Newspaper Page Text
I>f WM. S. JONES.
< ,E A SENTINEL.
:.AUH. AC.
I- (very Wednesday
,T TWO I. ' /iRr-' .ZR AN2TT7M
>f ,nid stoic*;/ in advance.
// i.\ i AXCE s
5 PER YEAR
i i.' ; DUALS Bending lie Ten
; > j r trill be sent for one
* ,/ •' '• j■;; • tr at 1 :*• rate of
.J rIZS FOR TEN DOLLARS,
- .:-y re t:*i Kivu sub
sßO u: u CUNTXmh
. . a: , iii-VVUKKIA',
Av and mailed to sub
ii Mi.. , . ■: by a1,...57 per annum.
1 (•-:.!/* per square
. t u, and fifty cents
. ) SALE.
. ■ f leaving the Htate,
1 < v . UK A L RUT ATE iu
V'. in'-’inty, (la, consisting '
• • h. . i \.> • i live acres of 1
:. l Lot. r i ool», M* hiae.
i. . i- 1. - with ail Ida finished
id d<di»!9 worth of .
; y-i ! p. at tbxa
’**’ ' •* -- . r<* • r/ectfully invited
-i • . r: •• t ,c to stilt the ptir
hou'ii; j,. HOSHER.
j«7-wtf
*1 PLANTATION on tie
... It lk ' •-'! miles north
■ J th - KoswcH Cotton
, . ! lj< K: M counties, eoaUiiuin*
r ,■ , . i • , , rk with 200 acres in cnltl
■ . i ; -ei a *ood Fretno
u Jiti.'l <**, witii line Or
. , . , a hr.-t Colton
I F. yi - immediately on the
i » i |***r Georgia. For fur
jtreuibtes.
VV W. S. (iltOliAX.
a River PLANTATION,
1 r . C< tmhuH, ton.. in Harbour
Ik : “el *■!river, contain
, i a fiste .late ct ruiiivation and
, i A \\ •r (. i and I crry m-ios* the
- r \\ ii! bes lor wale at any
I wm. t<> <uil MT
. I m:w A VKItF.TT
. D capital
f|' i f ; * Mtuove to S'Uthwentern
I * near Cav«- Spring,
« • ■ Va.. V, • : . -r.t.. niulAining .11?
* sod hickory
c u - . .1 ami i '!' • i. i...iiiuli r gonorallj
w .1 J. .< i .ti : otj* of cool Mac Lino
* i ■ an eHewtive water
■
i . .. 1 commodi
.» CD r y , and
riliedll itioliai
. • • • !•'
i: dal .i U» an
* L I'. ■
■ i i " i m
,
j\ l.twtf
r-'iWnjT.OU kTILLii- FOR SALE.
a . LAND
«l o« th<wOfT*‘ceiii*e River.
ro*dtet ’in.
I . hM foui
... m The Firtnr
* . kit* r>ii purtMD
. I -h.
. k IN fat IB situ
at- ‘ . » i . ..aiii! o it a.i ■ si. ■ vv and (JrUt Mills in
roa‘:!_.\ nl u' f hf
t . ::.i« . . i ai-ree.
- : : 1.. tl e ■ OBty iD
T1...M
fir thmaiiTK Thi
, l ■ WftU of water in
« a ; laiitation > hotter furnished with
• •!, ! BUS 1 NHIV KUM.
pSiOW^arroox;.
n purchased the piUnIHIR
I ri..l PLOW fur ill*
co i:. ' '» • ijiucoln, llttrke, Jefl'er
► " a ."1..1 are |ur*pwa4 to
>i prica. nk.
. . . ... !y ..... 11l iron, b a South
«-. . .1 i ■ - l . i siiAioieniiy tuatvd to provr
U, ii. ». • wlily, hrs and pulverize* the soil
• bmore *a^y
* ■ r . holds the shares
u , !<.•:. i, and is, iu th*
Til
■ . -it. in •
~ a
i . turn pleanre
* . ~t ■ ♦ th^seeertilicatee
• < -in' jd*' », to any
.a. Y/o are wkling t<
< ! low a fair trial. In
* « i : 315, the edi
“ T tills Plow a fAiv
• :!• -A wci rcgtiid it s*
. on all common w*«vi«i
« For ffiolas
to uoej
tl In r..at fvpMM*
- j, it is
e which we are fml
* 1 io.' careless r.nd des
-1,. . . < «a. -iud w ed. übt uot
n at pec u
• i t or point.'
„k a > lauter will need
i ; - 5 the -!;>•, ar. These eharep
when delired ; though
i telhemiAor qwe Mplny
j . • . or for Plantations, will
i a t tl b H lllW are
5t,,,-, I 3 1. O. fiTTHN 4 Co.
d* . Augusta, Ga.
|a A ej l on Ith Mav, a Negro
, about 45 } cars old.
. • 1..', <
■
. -. ■ .. \ .•->
add
Mel In • smpaay
V. nr ■ VV. VV. fiim|Moai,
, ... .. feet • or Id
rll fta., both dr :*k com
et t'-v.r l-«-Nutßl*u-. Ogle
Ohio. If they
, (wvuer if he cait
Os! i-..
'i • . ruv«: nty dollar f, reither
o! , A rt)N 'h IJUANThKY,
V-V SpIM'N,
r ve ;n 1 11: or k county, Oa.
■ arrd t .’ ward
accout myai
$. K k a'AKP.
J \v: e the apprehension and
I >y 11AURY. Should he
b • I ' ■ ; • " .
t , o.n i.ov. e.d will pay, in «d
: iSrlck ta «raaf
1» - 1.1... k complexiuti. and.
W h lie is tfoiugabout the
. without any
ticket Be clstma *
and Ms also at
eyV b’a I have heard of hH Ma| ir
, i dngton counties, mfalii peer
... ..ir U sgahwt
. u.o» w ;th*
..*»
$lO REGARD !
. ,*v tin* night of the 4th
. . %tber PQCSJST Ud«>a. eon
M aud WUHMI
■ - ’ - xu tv. ’ 8, due
tor BfV 50, made by A K.
I • sj. A. Stoa daMiklt fehe Mor
MiaBMM&MII
.« -1 w-i : Tti ftV ;he name 1
w v > , w. l 5 • I'H- recovery «d the papers.
h- i .-i.v semtfoaml
g! s DANNELLY *
S3O RE’.VA-RD.
|> ANAWaY, Mriber, m I*«t
IV feu Augtut la>t, uir Negr*
M . VK\ NK 11. I :• vears «dd, five foci feu in
. u..i.iiuhi.
UfWI . .
; delivery rn me
JOHN A HARRIS.
T- • oK u. ; ~xUid.eudfor
S3O REWARD.
I\V ; I. . u ward tor Iho apprehouston
V • .1 tl; 1 0.. lucnt iu any >afe jail
rv a . - .- ,i; ' . itMt 1 ran.f»
N • I\Y I! .1.1 A3l He f» a Shoe ai.J Hv»ot
,h # . - :: ving; of dark, complexion.
t . • ii.. ~:*vl w . jlm.l i...i* have a pa>« ot his own
x , i»... .clmi*, andkvs uioihei
n . < u ji j , m Green A Holdsom
Jv . N F. sm'DM.
JRstvsviilo. Ga.
THE FAST TROTTING STALLION,
. * * . ’ < i . i .• -t arrived, per s’caner
> t' \ ti.-d ' piatiuuiueL tvur
w»a b*
1, ; ; • :: * r: • ..e season, with the prtvi
: t a to svaaeu until the ktarc
> ;.t\. u ii!tbla* kloga, mane
ai .: • . 1 * .. hi,.:. . Wu-tt years old. with
W,«i j - . tied : weighs kWd |«**emla
W, ; * . •: t. ttlngSteilioa en th*
A V : •>:„ :*k uar iu
. V . f'r a ,:<M to
8t Law
; • o’*-; »t hi'day. liaving.
W . . h;LraUd N satcr.
• n..4»t iiv'Uiug Merc, l>uui.
* * *• - F .‘ch Cumpear. for
" cq Stochy aad eases
• \ .i uaud Eastern
St. • *• tj i , attracted
r ihatenald
. l ; • ■* - > 3 k uTSU
" - - 4 4 •' ' r-’*™- *•« be
* w L^uia.
I I ." • ' . - iVi n nm * : For the best
\* '.etl at *A': sei-v.id
” • .11 Marea f.-om adlAhhce, and
A VilLmiN. t
; / PrortaMw*.
4 A RED,
A . « 4. August '3.7. li*.
• *iu»U AJa«-n*gr, K*
l . * j t .... give lour in»ertMMM ir
w* kh .• ! nv. d•nbto J. * !»!ktLews A Co.
AUGDSW WORKS. AUGUSTA, G A •
F| 111 • WE to, having pn; , .%k«t > d the eX
» . ' » f - i DRY aadtiAß
Ml''. •• . . r a; s a .w the sausc, here
t> • * % \t a-:he “Augusta
At. t n« V t- NV i 4*i i xecsteorders
' GIN «*'FARIN«.
* ;.w. • HAi.l) M V. kNGIKK» ami
I S AW M ! i.!♦> * - k;o . SHAFTING and
l i Ll.*:Y*.Ti.\ll> • 'AD t t.s and lIWVftxgTEAN
JS* \i y. '. , every >• ip4it i n U vork
u-. -. 1 1 v m ... • - Mg* 1 * Shops, of Iron, Brass
ox W Ord*. -t.rw- A. not eciaily contracted for,
must be atootßpai; .-d w 'h eggh dejosit of 50 percent,
on the ,os ; I*e i v;..»e of the.ordered, and the xe
malnd .1 end- .very of th£ work. Address all tet
ters on ha .ut» B to ' L. HOPKINS A CO.
PROPRIKTORS:
Hk.vitT H. Ci .-a. Geo. W. Summers;
wm dam 1 Robert y. Hi ten,
Acp3 -i.vv.-o::i LaMRETH HcHkiSS
i VOW —IOOO bU'heif .u store on conaignm en
and *or sale by liny IS M. W WOODBCVF.
Weekly Chronicle & Sentinel.
