buren paid he wou’i vote for Mr. Buchanan—
that was enough.
Now, Mr. Chairman, I r.sk how any Southern
man cun vote for Mr. Buchanan, without commit
ting himself to tuc power in Congress to legislate
on the subject of slavery in the Territories? What
will be the effect of that ? I want every Southern
man to reflect upon this point. There is no obli
gation on the North not to transfer the question of
power from the Territories back to the halls of Con
gress. if, in future years, we shall acquire more
territory trom Mexico, and the North, thinking the
chance is better in Congress than in the Territories,
if they find that they cannot “overflow their natu
ral boundaries” sufficiently to accomplish their
purpose, and come back to Congress to exclude
slavery, how can any man v. ho now supports Mr.
Buchanan open his mouth against that claim 1 —
Now, do not get one side of this point. It is not be
cause Mr. Buchanan believes in the power simply
which binds you —it is because he ma/ces those opin
ions your platform, and you endorse it. You make
the Kansas bill your platform—he puts words into
the mouth of that measure, not what you think it
ought to say, but you not only do not contradict that
language, but endorse it by your vote. This an
swers all the appeals which have been made to me
to come to the support of Mr. Buchanan. We are
upon the eve of a great battle. What will be its
result I cannot tell. But when the din shall have
died away and the smoke cleared up, if the Union
is left, I want at least to be left with free limbs and
untrammelled tongue when the next battle is to b<-
fought for the South. And I want it distinctly un
derstood that the chief to whom I do homage must
have other aids-de-camp than the Messrs. Van Bu
ren. Why, sir, if Mr. Buchanan should be elected,
and appoint Mr. Van Buren as Secretary of State,
and send John Minister to England, no Southern
man would have a right to open his mouth.
Mr. Wright, of Mississippi. I would ask the gen
tiernan from Georgia if, by any extraordinary oou
tingency or mysterious dispensation of Providence,
Mr. Fillmore should be elected, and should appoint
Mr. Moore, who stood by Mr. Banks in the election
for Speaker, or Mr. Dunn, or Mr. Bayard Clark,
whether or not he would repudiate the American
party ?
Mr. Foster. Providence does sometimes inter
pose in mercy to save from the follies of men. Mr
Chairman, gentlemen seem to be slow to see a point
Now, I make no point on Mr. Buchanan, because
unsound men vote for him. He is at liberty to get
all the votes he can. J have not yet heard either o.
the gentlemen referred to pretend to speak for Mr.
Fillmore, or to explain his position.
Mr. Wright. Mr. Dunn is a Fillmore elector for
Indiana.
Mr. Foster. That does not change the case at all.
I say again that I make no point on any man be
cause he may get unsound men’s votes. Nor would
I, under some circumstances, condemn a man foi
appointing to office one who differed from him. J
said you would have no right to complain if Mr
Van Buren were appointed. Now, the difference in
the cases before us is, that Messrs. Moore, Dunn and
Clark, either differ or agree with Mr. Fillmore. J
they differ with him, and he appoint them, bin
friends have a right to complain; but if he and they
openly agree betore the election, and he then an*
point them, I for one will not complain. Now, Mr
Van liuren openly takes position with Mr. Bu
chanan—stands upon his platform—makes it say the
same tiling. Mr. Buchanan and his friends not only
do not repudiate, but endorse, as I have shown.—
Why, then, should they find fault? Is not Mr. Van
Buren in full fellowship ? Has he not written a
“a patriotic letter.” Will not he and John, at the
head of the Softs, secure “ New York to the Demo
crats V* Do they usually work in politics for fun 1 —
Will they not think the “ laborer worthy of his hire"
if they should “secure New York to the Demo
crater* I think I was quite modest iu the places J
have assigned them. 1 should think a man of the
calibre of either of them, with New York at his
back, and iu “full faith and practice of Democracy,’
might well aspire to the first office in your gift. But
iny time is almost gone. How much have 1 Mr.
Chairman ?
Chairman. Three minutes only.