PKOf REtoINGH OF NATIONAL WH?(i
ODNVnrTfON.
FIRBT DAT—MORMING SIBSIOF.
i.’Mi or th* Cmstektiom.— Tbe meeb
ing •ftbe Wlug National Convention in oar city
yogUrday had been anxiouaiy looked for, and ti»e
event was therefore attended with all those macifee
tatlorre of public ißLereat that belong to an event of
national important*'-.
The Hall of tbe Maryland Institute, which, iri it*
then uxifinhdied condition, waa Uiesoene of the Whig
Convention of 1852, under the direction of tbe
Executive Committee waa tastefully and conve
niently prepared for the accommodation of tbe
delegate*.
At eleven o'clock tbe doom were thrown open
for the adi/iiritfiou of tbe public to tboee part* of
the Hail reserved for their accommodation. The
galleries were reserved for tbe alternate delegatee
and for the 1 adieu. A large number of tbe latter
were present.
Many of the delegates were in their seat* ai an
early hour, and a* \ 2 o'clock approached they as
■♦-mbled in large number*, until tbe whole of tbe
apace wet apart for them was folly occupied. The
New York delegation, beaded by Ex-Governor
Hunt. Hon. Francis Granger, and Hon. Hiram
Ketchom, moved into the Hal! in a body and* were
r« reived with hearty applauae. Other distinguish
<-d Whig*, from different section* of tbe Union weie
also recogni*«d, a* they assumed their place**, with
tl, 'tari ug hifvrk* of approbation. Tbe personal ap
ncarance of the member* of tbe Convention—em
bracing among them a number of distinguished and
eminent men from all of tbe Union—is alike
conservative and intelligent, aod calculated to in-
Hpire the utmost confidence in the wisdom of tbeir
pr-tccediags, and in ibi impressive effect upon the
outtntry.
A large attendance of spectator* were present at
both the imbruing and evening session of the Con
ventual, and though sympatiiieing Htrongly in the
feeling that pervaded the body and joining heartily
in the strong enthusiasm produce*! by the eloquent
speeches elicited during the day, they maintained a
degree of order and decorum that wa» highly cred
itable.
Tbe press also was also strongly represented, re
porters being present from Washington, Philadel
phia, New York and Boston, besides a numerous
corn.; on tbe part of the Baltimore journal*.
Piiei.imintauy Organization or the Co.nvew
no*.—At a few minute* past twelve o’clock, Wil
liam Schley, Esa., of Maryland, called the Conven
tion to order ana for tlie purpose of preliminary or
ganisation moved that Ex-Governor Hunt, of
New York, be inviLed to Lake the Chair. The mo
tion was received with applause and unauiuioualy
adopted.
Governor Hunt, was then conducted to the plat
form, and after the applause wliich greeted his ap
jM-arance had subsided, addressed the Convention
as follows :
KrxECH or Gov. Hunt. —Gentlemen : I receive
this expression of your kindness and confidence
with emotions of gratitude which it would be difficult
for language to express. In return 1 must ask you
to receive my sincere and heartfelt acknowledge
ments. We have assembled, gentlemen, at a most
critical and interesting period of our national pro
gress. For the first time in our history we belmkl
lwo formidable parties organized on s ctional aud
geographical differences, contending in fierce aud
hostile array for tbe possession of the executive
|H>wcr of ibis government.
W« have assembled iu tbe name of the constitution
and the Union [applause] to appeal to the patrio
tism, the reason and sober judgment of the Ameri
can |>eople to separate these violent and reckless
combatant* , and above all, we propose to call up
on the Whigs of the Union to interpose and com
mand the peace. Jl.oud cheers.]
Sixty years ago, George Washington, the Father
of his Country, [cheers] os a last and most precious
legacy which he could bequeath to his countrymen,
warned the American people ngainst the formation
of parties founded upon geographical dictinctions.—
This morning u* 1 gazed upon tl e form of that ven
erable and illustrious man whi< h stands at the head
of the most glorious monument that has yet been
reared to his memory [loud applause!—as I contem
plated those serene and majestic teat ures met bought
1 saw a shade of sadness and melancholy steal over
his brow; in another moment, it appeared tome
that he frowned indignantly upon the Attempt which
is now making to alienate one portion of our coun
try from tbe rest, and to enfeeble the sacred ties
which link together these various parts. |Ap
plause.]
W'ill the American people listen to the warnings
of Washington / Will they be animated by the
spirit of patriotism and devotion to country which
seeks to olend and harmonize those interests which
constitute us one nation and one people ? Will they
set their faces against the forms of sectional aud
geographical parties, or will they yield to the eug
gestious of passion, of violence and of local pre
judiocT That is the appeal that is to be made.—
We have assembled on this oocasion to do our
part towards rescuing our native laud and its free
institution* from the dangers that surround it.—
[Applause.]
Let us proclaim that there shall be no geographi
cal parties permitted to seize the government of our
onuutry, aud to rend the Union which has bound us
together so long aud made us a hapuy, prosperous
and united people. [Applause.] It is a singular
and meet beautiful coincidence, gentlemen, that on
this very day, the 17th September, 17D6, the fare
well address of VV ashingtou was issued to tlie Ame
rican people. [Loud Applause.] It bears date
September 17th, 60 years ago, aud as if to show that
nothing less than the whole expanse of the Ameri
can continent wliich belongs to us could confine
his patriotic thoughts and aspirations, instead of da
ting it at any locality it is dated “United State*,” —
[Cheers] showing to the whole country that all its
great interests, its precious hopes, its future destiny
and glory were identified with uis last thoughts aud
aspirations.
It has been said and proclaimed from the press
—and perhaps from the pulpit—that the Whig par
ty is disbanded and gone—that its career is clos
ed. Attempts have been made to form new par
ties aud new combinations growing out of those un
lortunate differences to which I have alluded. In the
North many of our people have been excited to an
unfortunate degree by the occurrences of the last
few months.
Vlitlciane and demagogues have seized upon 1
the susceptibility of the popular mind and wrought
upon the feelings of the people, until too many
look upon this confederated Uuion with extreme
indifference, and ever since the unfortunate re
peal of the Missouri Compromise there has been
a tendency and disposition among too many men
of both sections of the Union, to take extreme,
impracticable aud reprehensible grounds of opposi
tion; one section against the other, and one part of
the Union against tlie other, to see which shall ob
tain the mastery in the great struggle for power
and ascendancy.
For me, gentlemen, I have resisted, I shall jesist
:U3 long ns light lasts, every attempt to divide this
Union into conflicting sections. [Cheers ] Let us
labor with patriotism, with fidelity and zeal to bring
the people Lack to a just view of their natioual obli
gations—to stand up in their might and forbid the
reckless schemes of disunion agitators in both sec
tions of the Union. Let us persuade them, if it
needs uny power of persuasion, that we are still one
people, having one common destiny, aud that we
have inherited a great patrimony, which we are
bound to preserve unimpaired, and give it over to
our successors without auy dimiuution or infringe
ment. [Applause.)
G utlemen, I deny that the Whig party is dis
banded. [Cheer*.] It still exists. We have been
shattered, to be sure, by desertion from its ranks
and abandonment of its principles; but there iastill
a noble, patriotic baud, extending over the length
and breadth of this Uuion, ready to come forward
and serve the country under that glorious and time
houored banner. [Applause ] Let us proclaim
here to-day that the VV hig party exists—that it must
and shall be re organized, aud continue to stand its
ground as the great conservative power of this coun
try, to make war upon executive usurpation and
corruption, ami to continue the government upon
1 that line of policy which was intended by the fra
mers of the Constitution. [Applause ]
us again proclaim and reiterate the uniform
principles which have actuated the Whig party from
their nrst organization, that we are to have not ou
ly a free representative government, but a just go
veminent, a government that shall respect justice
and right ui its intercourse with all the power* of
the earth; guided by conservative principles and
g*HH.I faith in all its transactions; a government not
for the North or the South, the East or the West, but
a goveniuient tor the w hole couutry, one aud indi
visible. [Applause.J
Let it go forth that we still contend for the priu
eiples of Clay and Webster, [applause] and that we
will uot cease our efforts until those great principles
ami measures shall be adopted which shall be ne
cessary to secure protection to our American inter
lists, industry, commerce, and all the various and
diversified concords of this wide spread country. —
These are objects, great, worthy ot the efforts of all
patriots aud statesmen, and it gives me a degree of
pleasure which I cannot express, to see so many in
telligent and patriotic citizens, assembling here on
this occasion from all the States. North and South,
from both sides oGki 30 , knowing and caring tit
tie w hether they come from one side or the other of
he Potomac ; all brothers, representing oue people,
determined to move together to preserve our in
stitutions. It gives me joy to witness sued a spec
tacle. such a reunion of old Whigs, still faithful
la the Constitution aud the Union. [Applause]
But lam detaining you too long, gentlemen. It
is time tv* us to proceed to tbe business of this con
veution. A u important Presidential contest is be
fore os. Three organizations occupy the field ; one
representing extreme Northern views, urging the
people of lt> States there to combine together and
;ake possession of the government of the United
State*. God forbid that we should soil our hand*
by any connection with a party based upon such
sectional issues and purpose*. [Applause.] On
the other hand we see a party representing what
may be considered the extreme southern view of
pending questions—a party which is mainly respon
sible for the disordeied condition or our affairs at this
time, and which has lurown the whole country into
discord aud violence.
1 lake it for granted that none of us are prepared
to identify oorsclves with a party which rests upon
an extreme counter proposition.'upon the principle
<*t arraying one section of the Union against another.
What, then, is to be done ? It is tor you. gentle
men, to decide in the name* of the \Vtngs of the
United States, whether we shell select another can
didate whose contenders are both patriotic and na
ttooakwho would administer tbe government for
the equal common good of all sections, or whether we
>hall take the field as a Party, nominating a Whig
candidate for the Presidency and Vice Presidency.
I will not undertake to indicate what policy should
be pursued.
It deserves your serious thought and considera
tion. It is great Question for yon to decide My
idea, ana 1 w ill max* free to say here, for this is a
<ai:d of free speech, and I am accustomed to speak
my opuiktD with perfect frankness—it has appeared
to*me that our true policy at this time is to organize
the Whig party, all that remains of it, whether more
or less, for it u still potrprfnl iu nambers ami po«i
tioa—to aot tone to turn the ojale, ot this eleriion
wi sseure tbs choice of & mtm true to the eoustitu
lior. uuJ the Uniou. [Applsuoe.] Let tu form our
«-tvr* into a national guard to watch viplantlv. to
labor and strive to defend tbe Oooatltution of our
couutry ; Ai'i'dtuae.) Let us proclaim in the lan
employed by a national (ruard on anoth
er occasion, -tbe natioual guard knows bow to 'die,
know, not bow to surrender.” [Cheers.]
1 banking ron n*«in. gertJemeo of tbe Conven
tion far tbe kindnea. wbich you have extended to
wards me. and aaourine you of my hearty and xea-
I*' co-operation with Jy„ u , in measure, wfaioh
may aeem calculated to otrengtban the foundations
of our institutions and bnag u» near together-to
brighten LLj goidcu links of the chain that binds us
Digt-ther in all efforts necessary to trample down
and dist oarage all attempts made to array one por
tiou «>i the American people against the other.
1 have cow the honor to announce to this couvea,
lion that it is in order now to procoed.lo the buamem
of this assembly, and ts take tbe necessary steps for
a permanent organisation of the body . and it will
give me pleasure to receive any proposition that
mav be submitted fie thepurpoee
*lVe remarks of Gov Hunt were interrupted at
freqneot interval*, by tbe applause of his audience,
wbe -empathised strongly with it* eloqnent allu
sions to the Union, and to tbe Whig party. On
c-iLchiding he was as:am cheered, and returning to
j the front ot the platform he remarked that a gen
tleman in the Convention had in bis possession a
copy of Waenington> farewell address, aud it had
Leeu suggested that the reading of a portion of
that worthy gospel of uniou and patriotism would
be an appropriate opening service for a Whig Con
ventiec.
The tuggeetioci was received with applause.
Hon. Hiram Ketchum, of New York, proceeded to
read from tha Address a number of appropriate ex
tracts, calling special attention to the fact that the
Address wa* dated from the United States and to
tbe whole people of the United States. He read as
followß :
The unity of Government, which constitutes you
one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so:
for it is a main pillar in tbe edifice of yc ur read il
dependence. tbe support of your tranquility at home,
your peace at road ; of your safety, of your pros
perity; of that very liberty which you so highly
prize. But as it is easy to that, from differ
ent cause* and from different quarters, much pains
will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken
in your minds the conviction of this truth ; tiiis is
tbe point in your political fortress against which tbe
batteries of internal and external enemies will be
most constantly and actively (though often covertly
aud insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment
that you should properly estimate the immense val
ue of your national Union to your collective and in
dividual happiness : that you should cherish a cor
dial, habitual and immovable attachment to it; ac
customing yourselves to think and speak of it as of
the Palladium of your political safety and pr**»-
perity ; watching for its preservation with jeal
ous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may sug
gest even a suspicion that it can in any event be
abandoned ; and indignantly frowning’ upon the
find dawning of every attempt to alienate any por
tion of our country from the rc3t,or to enfeeble tbe
sacred ties which now link together the various
parts.
For this you have every inducement of sympathy
and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a com
moo country, that country ha* a right to concentrate
your affections. The name of American, which be
longs to you, in your national capacity, must always
exalt tbe just pride of Patriotism, more than any
appellation derived from local discriminations. With
slight shades of difference, you have the same relig
ion, manners, habits, and political principles. You
have in a common cause fought and triumphed to
gether; the Independence and Liberty you isjesess
are the W’ork of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of
common dangers, sufferings and successes.
In contemplating the causes, which may disturb
our Union, it occurs a* a matter of serious concern,
that any ground should have been furnished lor
characterizing parties by Geographical discrimina
tions, Northern aud Southern, Atlantic and West
ern, whence designing men may endeavor to excite
a belief, that there i* a real difference of local inter
ests and views. One of the expedients of party to
acquire influence, within particular districts, is to
misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts.
You cannot shield yourselves too much against the
jealousies and heartburnings, wliich spring from
these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien
to each other those who ought to be bound together
by fraternal affection.
I have already intimated to you the danger of par
ties in the state, with particular reference to the
founding of them on geographical discriminations.
Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and
warn you in the most solemn manner against the
baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally.
On motion a Committee was directed to “be ap
pointed, one from each State, to report| permanent
officers for the Convention.
The States weie requested to name a member from
each to serve on the Committee.
Mr. Henry W. Thomas, of Virginia, was then
nominated as temporary Secretary, to keep a record
of the proceed!ngj.
The Committee on organization was then an
nounced to consist of the following gentlemen :
Massachusetts —lion. James D. Green.
Connecticut—Rush Fuller.
3|New York—Hon. Francis Granger.
New Jersey—Dr. Chas. G.McCliesney.
Pennsylvania—David Paul Brown.
—John Jones.
Maryland—Gen. John G. Chapman.
Virginia—James C. Bruce.
North Carolina—. John H. Bryan.
—James W. Jones.
—L. B. Hansford.
Mississippi—Thos. Mount.
Louisiana— N. R. Jennings.
OOhio—Wm. Y. Strong,
gjiveutucky—John S. McFarland.
—Edward Cooper.
Indiana—Hon. James E. Blythe.
—D. A. Brown,
la Missouri—Col. Thornton Grimsley.
/lorida—J. P. Sanderson.
Arkansas—J. M. Graham.
The committee then retired to perform the duties
assigned them.
A motion was made by E. V. Machette, of Penn
sylvania, that a Committee on Credentials be ap
pointed.
Judge Chambers, of Maryland, proposed that
each Delegation proceed to select a member to
serve on the Committee of Resolutions, to be ap
pointed so soon as the Committee on Organization
shall report, and that a recess be taken iu the mean
time.
The resolution was rejected.
A resolution was then adopted that each State re
port to the Secretary the names of the delegates in
attendance.
Whilst the names were being reported a member
of Virginia stated that the limits ot the hall assigned
to A r irginia were uot sufficient to accommodate the
representatives from that State. Ho hoped that
arrangements would be made to increase the area,
and that the members ou the floor may be able to
consult with tbeir colleagues.
The Chairman, Governor Hunt, alluded to the
fact spoken of by Virginia, in a neat and pertinent
manner.
Governor Chapman said that Maryland was rea
dy to give up her seats on the floor to Virginia or
auy other State, and while she gloried in the mem
bers present regretted that our expectation did not
qual the reality.
Mr. Young of Maryland, Chairman of the Com
mittee of Arrangements, stated that he had made
provisions for the accommodation on the floor of
.s*29delegates. To New York he had given 76 tick
ets, and to the Virginia delegation 46 tickets were
assigned, but through some mistake they had re
ceived 16, but the balance would be furnished them,
and in behalf of the Maryland delegates he would
say their seats were at the service of their brethern
from Virginia. As Chairman of the Committee to
arrange the Hall, he had. provided, as he thought,
for Virginia. New York, Maryland, and a few other
States, but he did not expect to see Arkansas, Mis
souri, and other distant States sending full delega
tions here. It was a glorious diappointment, and
when he met these distant delegates, with that
from Missouri, at the head of which was the distin
guished, unchanged Whig, Mr. Bates, whose name
is familiar to the Whigs of tbe whole Union, his
heart leaped with joy. But Baltimore would fur
nish room for all. There was no want of hospitality
on the part of Baltimore. [Cries of no! no!] We
would have prepared the whole Hull most gladly
had we have thought it was required, but some of
our friends dreaded the sight of empty benches.
[Laughter.] There was, however, no empty ben
ches here, aud efforts would be made by an enlarge
ment, if necessary, to provide seats for all who were
entitled to them.
His remarks were received with cheers.
The Chairman of the North Carolina delegation
remarked that it would require a hat full of tickets
to supply all the delegate* in the city from the old
North State.
David Paul Brown, Chairman of the Commit
tee on organization, then reported the following of
ficers :
President,
Edward Bates, of Missouri.
Vice Presidents,
Col. Joseph Paxton, of Pennsylvania,
Luther V. Bell, of Massachusetts.
Dr. James W. Thomson, of Delaware.
M. L. Scoville, of Connecticut.
James A. Hamilton, New York.
Ex Gov. Chas. Stratton, of New Jersey.
Ezekiel F. Chambers, of Maryland.
Wyndham Robertson, of Virginia.
Gov. Wm. A. Graham, of North Carolina.
Elbert A. Holt, of Alabama.
A. M. Fonte, of Mississippi.
Dr. Geo. W. Campbell, of Louisiana.
Gov. Allan Trimble, of Ohio.
Henry T. Duncan, Kentucky.
John Shanklin, Indiana.
Walter Coleman, Tennessee.
Jas. H. Matheny, Illinois.
Gov. Wm. C. Lane, of Missouri.
John Finney, Florida.
Col. E. A. Holbrook, Arkansas.
G. T. Dortic, Georgia.
secretaries,
Laz. Anderson, Ohio.
James M. Townsend, Conn.
Hon. Thos. Jones York, N. J.
E. V. Machette, Pa.
S. H. Kennedy, La.
Jas. H. Charless, Mo.
Col. Huntingdon, N. Y.
Mr. Bates, of Missouri, was conducted to the chair
amid the most enthusiastic demonstrations of appro
bation :
Speech of Edward Bates.
Hon. Edward Bates then addressed tbe Conven
tion as follows :
Gentlemen of the Convention—This is a great
day. [Applause.] I hope it will not be belittled
bv my presence as your head upon this platform.