Mr. Foster. I did want to examine a little to see
what sort of a party at the North was to be built up
by the Democratic nominee. I have
been told for years, sir. that the old Whig party
North was rotten, and the Democracy sound. They
said—“ Just clear the track of old Federal, blue
light, abolition Whigs, and then stand still and see
the salvation of the Democratic party.” Well, the
track was pretty well cleared, and what has been
the result ? By looking into the history of the thing
a little, 1 find that in at least two or three States at
the North, the “back bone ’ Democratic districts—
districts which gave Mr. Pierce from 1,500 to 5,000
majorities, are now ah represented Ly Republicans,
with majorities at their backs of from three to seven
thousand. And, what is a singular fact, 1 learn that
in Ohio, the districts now claimed with most confi
dence by the Democracy, are some of the old Whig
districts. lint , i„,t n i| ;
ad. \Ve hear jiu more of *\ol . :
abolition Whigs.” And, in furi, I lm\» i r h-.
much very recently of “dark lantern." But i■ "
is “paftant old Wing party”— t'g'orlovs old \V
party”—“ patriotic. Americans ” —and tin? cry h
become almost Macedoninn—“Come O' r umf belt
us!” “Help!” “help!!" “help!!!’ ••••verybod*
nm here.” Why, what on earth is tl: inn 'or • i
there any foreign enemy on our shores l I lu\ «* I u
mans broke out ? “No, no, worse than that • Hu ~
is mutiny in the Democratic camp. Come and h !;•
ou r friends, or the country is 1,.
[llcre the hammer fell.]
Siffiis of ProgrcNM in .Snedinin.
The Italian correspondent of the Newark Aih
tiser, writes from Genoa on the 7th ult:
It is the darling policy of the government, of S u
dinia so train the people to this great work ot s,
government, and it has truly accomplished wo n. r.
during tho six years of its constitutional exist.-n..
I notice by the official reports that fi t < <
been established in every parisli throughout the
kiugdom, and that the people are availing them
selves of their benefits. Where in 1856 there were
6,000 schools with 260,000 children, we now h.i\
over 0,000 schools with 400,000 pupils, ;m<l tin
ale besides numerous classical instilulions. anti lhr< ■
great Lmversities with over6,ooostudent.-. A I < .
press is also doing its work in the ede 'inn of 1...-
oountiy. Besides numerous daily inunials .
shade of opinion, we have 50 periodica'- i- ■ i,,. [ •,,'
literary Keviews, three Agricultural Ma ; .
devoted to the Mechanic Arts, one to'Commerce,
two to Jurisprudence, three to Medicine, one liar
wav and Statistical Bulletin, a Milii nt:,
and two devoted to the spread of five religion no.l
they are widely circulated and read. 1!-:' p
nothing is doing more to awaken pub, ... ~; : ,
than the free discussions of the Pallia.in o, ivldeb
are reproduced in every neighborbood by ,in ;
daily pro
The reports of the Best Office also afford cheerio
indications of the general spread ot intelhgeu, ■ ano
the interchange ot thought. When the ciioap | —I
age principle was adopted in 1850, the gov uinuieni.
anticipated a loss of lid per cent, in tin rcwiiuc ~i
the establishment. Experience, however, 1. . si;, u ,
a considerable gain, la 1850 the no.-!., s’
to 2,900,000 francs, which fell oil' the v, . (~
2,600,000; but in 1855 it rose io tl, 100,001) i..
The number of letters in 1860 was , J .i’ii.i. ...
last year it rose to about 13,000,000—nearly double '
The printed sheets, which lu the first ve.iv oi relni m
amounted,to 3,000,0'M!, now consideiab'v |
5,000,000. These are instructive fmas."
experience without precedent or parallel in ;- ~i
®rn Europe, The progress of railway .
Ittlly corresponds with these signs of national gi.’wih
Murk Proof. —Senator Bigler.of Penu-vlv mi
is n Domoerat of “the moat strnilcsl s, a.' 1 ..
warm supporter of tlio “sugeof Whenthn.d ' ||,
do doubt familiar with the political v» ■' tin-
Democratic nominee for thu Presidency, .
be, in some measure, regarded as ncoiert r.,
Hunt of those views, lit discussing the | irineiiih: .
the Nebraska act in a speech at Philadelphia on
tile 4th of July last, Mr. Bigler used the subjoined
language :
“Its application to the question of slavery in the
Territories was intended as a duality. \\V
the power ot Congress may be, it wus phiic...
wise to forego its use, and trust the qu-stiou with
the people. For one 1 regard the policy n.. t.leil
forever, aud that hereafter the people oi* the Tern
ritories, through their local Legislatures, arc t .
control tlio question of slavery in their own wav."