You have heard it solemnly announced to you that
it is the anniversary of that glorious legacy which
the father of his country left to us all ; aud now
trusting in the good providence of God, I confident
ly belie ve it is tlie day of the regeneration aud rein
vigorationand rejuvenation of the glorious old Whig
party. [Loud applause.] Gentlemen, we have
been cailed Old Line Whigs. lam not exactly sure
that it is tbe correct appellation. For my own part
they call me an old fogy—that I am not even a hne,
that is true, I am a dot, a full stop, a period, when
ever you propt>ee me to abandon the opinions of my
fathers, and te adopt new fangled inventions of the
present day. We are not an ancient nation, but
we are a vast nation. The worthy colleague of
mine, whom I see honored with a seat upon this
platform, has just completed a iourney from my far
home in the West in mne and forty hours—and there
are men in this country who talk about severing in
lacerated and bleeding fragments such a continent
as this!
Gentlemen, we, the old-line Whigs—or the old
dot-Whigs, if they may be so called—have had a
privilege which falls to the lot of few men. We
nave lived to read our own obituaries aud to find
that after the strife of life is past nothing is to be
said of the dead, by our adversaries, but what is
good. [Laughter and applause.] It has been the
fashion with those with whom you and I have beer,
contending these many years, after the contest is
over, and they ‘bought we were silent in our politi
cal graves, aud the glorious body guard of the Con
gtitution was disbanded and dispersed so that they
might assail the citadel of our liberties, then to con
sider it safe to praise us. It does not become us to
praise ourselves.
We are not here for victory, but to re-organize,
re-animate and re-inspirit ourselves for the glorious
fight that lies before us. [Applause ] Let not him
who buckle th on his armor boast, but he that ta
keth it off alter victory. We arc beginning to rouse
ourselves. Let me speak [the plain truth with re
gard to the country and tbe times. For these twen
ty-five yean we have been benighted in midst o:
our political adversaries. They were so strong and
triumphant that, ceasing to fear their known and
ancieut adversaries, they warred against each other,
giving us only occasional and temporary victory by
their unwise conflicts. In the mean time, when the
bonds of party had become weak, when the univer
sal •eiminent of general success had prevailed j
throughout the u&tion, new theories were adopted,
bold experiments tried, wild, fearful and oppressive
legisiat ion planned, and schemes for personal ag
grandizement sought to be carried out. They have
set up the elements of power and wealth and grand
eur tor the individual and the nation they have
brought all their influences into requisition ana have
left us behind, have outstripped us. as the railroad
car outstrips the steed.
What is our office here ? I have said that the
Whig party of the United States were the body
guard of the Constitution. (Applause. ) Whether
weak or strong, whether in victory or defeat, ita
glorious banner has stood untarnished when its
great and glorious leaders have descended to the
tomb, leaving behind a name that will animate our
children and grand children to ali posterity. In my
conscience 1 believe that you have Jod« as much
good service to your country when in the in nority
as in themajoritv: that yon have stayed the down
ward tendency of things, have resisted the proclivi
ty to destruction, have sounded the warning voice
in time of danger, inviting those who have been en
trusted with the government of the country to con
sider the origin of then power, and to whom they
mu *t for support- It is a matter deeply em
bedded m the philosophy of human nature applica
ble to all parties of men, that when they are poor
mid weak and need protection they recur to first
principles, because they are necessary to their suc
cess and defence. But when they became strong
in power and bloated with wealth and desire to ex
ercise oontroi over others, good principles we in the
way of ambition and are therefore cast aside.
Such it the history of our country, whenever there
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING OCTOBER 1. 1856.
i* a Pi esiileiitiai election, and men are anxious to
retain power they domom. appeal* arc inadi to all
the passion* of the human heart, bugbears are con
jured up which do not exist; fatal consequences are
predicted which cannot be expected to rake place.
We are told, and confidently told in some portions
of the Union, that the union of these States is in
danger. Now* that is aa old cry; I have heard
very often that the integrity and nationality oi this
great and glorious Uuion. was put in jeopardy by
the strife of party. But I believed it not.' My
.ought at Yorktown. And perhaps there is
not a man here whose ancestors —if not himself for I
see many old and grey beaded men here—did not
carry the musket and face the enemy in the contest
that tried men’s soul*. And Ido not believe that
this government would be w orthy of the veneration
which I was I taught as a child to bear towaids it,
if it could not stand all the trials and a&saults to be
appefcended from party strife and contentions. What
must be the premaneucy of that government which
fan not resist the occasional ebulition of popular pas
sion ? Weak indeed wouldit be, and utterly subver
sive of the fundamental principle of Whig doc nine
if that government was to depend upon that higher
law of the Democracy which look* only to the U-m
--{►orary and fluctuating will of men, to be brought
forth upon some pai ticulars*crisis. Ido not be Leve
in that. I believe in the eternity of this glorious
union of States. [Applause.]
I believe that this i* the strongest government
this day iip«iii the face of tbe globe: stronger than
any despotism in Europe. Iu tlie most democratic
country upon the face of the old world, they have
elected an Emperor. The power that elected him
as c uch, can elect another in his stead. There is no
more firmly established principle* of law, the foun
dation. glorious foundation of all Whig principles,
than that man can read his rights aud duties written
in a book. They depend not upon the fluctuating
and temporary passions of men ; they are not like
the democracy of Athens that one day condemned
its noblest patriot to the poisonous hemlock, ;uid the
next falls down in sorrow before Us tomb, and
ere* ts a marble monument to his me> iory. That is
not the government oui fathers fought for.
We are assembled here, uot to discuss the gene
ral principles of government. I know you are good
Whigs or you would not be here. We have under
gone a filtering process ; we have been weakened
and disbanded, and brought back to the necessity
of obeying the injunctions of Washington, and re
curring to first principles. We are poor, weak and
helpless. But, thank God, the broad foundations
our fathers built upon are still left us ; our enemies
have only been able to tear down the superstructure.
We will build up a great and .stately palace, a more
comfortable abode than our fathers had.
It will not be expected of me, it would be out of
taste as well as out of time just now, to go on iu an
elaborate speech. We came here for w ork. That
is what I came for. I have come a thousand miles,
and would have gone three thousand more, to bring
back this country to what our fathers intended it
should be. I came here for work. \Ye have to re
build a glorious party that Jms nothipg but its prin
ciples. We come here uot for office, not for honors;
for that would be a hopeless task under present cir
cumstances, when our party throughout the country
is too utterly weak to have a candidate of its own.
W e must select, if we hope to do good, some one of
the three candidates that are now' before the Ame
rican people. With loud boast the rampant and
blatant Democracy call on us to turn to them, uot
because they are good, not because they love us,
not because they make promise of better behavior
in the future, but because they have chosen to add
to their old platform another dangerous aud bloody
plank. They call upon us to countermarch the old
lines of the Whig party, all our walks of social and
political life, and wrong all w r e have ever said here
tofore ; and I, for oue, will not do it. [Cheers and
applause.]
A man that has iu his heart a real consciousness
of the truth of the principles that lie goes for, is not
afraid to stand alone, lie says—
“Oh, lost to manly thought,
Lost to the noblest solace of tbe soul,
Who thinks it solitude to be alone.”
A good man can stand alone. I know hundreds
of Whigs w’ho have blood almost alone, for they
could not muster a corporal’s guard for the defence
of their citadel. But oue thing we can do; we can
at least re-organize these shattered and almost bleed
ing remnant* of this almost broken party and open
a new recruiting rendezvous for our friends and
brethren who have left us. (Great cheering.] If
the prodigal will return to us we will receive him
with open arms [cheers] and if he has honestly re
pented, perhaps he will be as safe a man in all fu
ture time, as if he had not left us, because he has
seen the dangerous consequences of desertion. We
are a little remnant of the Whig party—not so little
either, because we have been talking this morning
about lengthening our cords and strengthening our
stakes, and the Chairman of the Committee of Ar
rangement* had to get up and apologize because ho
had not calculated lor so large a party here to-day.
[Applause.] I only wisli he could now go to work
to tear down this enclosure and extend them from
end to end of this immense hall. [Applause.] We
could not have brought in all Missouri here because
the Whigs of Missouri are like the Sybiline books of
old, they rise in value as they decrease iu numbers.
[Laughter.] Like precious stones we put them up
iu small packages and not in large boxes. (Laugh
ter and applause.]
But I tell you one thing gentlemen ; when I see
reverend, old grey heads, from whom we expect
prudence, wisdom aud moderation, and when I see
scattered all through them aspiring young men from
whose eyes beam forth the fire of youth, I expect to
have in our party from this day forth ail the ele
ment* of honor and of success. But we must libe
raliso ourselves in noii-essentials. We are not put
to the necessity of deciding whether our platform
shall be tonged and grooved or only laid together
blunt,[ Laughter,] but only how we shall accomplish
the essential object. We have not got to toll the
people what a Whig is ; the way-faring man, though
a fool, knows that, We need not to write out a
long string of resolutions and call it a Dial form—
passed by the impulse of the moment, aud abandon
ed when another impulse comes over us. [Ap
plause. ] We have the men who though dead yet
live. We have a written constitution—a better
platform and much easier interpreted because it
has no artful ambiguities iu it. [Applause.] It may
have an occasional dark passage in it, but it has no
elaborate contrivance any wherein it.
Then let up go on in love, aud peace, and harmo
ny, bound together by the external pressure which we
feel on all sides around us, hooped iu firmly as with
iron, and banded together in one compact brother
hood. Lotus study uo geography, [laughter,] ask
about no liue, not attempt to repeal the dictionary
and give new meaning to words. Do none of those
things which Democrats have done, but in the sim
ple spirit of American whiggery stand forth as
Whigs ever stood in the revolution. That is a thing
that has grown neither wiser nor better, aud lie is
the wisest man who carries out principles, leaving
consequences to Him who governs causes. [Ap
plause.]
Gentlemen, I will not trespass upon your time.
Other business is before us, and a* 1 said, I come
here to work—to harmonize, to live in peace, and 1
pray to God that our labors may be such as that
when we are done we shall not be ashamed, and
that the public may see, as coming from us, the evi
dences that we have within us a beauty of order
and strength of harmony and wisdom that flows
from unity of minds. 1 Applause.]
On motion of David Paul Brown, Henry W.
Thomas, of Virginia, w r as added to tlie permanent
Secretaries of the Convention.
On motion of Mr. Randolph, of New Jersey, the
Convention then proceeded to appoint a Commit
tee on resolutions, which was announced as fol
lows :
Virginia*—Robert ¥. Conrad.
Illinois—David A. Brown.
Mississippi—Gen. W. A. Strong.
Mas: achusetts—Hon. George Lunt.
Florida—J. I*. Sanderson.
Arkansas—J. 11. Graham.
Alabama —11. 11. Armstrong.
New Y’ork —Samuel B.Ruggles.
North Carolina—George W. Mordecai.
Georgia—James W.Jones.
New J ersey —Judge Randolph.
Delaware—John C. Clark.
Tennessee—John S. Salfareus.
Missouri—Edward Buedell.
Pennsylvania—David Paul Brown.
M ary land—William Schley.
Connecticut—James M. Townsend.
Kentucky—S. S. Nicholas.
Louisiana—Geo. W. Helme.
Indiana—Win. K. Edwards.
The Convention then took a recess until 5 o'clock
to await the Report of the Committee on Resolu
tions.
EVENING SESSION.
The spacious Hall of the Instil ute was crowded
to overflow at 5 o’clock, when the Convention re
assembled, and a large number of ladies graced the
galleries.
Mr. Conrad, of Virginia, Chairman of tlie Com
mittee on Resolutions, reported that the Commit
tee had spent some time, under a misapprehen
sion of its duties in preparing an address, and would
not be able to report the resolutions before the
morning.
Mr. Young, of Maryland, moved that another
committee be appointed, in order that they might
progress with their labors simultaneously with the
Committee on Resolutions.
After some further debate the following resolu
tion was introduced by Mr. Wolf, of Kentucky, and
unanimously adopted :
Resolved, That the Committee on Resolution* be
also instructed to report an address to the people of
the United States.
This subject having been disposed of, cries were
made for Gov. Graham, of North Carolina, who fin
ally arose amid the most enthusiastic cheers.
Speech of Mr. Graham.
The Hon. Wm. A. Graham in response to calls
upon him, arose and addressed the Convention as
follows:
Mr. President—l am taken by surprise by the
call just made upon me. At very great inconve
nience to myself I have made an effort to be present
on this occasion, and when after my arrival I had
been honored by a place by your side, I had sup
posed it would be my duty merely to endeavor to
assist you in the preservation of order here, rather
than to take any part in the discussions of this as
sembly. I state this byway of apology for not be
ing better able to gratify the expectations of those
gentlemen who have been pleased to call for me
upon this occasion.
I have to express my delight and my gratification
at viewing such an assemblage as that before me.
It has been said that the Whig party of the country
was dead! If these be its remains, wkat must it
have been in the days of its power ? [Cheers.] If
these be but it* remains, what recuperative ener
gies does it still possess by which it may be brought
again into a condition of life, action and usefulness ?
Sir. it is a party, a disinterested and patriotic party;
one which, when clothed with power, has ever exer
cised its power with justice, moderation, enlarged
patriotism and a respect to all the interests of the
country, and when without power, in defeat as well
as victory, it has always been a respectable party.
It has ever shown that chivalric devotion to it*
principles, even when defeated, which has made it
respectable in its own eyes, in the eyes of the coun
try. and in the eyes of those who were opposed
to it.
This tribute has been paid to it by its old adver
saries in latter times. Within the last year or two
the Whig party has been in a state of inaction ; it
has not come forward aud contended for the ofii
ces of the country, and being in that retirement ii
has heard its old adversaries compliment them to a
degree l of which they may well be proud. Now the
old Whig, in Democratic estimation is quite as re
spectable as any other kind of politician in the coun
try. [Laughter.] And it is rather a matter of sur
prise, when we l ead the gazettes of the day and the
speeches of our old political opponent* in regard to
our old leaders, how in former times our great cap
tain ever esoaped being elected to the office of Pre
sident of the United States [Laughter.] And their
tributes do us bet justice. But now when we come
forward to take a part in the affairs of the country,
and endeavor to exercise our fair share of influence in
efforts to check sectional strife and to clothe with
Cwer those person* that appear to be worthy of it, I
ir those compliments will cease. But whetner they
do or not oui duty is a plain one, it does uot become no
large portion of the people of the United States, as
compose tlie old Whig party to remain longer in a
state of inaction. \V e may lie by for a few months
or lor a year or two, and take no part in the eon
ercssionai or State elections. But when a great
Presidential election is coming on. and we are call
ed upon to elect a ruler to be clothed with the pow
er of a great nation for four vears, it does not be
come so large a portion of the people of the United
States to be inactive, to stand by as mere specta
tors.
- It is with that view that tbepeople of this coun
try. those who have stood ofr and been denied a
participation in tbe government, the power having
passed into other hand*—that portion of them who
have stood aloof for the last two or three year*, and
have taken no share in the public affairs, have now
come forward and through their representatives
have to axpresflio the country what they consider
to fce the duty of the Whigs of the Union in the pre
sent crisis. It is toat that baa brought us together
here. It is for the purpose ot determining what it
becomes tbe great Whig p;irty of the Union to do in
this crisis . whether it su-uld take no part iu the
©oming contest, or whether they should actively par
ticipate in it; aud if we participate in it, into whose
scale* onr vote* shall be cast. As was well remark
ed, Mr. President, by you to-day, we have uo can
didate of our own iu Uie field, and it is now too late
for us. the election is t«<» near at hand, to bring for
ward a strictly Whig party candidate. But there
are now iu the field tnose from whom we can select
one for our support.
1 shall not attempt to dismiss other matter*. Per
iiap* it would be premature for me to do so; per
hap* it would l#e inappropriate, as ourcDmmittee on
resolutions has not made its report to this Conven
tion, for me to say anything iu regard to tbe choice
which this Convention should make. Bull know
for what purpose 1 aud thooe with me came here.
We were sent here to endeavor to prevail upon our
friends from the Canada frontier to the other side of
the Rio Grande to nominate and unite upon Millard
Fillmore, of New York [Long aud enthusiastic
cheering and applause, during which the whole Con
vention rose to their foet, cheering aud waving their
liats in the air.] That was the purpose for which
we came here. And as I have been led on a little
to speak of this matter. I will illustrate it by an an
ecdote that occur* to my mind now. A couple hav
ing gone before a justice of the peace to be married,
and the question having been put to the man wheth
er he would take the woman to be his wedded wife,
—why, said he, I came on purpose for that. | Laugh
ter aud applause.] That is the purpose foi which
w came here, aud if we return without having ac
complished that object, we shall have disappointed
tne expectations of those who sent us here, and per
haps it w ould be better for us not to return at all.
[ Laughter and applause ]
Sir, that is the nomination which the Whigs of this
country with whom I am best acquainted expect
hie convention to make, and the matter of being ra
ther precipitated—for when I tirose I did not know’
as I should go so far—by what seems to be the
spontaneous aud unanimous action of every body
around me.; I beg leave to say, that so far as that
individual ib concerned, I have had some opportu
nity of knowing what werC* uis modes of actum iu
relation to public affairs, and the principles that gov
erned him when lie was formerly in charge of this
government. And I beg to say, that a man more
self-possessed, more just, more moderate, more dis
posed to do justice to all sections of the Union, aud
at the same time more firm of purpose, I believe
does not live in this nation. [Cheers aud applause, j
Un !er all circumstance*, in periods of great embar
rassment, such as existed when the reins of power
fell into his hands by an act of Providence, when it
became iiecessary to meet a crisis in our affairs such
a* rarely had been equalled in our history, surround
ed by difficulties on all hands, fie approached the
task impelled by a sense of duty to all sections; he
considered what it became him to do, not with the
rash hand of violence to gratify one section of the
Union at the expense of the other, but to do his
duty as the Preaideut of the United States. [Ap
plause.]
These were tlie characteristics which were exhib
ited throughout his administration. He did not as
pire to distinguish it by great events, which might
give him fame at the expense of the country, but
ever consulting what he believed to be the public
interest, always doing what lie conceived to be jus
tice so far as regards our domestic affairs, m our
foreign relations he endeavored to maintain the na
tional honor and as far as possible peaceful relations
with all the world. And 1 hesitate uot to say—al
though it may seem to saver somewhat of personal
vanity, as I had connection with his administration
a great part of the time he had the control of the
government--that when lie left it he left the whole
of the country in a condition satisfactory to all par
ties and ail portions of the United States. And as
1 know of no mode of judging of the future but by
the past, I have to say that if we are to have such
another administration under him as he gave to the
country before, I think the country will be satisfied.
[Cheers]
To my countrymen of the South, identified with
them as I am by birth,education and interest, I have
to say that from here to the farthest limits of the
South, Millard Fillmore did us justice. Aud to my
country men of tlie North, from the Canada frontier
to the Pacific Ocean, I have to say that he did uo
less than justice to them. [Applause.) He did his
duty to all sections. Instead of standing upon any
narrow platform which could not perhaps have
guided him one month, or even one week of his ad
ministration, he took in his hand the Constitution of
the United States, and the laws passed by Congress
in pursuance thereof; by them was he guided, and
by them he achieved the succes which attended his
administration.
But lam detaining this convention too long,
(cries of “Uo ou!” “goon!”] I rose merely for
the purpose of acknowledging the compliment
wliich was paid me in a call unexpected to me, and
uot for tlie purpose of going into a general discus
sion either in relation to the principles of the Whig
party, which I trust need no illustration here, or iu
relation to tlu* qualities of the candidate which I
trust will receive the support of this convention.
Having said this much, 1 take my seat. [Cheers
and applause.]
Speech of Hon. Francis Granger.
lion. Francis Granger, of New York, was now
loudly called for. He accordingly arose and ad
dressed the Convention as follows :
After what has been so justly aud so eloquently
said by the distinguishedgcutleman from North Car
olina, it seems to me that New York is the last
State hat should be heard upon this occasion. 1
had hoped, as the gentleman had clearly designated
his preference for the Presidency, that New York
would not iiave been called upon to respond iu any
manner until gentlemen had been heard from every
other delegation here assembled, to expresj most
freely and frankly their views upon this subject. I
trust now that some other gentleman will be pre
pared to take the floor, and that this meeting will
feel with me, that New York shall be the last heard
upon this question, so interesting and so dear to her.