The truth in regard to the Nebraska t t
•he attention ot the people of the Snuihhud been 1 \
elusively directed by designing politicians to in:.;
clause which repealed the Missouri Compromise,
aud the “squatter Sovereignty'.’ feature, whit h was
adroitly engrafted upon the bill ci euped uk p i d
notice. The bill was an ingenious fraud foisted up
on the South by political tricksters. The Senators
and Representatives of the South in supporting tin ;
measure, the people in giving their assent to u. mid
the politicians aided by partisan organs in limkii
it a test of orthodoxy on the slavery question, have
all given their sanction to a most erroneous ami
dangerous principle. The construction put upon
that hill by Douglas, its reputed author, by Hu
chanan, the anointed leader of the Democratic par
ty, by Dickinson uml It glut is undoubtedly the ,v
reel construction ; and no kind of sophistry can put
any other upon it. —Columbia (,y. C.) Tim.
Texas News.—The Legislature win; to adjourn
September l. The bill relinquishing the Stnh . , \
to the counties for two years more, which was \
teed by the Governor has been passed over the % cot
This act will now make it absolutely necessary to
amend the Public School bill, as passed by tin Sen
ale last winter, as the $(>1)0,111)0 app, oriated hylkn’t
bill for the support of these schools n : . tie requir. i
to defray the current expenses of the Go . ••le
nient.
The resolution introduced into the Senate bv
Senator Bryan, requesting the Governor to call „!,
extra session of the Legislature in ease of Fremont ■
election, came np on Monday night Inst. Ilpa aat
by a vote of If> yeas to 14 nays. The 1 louse ha in.,|
yet taken it up.
As a general rule there mlist be a great scan dy
of provisions throughout Western Texas before an
other crop is made, though in some few place, n
sufficiency of corn and other grain is made for con
sumption. Butin many place, the people in.
already beginning to buffer, and it is to be feared
tliut the suffering will bo very great before Ihe
year is out.
Variousoounties have called public meeting In
take advantage ol the appropriations offered by
the river bill. As tlio $'.1110,000 appropriated g,in
to the counties which first subscribe, a i-i I . ugh!
there will be something of a seramlih for tin
money.
Col. 11. Clay Davis, of Rio Grande City, pi -
ed this year eighty acres of cotton, which tinned
out a good crop, and which he sold in tlio JMexi
can. market ul cents per pound. Profitable
business.
An AitMy Missi.no —The Prussian official (for
responder, says“ General Chruleff, who com
manded a Russian division during the siege of ,s
vostopol, was afterwards sent to the frontiers of
Persia, where he appears to have advanced ton far
into the hostile territory. Cutoff from nil commit
ideation with his own countrymen, and threatened
on his flank by immediate hordes of Circassians and
Kurds, he found himself obliged to make a retreat
acibss boundless wastes of the inhospitable sand
steppes, and as nothing has hitherto been heard of
him, great fears are entertained lor the safelv of tlio
General and his whole army.”
Peter the Great an Editor.— The find. Ruf
fian newspaper was published in 170 k, and Peter
the Great was its senior editor. The imperial Au
tocrat not only took part personally in its editorial
composition, nut ill correcting proofs, as appears
from the sheets still in existence, cn which lire
marks and alterations in his own hand.
AStray Husband.— Mrs. Mary Ellen Dewitt, of
New Brunswick, advertises her husband, now, she
says, a resident of Newark, N. J., who recently ah
scouded from that place, leaving hi* family in desti
tute circumstances, and offering a reward of twen
ty-five lashes, to be applied on his back on hi i
return.
The Cotton Chop. —The general opinion is that
the cotton crop will be cut veryihort in this section
of the State by the boll-worm. Many of oar plan’
era assure us that they will not make half the crops
they made last year, even with the in«+st favorable
seasons from this time till frost. Aral this complaint
of the worm is not confined tofh**cui.
but to every quality of soil—and to ever' pint of
the county from which wo have heard.— Ataham i
Beacon .
Cotton is very poor, in the portions ol '! . , .
ry, Autauga, Lowndes and Butler, th < ■ ha .
seen. The general estimate is for half of last year's
yield.— Cor. Mont. Moil.
Explosion.—A letter from Potosi, Missouri, da
ted the 27th ult., Rays a sad accident oceun d in t In
store of T. It. Livingston, on the iron mountain rail
road, the day previous. A keg of war,
placed on the counter of the store, win i ■ ./nut*
means the powder was ignited, the hot,, i . n up,
and the goods ruined. Some seven jti.-.u u< • , h
the store at the time, and all h< riously injured. It
is thought impos sible for four of them to surv iv« .