If, however, it is the desire of this meeting to hear
what little I may say, I shall say it as a Whig and
nothing but a Whig. [Loud applause.] No mat
ter who else falls off, lor the remnant of my days I
stand fori has l have ever been, a Whig. [Applause.]
Although I should stand, like one of the messengers
of Job, to declare that I alone am left of that gallant
party to which l was proud to belong.
It is due to the Whig party of the State of New
York to say, that during the present canvass, every
thing that seduction could offer or threat induce
has been applied to them. They have stood fust iu
their consistency. They no less regard a favorite
son because others, with whomthey have no special
connection, may prefer him. They cast not off the
tried public servant because the men in the first
place have been presented iu a manner other than
that which they would have chosen. For myself, I
always speak out, and although I have nothing to
do with the mysterious orders of the day, while phi
lanthropists throughout the world echo that senti
ment of Daniel O’Connell, that all he asked for his
country was that Irishmen should rule Ireland. —
[Tremendous cheers ] I make uo war upon men
from whom I may diner because they demand that
Americans shall rule America. I Loud ami long
applause.] I come not here to present to your con
sidoratiou a platform on wliich to place a President.
I care not for auy platform upon which he has been
placed. He has created his own frame and pedes
tal. [Applause.] Without reference to him 1 trust
I may be permitted here to say that the days of
platforms will pass away with this fall election, and
all that will be seen of the existing platforms, I trust
will be, that they have furnished plauks upon which
you can lay out the dead bodies of slain candidates.
[Great laughter and applause] What have you
seeu / A distinguished gentleman, whom I have
long known, and with whom I have long been upon
terms of kind association, sacrifice his own identity,
destroy his own individuality, to lie down upon
the plank of a platform. [Loud laughter and
cheers]
But let us look at Millard Fillmore’s acts. [Cheers ]
If disturbance in existed the South, he quelled it, if
it existed in tlie North, where even neighborhood
sympathies, you would suppose, might sometimes
control action, did lie not there also put his hand up
on it and quell it ? [Applause.] Does he not this
day stand before the American people as oue upon
whom the responsibilities were thrown in a moment
of deep sorrow and mourning to our whole people,
and to no one more than himself, and is he not the
only man of this generation who hascome out of the
Presidency with purer and higher fame than when
hewentin? [Applause.] When lie took an oath
to administer the law’s of the Union faithfully, it
meant something. He looked back to the early for
mation of this government, and when rebellion first
reared its head, he saw that George Washington
knew aud felt this was a country of laws, and the
moment the laws were trampled u)>ou, uo matter
how’distasteful to any section of the Uuion, they
must be executed, or this government must fall.—
Thus it w'as that when rebellion first showed its head
in this Union, George Washington assembled, in
the inclement season of the year, a force more than
half as large as had been at oue time the force of our
revolutionary army, that he might show to the world
the necessity of crushing rebetiion to laws in its
very incipiency. [Applause ] I stand not here, in
the miserable fulsome language of the day, to run
any comparison betweea the candidate that I advo
cate aud George Washington. I have seen as con
nected with another candidate, lately, a clergyman
undertake to run a parell&l; he run it, as it struck
me, till he found that hi* candidate was always en
gaged in rebellion and mutiny, while George Wash
ington always punished .rebellion and mutiuy—and
lie did not think it worth while to push it any tar
ther. [Laughter.] No, sir, I run no such paiellel,
George Washington stands alone, [Applause] and
iie who undertakes to run a parallel between any
living man and George Washington, knows little
what he owes to his country, or to the proud fame
that the records of that country will show. (Ap
plause.] Let every American c onsider and confess
that “none but himself can be his parallel.”
But this much I will say ; had the distubronces
which now exist in this country commenced during
the administration of Millard Fillmore he
have crushed them at the outset. [Loud applause,
and cries of “that is the fact.”] Without claiming
anything for military reputation, standing before
the world as a civilian only, he would have shown an
example to those of military fame, now in high of
fice, which would have made them hide their neads.
[Laughter and applause.] What have you seen ?
I stop not to enter upon the question of whose may
be the excess of blame in this agitation. I slop not
to sift the exaggerated accounts on either side : I
only say that civil war rages throughout the land—
that brothers’ hands are dipped in brothers' blood,
and shat upon every return made to the department
of your government they remain as dumb as the
bleeding victims of this inglorious contest. Such
would not have been the case under the administra
tion of Millard Fillmore. [Cheer*.]
Am I asked further why my preference is for
him ? It is because the victory of either of the
other candidates can do-nothing to quiet the agita
tion of this country. hat is true of communities
is true of the nation*, and let either of the candi
dates obtain temporary triumph in this election, it is
my opinion but to keep the contest open with in
creased instead of subdued irritation. Canvass
it by everything around. I ask the men of the
South who know the feeling that now exists, if they
are to withdraw in case ot the election of Col. Fre
mont. I ask my Northern brethren, from whom I
differ on this subject, are they to ait down quietly
and submit to wuat they may dislike in the admin
istration of Mr. Buchanan, should he chance to be
elected, by the entire Southern vote, joined with
one or more Northern States ? No, neither! But
I believe in my inmost heart that nothing but
the election of Millard I ill more or some man who
could be placed exactly in his position, can ever stop
this war that is now raging upon our border*. [Ap
plause.]
I ought here perhaps to say as freely a* I have
stood up to declare it at the North, that I consider
the nomination there made as having been made
entirely upon sectional ground, and that no man can
for a moment dispute it. There has been some com
ment upon the speech made by Mr. Fillmore at Al
bany. If he hadn't made that speech and been as
sailed for making if* I would not have been upon
the stump, as it is called, to defend him. [Applause ]
Sir, those around me well know that it was my in
tention. although my opinions were very decided,
not to have entered upon thi* campaign, but when
I saw sentiments so purely national and patriotic,
coming from him. seixed upon and misrepresented.
I said to myself, “well, if this is the game and it is a
free fight, count ine in.” [Laughter and applause.]
No matter, my friends, how hard the knocks be
tween now aud next November, if my life is spared
I will not ask any man to “count me out.” [Laugh
ter and applause.]
What was tbe doctrine ? It waa that no section
of this country could submit to an administration
chosen and conducted upon sectional grounds.—
Does that declare that sudden revolt and rebellion
is to arise out of it ? No, no such thing, trat with
a powerj in Congress that can control one or the
other branch of the Government, and with an ad
ministration unfriendly to a particular sectiou of the
country, do you suppose that it could go on for a
mouth without being blocked ? Look at it in a
practical poiut of view, and see if Mr. Fillmore was
not right. All I have to say is, uot referring to it ns
a Northern question, should the South combine and
should it have power enough from two or three
States to attempt to oontroi the action of this
Government and carry it on without reference to
the North, lie who would not resist it is more
of a doughface than I am. [ Laughter. ] I ask
no more from the South than I would claim for
the North.
But, my friends, I have already detained yon too
long. [Cries of “Go on, go on.”] I was in hopes
not to have been called upon to address you at any
rate until after the committee should have repor
ted. But I mast say oue word to t his old Whig part y.
It is the only party that seems to me to thrive upon
defeat; it is the only party that ha* ever existed in
this country, in which, under every variety of cir
cumstances, under whatever disappointments of tri
umph or defeat, whenever an old Whig met an old
Whig there was no such thing os a sectional liue
that divided them North and South. [Applause ]
It is that which has carried on this Whig party and
kept up its heart during all the reverses through
which it has gone—he who lived South knew and
felt that there wa* a man North who cherished this
national feeling, and who would defend it. So has
it been, and so I trust it will be. f A little distur
bance of some sort in the crowd at the further end
of the hati here occurred, at which the speaker re
marked that it was only some by play and did not
belong to the Whig party. [Laughter.] Calls were
presently made to the speaker to go ou. |
I doufit whether I ought to go ou. This much
however I feel disposed to say : that in my humble
belief there is in this body of men here assembled a
power to control this contest and settle it this
fall. [Cheers.] It strikes me that as connect
ed with one division of the opposing parties, coining
events have already cast their shadow before them,
and is that this body of gallant Whigs, coming up
in unanimous voice and declaring that nothing shall
seduce or frighten them, aud that nobody shall be
tray them from the support of Millard Fillmore.—
Twenty days will not have elapsed before you will
see such an accumulation of force to the ranks of
Mr. Fillmore as is now claimed for Mr. Fremont.—
[Loud applause.] The people represented by the
gentlemen upon this floor—and by them I mean the
friends of the Union—are to mat chon in every State
in which they have tickets, or in which they can be
found, irrespective of consequences, and go boldly
on from this time until the ballot box closes and the
victory is ours. [Cheers.] Y'es, we can arouse a
spirit in this land, which, from the East and West,
North and South, will carry conviction to the mind*
of men that Whigs are to be found nowhere but
wiiere they can find Whig principles. [Applause.]
Where else in this contest are they to be found but
under the banner of Millard Fillmore ? [Loud Ap
plause] 1 say then, my friends, this day having
buckled on our armor, let us march ou in unbroken
ranks to the contest and the victory is ours. [Loud
Applause.]
Speech of Mr. Rives, of Viririnin.
Alexander Rives, of Virginia, was then called
upon, and addressed the Convention as follows:
Mr. President:—After the many eloquent ad
dresses that have been made here, it is with great
diffidence that I rise to respond to the call that has
been made upon me. But when lam called upon
in the name of the honored State which I represent
on this occasion, I feel that a failure to respond to
that call would show a want of duty the common
wealth I honor aud revere.
Permit me to say that Virginia has the honor of
having originated the meeting of the noble band of
patriots by whom lam surrounded. [Applause ] —
It was ill the darkest hour of this campaign that a
small band of Virginia Whigs met at the capital of
their State. What a scene wa* presented to their
view ; a scene to arouse the solicitude, the anxious
soliciiude, of every patriot, of every man who re
spected government and law. Civil war was raging
upon our borders, and mob law was prevailing iu
one of the Stateß of this confederacy. What was
the duly of Whigs convened together under cir
cumstances like these ? Where could they look for
the protection of the interest dearest to the heart of
every Whig ? Had they anything to expect from
that party who were seeking to perpetuate power iu
hands similar to the dynasty that now hold* it ? I
care not what may be the qualifications of James
Buchanan as a statesman. The moment he accept
ed the nomination of the Cincinnati Convention he
ceased to occupy his former position, aid has been
well said, he ceased to occupy the position to which
he might have been entitled from his former ser
vices. He sank into a mere puppet; a mere party
platform, to be managed at will by party managers.
[Applause.]
Where are the Whigs of this country, who wheth
er North or South, East or West, are the great ad
vocates of regular government, and the reign of
law—where are they to look for safety ? Does not
the heart of every patriot sink within him ? Is he
not ready to bow Ins head in shame when he looks
upon the imbecile government that permits week
after week tlie public heart to be lacerated by ru
mors of public strife within our very borders ?
Well has it been said that had that noble patriot of
New York been at the helm of government, he
would not have restedin the shades of the Presiden
tial palace while these scenes were being enacted to
the disgrace of regular government. He would
have put off the habiliments of the citizen, and we
should have found him in a new capacity at the
head of the army of the United States to vindicate
law and order [Applause.]
Is it not time that the Whigs of the country should
recollect the responsible position they occupy be
fore the country ? Let it be remembered that at
the Presidential nomination in 1852 both the Whig
party and tlie Democratic party engrafted this
conservative principle upon the platforms which
they then erected, that henceforth agitation upon
the subject of slavery should cease both in Congress
and out of Congreass. [Applause.] That was all
that the South asked ; it was what the North could
not refuse. It was responded to and adopted as an
axiom by both parties. The disturbing question of
slavery had been settled by the compromise mea
sures of 1850, which were regarded as a finality, by
which peace was restored to the country, llow has
that peace been disturbed ? Let the insulted judg
ment of the people of the country answer. Did any
primary meeting of the people in the North or the
South, in the East or in the West, call for any dis
turbance of the compromise ot 1850 ? I ask for an
answer. Where was the primary meeting, where
was the move on the part of the people calling for
any disturbance of tlie compromise of 1850 ? Not
even echo answers.
Nowhere can it be shown that there was any
such meeting. Aud yet, our servants—servants in
the language of our government, but our musters in
r ality—in Washington, for mere party purposes,
for purposes of personal aggrandizement, ripped up
those compromises, and have thus set by the ears
the whole country, North, South, East and West.
Then, I say, the Whig party should rally to the old
standard of 1852. They have come here to ask for
peace, for a cessation of this fatal agitation—and
where is that to be found? Surely not iu a plat
form. There is no security iu them; they are but
empty words which will pass away with the occa
sion which baa given birth to them. But we must
look for It, aud we will find it, in the devoted char
acter of the man whom the Whigs will propose to
the country as their standard bearer in this contest.
[Applause and cheers.] lam not here to antici
pate. I will not undertake to say what will be the
verdict of this vast body of people collected here on
this occasion, the representatives of a large majority
of the States of this Union, llut yet lam author
ized to say this, that if we were sitting here without
any other nomination for the Presidency of the Uni
ted States having been made by any party, where
could we look for a candidate wlure tried character
as a patriot, as shown in his administration of tne
government, whose character ns a statesman could
insure us that peace for which all patriot hearts are
now yearning ? Where could we find that peace
better than in confiding the government of the coun
try, the cause of regular government, and the su
premacy of the law, to a man who has stood up in
perilous times and executed those laws whenever
called upon to do 60 ? lam free to say that if I was
here as a representative to make my selection in
the first instance, to express my first choice for the
high office of President, I should look to no other
man than Millard Fillmore. [Cheers aud applause.]
And what is the reason that the eyes of the country
are turned to this distinguished citizen ? As lias
been frankly said by the gentleman from New York
(Mr. Granger,) it is because ho is not a sectional
candidate. In the administration of this govern
ment he will stand upon no other platform than that
most glorious platform to which you, Mr. President,
have alluded, the Constitution of the United States.
(Applause.)
1 hail from the South—my heart throbs w ith eve
ry emotion that can touch the heart of a Southern
man. But yet I tell you that from my heart of hearts
1 loathe the Northern man witli Southern principles.
[Applause.] Bring me a man from the extreme
North, aud set him aown in my own cherished do
micile, and let him strive to outvie me in praises of
the institutiens of the South, and I say he ought to
be kicked out of doors. All I ask for this responsi
ble officer is a man who, in the noble language of
Millard Fillmore, that deserves to be written in let
ters of living light across the constellation of the
Union, in the execution of the duties of that respon
sible office, will know no North, no South, no East,
and no West. | Applause and cheers.] Let this
election result in the election of either Mr. Fremont
or Mr. Buchanan, and we shall be but at the com
mencement of our troubles ; with either cue of those
gentlemen there will be no pacification for the
troubles of the country. But here stands the life
guard of the Union, and we must ruly together to
its support. [Applause. | I will not speculate about
the consequences of a dissolution of the Union. We
(Mime here as its friends and advocates. We care
not to tear away from our prophetic vision, if we
had it, the yell that mercifully conceals from our
view the dire calamities that might result from such
an event. But if the result of the pending contest
should be in favor of either of the gentlemen I have
named, let me conjure my fellow patriots, who are
here assembled, to remember that the hour of dan
ger will have come, and that then the Whig parly
must stand up as the life guard of the Constitution,
ready to peril themselves, their forutnes a i
lives, in defence of that sacred instrument. [Ap
plause.]
Mr. President, there are abler men here, men
much better known to the people of this country
than myself. I am but a young Whig, and will give
way toothers, and in the name of the Old Dominion
of Virginia, I will call upon Mr. Janney of Loudoun
County. [Applause.]
Speech of Jlr. Janney.
Mr. John Janney, of Virginia, addressed the Con -
vention as follows :
Mr. President: I have two or three very substan
tial reasons why I may not comply with the re
quest my colleague has made upon me. In the
first place the commonwealth of Virginia has al
ready been heard from, and I am arrogating noth
ing to myself, when I say, what all of us can say,
that I say “ amen ” to every word that he has ut
tered.
I have no voice left to address such an asae m
blage as this. What I once had has been spent in
the great Whig cause of my country. But although
that is gone and I cannot now address you, what
ever else I may have left shall be devoted to the
success of the cause. [Applause.]
Mr. President, I should be glad just for a mo
ment to stand up by your side that I might look
into the faces of my Whig friends here, to ascertain
for myself whether there be any speculation in their
eyee. I should like to know by close examination
whether they are really men of flesh and blood or
merely the ghosts of the dead and burned Whig
party. [Laughter.] They look to me now very
much as the old Whigs looked in 1840, 1844, 1848
and in 1852.
Something has been said here to-night about plat
forms. Now, I want our committee to report no
platform., unless they can write out a fair ana truth
fill and impartial history of the administration of
Millard Fillmore. [Applause.] This is all the plat
form I want. Ido not want for my candidate upon
this occasion any man who has ever served the peo
ple of the United States for a fullterm of 4 years.
God forbid that we should have such a man as
served the people upon one occasion for a period of
three years ana eleven months. [Laughter.]
I want just such a man as served them, and
served them with zeal and fidelity to the Constitu
tion, that acknowledged no North or South, no Ea*t
or West, but the whole Union, for about the period
of two years and nine month. [Applause.] I want
that man who, when called by the providence of
God to put his hand upon the helm of Btate, found
the sea tossed with tempestuous waves, roiling
mountain high, seized the tiller with a firm hand,
and with the aid of the noble and gallant band
about him brought the ship of the nation safely into
port, and when he left it, left the country peaceful
and prosperous. He is the man I want, and I hope
it will be the pleasure of this Convention to-morrow
by a unanimous vote to sanction that which I have
no doubt will be the unanimous report of the Com
mit! ee we have selected to report to us. I hope he
will be the man to whom we shall give our unani
mous support. [Cheers and applause.]
Mr. Rives, of Virginia, begged the privilege of
calling upon a distinguished State of the confederacy
to be heard from—a State associated with Virginia,
when lin y were colonies, Land in hand, sister with
sister iu originating the great work of our revolu
tionary war—a State that was now placed iu this
Convention, to the houor of Virginia, by her side—
the State of Massachusetts. [Applause.]
Speech of Mr. Lunt.
Mr. George Lunt. of Massachusetts, then respond
ed to tbe call as follows:
Mr. President and fellow-Whigs ; I know not
how to express my grateful acknowledgments for
this reception granted on behalf of my co-Whig* of
this delegation, and of the Whig party of Massa
chusetts, which unde: much discouragement and
embarrassment at the beginning, has been able to
send, through its spirit aud energy, a delegation to
meet the Whigs of tbe country in consultation.—
[Applause.] It is gratifying to nud one-self in such
an assembly of the representatives —I wa* about to
say of the \\ hig party, but of the representatives of
the country, met once more to deliberate upon the
common good.
Whatever apprehensions might have been rea
sonably entertained—and they have beeu neither
few nor small—for the peace and safety of the coun
try, 1 for one am ready to dismiss them whenever I
see the sound good sense and old-fashioned patriotic
spirit of the Whig party aroused and employed in
mutual consultation and for mutual encouragement.
[Applause.] So far as I have known anything of
the principles aud policy of the Whig party, or have
taken any part iu its deliberations or its public af
fairs, it ha* been governed by high and honorable
considerations, and every conviction i f my under
standing and all the experience of my life has only
lead me to entertain increased confidence in the
truth of its great and leading principles. To be a
Whig I have understood is to be an American citi
zen in ita highest and noblest sense. [Applause.]
I am a Whig because I am a national man, [ap
plause] and not a national man because I am a
Whig. In whatever has tended to the honor of
the American name, to the illustration of its glory,
aud the just acknowledgment of its power. F pity
that man who has not oeen able to take part in it.—
In whatever has tended to disturb those happy
relations which ought to bind one section of this
country with cords of harmony to another, I have
Sought rather for the source of healing than tor those
deadly waters which would poison still more the
sources of harmony and of all that we as patriots
and true citizens should desire. Entertaining these
views of Whig principles and policy, I have taken,
perhaps, stronger ground than many gentlemen—
who have been governed I trust by honorable con
siderations—iu regard to whatever should be consis
tent with those principles.