Melancholy Affais.—The Memphis Bulletin
of the 28th learns that “a diflit ult y occurred b/tu . n
two brothers at or near Wealy yc.ierday, v. t , o •
of them stabbed the other with a knili, ,1 tbrt: . a
wound from which he died shortly lut i* . «r. j try
are said so be both young men belon
respectable family. We were unable io he ;n t e
names of the part ies, or further particulars.
A New England Celebration—The cue hun
dredth anniversary of the ordination of the R< v.
Dr. Joseph Latbrop a a a ininii . r of-j.-W, 1
Springfield Church, (Mass.,) was celebrn d in thai
place on Monday, when the sons and daughters ol
the town returned home from their distnn habita
tions. The church was crowded, and many stood
around the doors unable to enter. After hymn by
Mrs. Sigourney, Rev. Dr. Sprague, of Albany, /. :
livered an address eoiitaiinng a eulogy upon Dr.
Lathrop, who died in 1820, after a mini ry of (i 1
years. A procession followed the church • • \« i «-i. i .
and a dinner, at which many speeches were nm-h
--and letters read.
AShooting Case. —We regret to hear of a pain
ful affair which occurred at Goldsboro’.on Saturday
last. The report that has reached ÜB, is to tin « l
feet, that Win. Robinson, Esq., editor of !':• Golds
boro’ Tribune, was shot in the side by Win, T.
Dortch, Esq., the latter using a double barrelled
gun, and discharging the contents of both bn,i . . •
the former. The situation of Mr. Robinson is not
known.
There has been an old grudge between the p .in .
Mr. Dortch is a prominent member of il.elL-moerat
ic party, and was beaten for th ; Legi.slatirv a t ii..
late election, by some four or five votes ouly. The
Tribune, also Democratic, violet.‘.y opposed his
election.— WUmington llrruld.
A Miserable Failure.—Letters received m
this city Sunday, from Knoxville, declare tba: t !»•-
threat Democratic mass meeting held there on tl •
27th ultimo, was a miserable failure, fin; sp< uk
ing having been indifferent, and not in >r.- ta in
a thousand persons present. Jan es B. Clay,
Toombs and others had been posted as speakers on
the occasion, but they were not on hand , and pro
bably never were expected by the loaders. The
hood-winked masses were rather sore on account of
their disappointment.and, it is said, complain ~•>( a
little.—A' a&hville Bat. riot.
The Flood in North Carolina.— Fatal AW
road Accident. —The storm in North Carolina Mon
day was attended with most disastrous eff. < i.-
Every stream overflowed and laid waste to the
corn crops near their banks. Yesterday, on
North Carolina Central Railroad, some ti« - ! woik
between Raleigh and Goldsboro, gave way in con
sequence of the high wuter, letting down the cogim*
and tender of u freight train, and killing theti - n..iu
and conductor. On the road between ivtor-bm-g
and Weldon all the bridges were tested b« •fee t i «• *
trains passed over. No mails have !><-. n revived
from beyond Weldon. N.C., sine/; Mouday.- Unh
De*p. of Wednesday.
Honiton Lace.—The fact that fashion make. a.id
breaks is well illustrated by the history of this fib
ric. Honiton lace, according to a recent uuinor,
came into fashion in 1812, anaow* s it pre
sitiou to Queen Victoria. Comini- send i i tli
miserable condition of the lace wml rs ol D* \• n
she determined to assist them by bringing their
manufacture iuto fashion, and in furtherance of this
laudable purpose had her wedding diets m ie of it
Honiton has continued popular and exp- n.-tive ev.i
since, although previously purchasers could hard v
be found for it.
An Actress for St. Petersburg.—One of the
most charming actresses or Paris, Mi>s ]•; Xi .
Laurent, Ims just been engaged to \ i,,v (h< Ku.-.-w'an
capital. She is the most lovely I*male, v Maid. of
all Paris, and great lamentations are made m h.-r
departure, in order to carry with her a suitable
wardrobe, she gave employment to the best <1:. n
makers of Paris, and her wardrobe, containing all
that was most beautiful in the way of robe.-, jewelry,
etc., filled sixty trunks.
The damage caused by the great storm of Ji.no,
on the Southern coast of Peru, art estimated at
$500,000. No American vessels have been serious
ly injured, so far as reported.
An old English soldier, wWhad been in all the
severe engagements in the Crimen, and was one of
the few who entered the Redan safely returned
home lately in good health ; on arriving in rump he
took off his knapsack and coat, and d, “fi k
God! I have arrived safely in Old England -n ain ,
I’ll now haven good rest',’ an boon as he uttered
these won Is he fell down and died instantly upon
his knupsuck.