Whenever I have observed any lino of policy
which stented to run counter to the grandest system
of free government conceived by the human under
standing, then I Imve felt myself by every convic
tion ot mv understanding aud every emotion of my
heart, a Whig aud nothing else. [Appluuse.]—
\\ henever this country has seemed to mein danger,
then instead of feeling any relaxation of old Whig
principle, instead of buckling the armor or loosen
ing a single livit, 1 have rather felt like rejoicing to
see every man, iu the language of General Taylor,
a Whig and a quarter over. [Laughter aud ap
plause.]
Entertaining these views, Mr. President, I shall
not need to say to this Convention that I have very
little sympathy with the principles or the purposes
of another party which is now running rampant
through this country. I evade none of the respon
sibilities which belong to every man who hold* him
self to be an American citizen.
1 } ield no right or privilege to discuss in a fair
and kind spirit every question iu which, as Ameri
can citizens, we all have a common interest. But
the issue may arise when the question before us
shall be of a character to overpower all others. It
is impossible that the contingency should not some
times arise in the administration of the affairs of the
nation, when, by the side of this oue great absorb
ing principle of love for our common country, all
other issues sink into comparative insignificance
[applause,] and whenever such a crisis come*, I
shall be glad to have stood with the Whigs of Mas
saohusetts, side by side witii tlie Whigs of the whole
Union, because 1 know from past experience that
they will not be found unfaithful to their trust. [Ap
plause.]
Mr. President: I yield to no person here or else
where iu my love for freedom. lam sometimes in
dignant when I hear another party claiming to it
self the exclusive name of the party of freedom—as
if every man in this country who is capable of ap
preciating it, does not enjoy the highest liberty
which the most liberal civil rights can oonter. With
the tawdry bedizened damsal whom some men
now call by the misapplied name of liberty, I have
no disposition whatever to associate. [Applause.]
Their idol is not mine. The true divinity is a
gentle and modest maiden, with tlie blush of inno
cence upon her cheek, giving uo offence aud finding
none, but wandering out at her own sweet will,
through forests or upon open wastes, championed
only by the eternal honor which glorifies her brow,
and kept from devious wanderings by tlie inborn
purity of her own heart. [Applause.]
Tlie freedom which I love is orderly and decent,
discreet, secure of a wholesome reverence from oth
ers, because of its wholesome observance of the just
claims of its associates. It is uot the offspring of
blind or furious passion, but the child of justice and
sober reason. Whether this be a spurious goddess
which of late has beeu waiving her luriu torch
through the incumbent darkness, I call upon tlie de
vout worshippers of the grand old spirit of immor
tal freedom to determine. [Applause.]
Mr. President, that man must be wilfully blind
who has been unable to see in the signs of the
times the dangers which are now threatening the
institutions of this country. Tlie fathers of this re
public, as we well know, laid the foundations of
these institutions in fear and trembling, and as they
confided in the reverent remembrance of posterity,
in the grateful recollections of their own toils and
in that gradual advancement of knowledge which
they might well believe would teach their descend
ants to prize a bequest so highly purchased, the best
that oau be said of tlie wisest of them is, that their
hones preponderated over their fears.
The various perils to which this country has been
subjected upon many subsequent occasions have ful
ly justified their apprehensions ; but still the ship of
State sails ou; she lias nobly righted after every tem
pestuous gale, and even as she bent to the storm
or came out of the battle, she lias gathered new
trophies, and signals them one after tne other in the
blazing starry constellation at her peak. And yet
I am not so fool and hardy as to suppose she may
not meet with some peril that will engulph her at last,
that she will not be subjected to some danger fatal
to all that makes the country an honor and a pride.
Aud yet if my opinion be of any value, l think this
couutry is stronger this day than ever before. [Ap
plause.]
Her greatest peril is now upon her. This is the
firat time iu the history of this couutry, that open
foes in any considerable numbers and with any
considerable power for doing mischief, have assail
ed her safety. And yet amidst apprehensions of
her friendß, they have determined with firm and in
flexible adherence to stand by her, and 1 feel well
assured that her friends arc more and stronger than
her foes.
The great dangerof this country has resulted from
that very insane worship of a false ideal, to which I
have already alluded, to that spirit of insubordina
tion and wilful indisposition on the part of the mi
nority to submit to that first great principle of all
popular institutions, which constitutes the will of
the majority the criterion of right. Whoever wishes
to see this illustrated, whoever wishes to see the
success of schemes which zealots and fanatics are
now endeavoring to carry out all through the coun
try, have but to look to our neighboring republic of
Mexico, and will there see how one faction after
another, in consequence of their very unwillingness
to submit to the majority, have been in power there,
and military adventurers have coine up only to be
succeeded m rapid turn by others ; how the defeat
and dismemberment of one party has only been the
signal for the appearance of another.
It is high time for the reflecting men of this coun
try to pause. Whoever in consequence of his dis
approbation of the parties and policy and action of
the General Government—and God knows there
has been enough to disapprove—whoever sees fit to
resort to Sharpe’s rifles or any other means of ex
hibiting his repugnance to the laws, not only vio
lates the first principles of all free institutions, not
only denies the power and ability of the people to
govern themselves, but is himself an enemy of the
State because he is preparing the way for the sub
stitution of another form of government, more
friendly to tyrants and utterly hostile to liberty.
When this period arrives, when this occurs
throughout the country, when this course of conver
sation, of talking, of preaching, becomes popular,
then we are fast approaching a state of confusion
and anarchy. Who does not see what an easy prey
we shall be to the first military adventurer, more dis
tinguished for venture than for moderation, or wis
dom, or sound patriotism, which alone should entitle
a man to be thought worthy of the suffrages of a na
tion of intelligent freemen.
I rejoice, therefore, in the reorganization of the
old whigparty; if it has been apparently dead, I re
joice in its resurrection. Its reappearance is the su
rest testimony of the necessities of the times; and
those necessities have struck that electric , spark
which has passed so rapidly through every portion
of the country, which nos brought so many right
thinking and right minded men here.
It is to this I look for the safety of the country,
and whatever clouds may gather, whatever dangers
may threaten, I may say that I apprehend no com
bination of evil which will be able to withstand the
united power of intelligence and enlightened patriot
ism. [Applause and cheers.]
On motion the Convention then adjourned until
Thursday morning at ten o’clock, A. M.
SECOND DAY—MoRTING SESSION.
The interest developed by the first day’s proceed
ings of the Convention caused an increased attend
ance of spectators this morning. The galleries were
densely thronged, the ladies forming a large pro
portion of the audience there, whilst the throng on
the floor was also large.
During the night, the enclosed platform for the ac
commodation of the Convention had been enlarged,
so as to give comfortable accommodation for five
hundred delegates.
The Convention was called together by the Presi
dent, Judge Bates, of Missouri, and opened with
prayer by the Rev. Mr. Carnahan.
The Committee on resolutions not being prepared
to report, calls were made for Mr. Pearre, of Mary
land.
In response, Mr. Pearre said: I return my thanks
to my friend from Maryland, and also to the rest of
the convention for this very unexpected call upon
me for a speech. But, sir, to meet in a convention
like this, so many Old Line Whigs, representing al
most every State in the Union, does seem to my
mind to be an omen for good. [Applause.] It is
an evidence of the continuation of that kind of pa
ternal feeling which always has bound and always
will bind iliis great Whig brotherhood togeth
er. When the gallant Whigs of the city of
Baltimore, to whom, although I arn a Maryland
man myself, I say it, all honor is due, [ap
plause,) sent forth this call for this Convention
of the Old Line Whigs, as sanguine as they are, as
bold as they are, as fearless as they are, they
themselves never dreamed of such a response as
this would come up from the North and from
the .South, from the East and from the West. [Ap
plause.J
Sir, they lighted a beacon fire upon the shores of
the Chesapeake, and it was kindled at once upon
my old home upon the tops of the Alleglianies, and
clansmen from beyond the Mississippi have caught its
light, and lo! they are all here together. They
have come here, they have been sent by the great
Whig party of the country, they have been sent for
the purpose of chooeiDg a captain under whom we
shall cruise for the next four years. Although that
captain is not yet fairly selected, vet the heart of
every man in this Convention with great spontauie
ty cries out—Millard Fillmore! [Loud and long
continued cheers.]
TLe President here announced that though the
Convention would be most happy to hear the re
marks of the gentleman from Maryland, yet the
Committee on Resolutions were ready to make their
report, and suggested that the gentleman should
give way for that purpose.
Mr. Pearre said he would yield with the greatest
pleasure, feeling assured that the report would be
only the sentiments he was uttering.
Hon. Robert Y. Conrad, of Va., Chairman of the
Committee on Resolutions, then read the following
report of the Committee ;
Resolved , That the Whigs of the United
States now assembled in Convention, hereby de
clare their reverence for the Constitution, and their
unalterable attachment to the National Union, and
their fixed determination to do all in their power
to preserve them for themselves and their posterity.
They have no new principles to announce, no new
platform to establish ; but are content broadly to
rest where their forefathers have rested, upon the
Constitution of the United States, wishing no safer
guide, no higher law.
Resolved, That they regard with the deepest aax
VOL. LXX.—NEW SERIES VOL. XX. No. |i).
ietythe present disordered condition of our nation
al affairs—a portion of our country ravaged b
civil war and large sections of our population eni
bittered by mutual recrimination—aud they dia
tinctly trace these calamities to the culpable neg
lect of duty by the present National Administra
tion.
Resolved, That the government of these Uuitei
States was formed by the conjunction iu politics
unity of wide spread geographical sections, materi
ally differing, not ouly in climate and products, bu
in social domestic institutions, aud that any caus<
which shall permanently array these sections in po
litic&l hostility, and organize parties, founded on
ly on geographical distinctions, must inevitable
prove fatal to the continuance of the Natiouu
Union.
Resolved, That the Whigs of the United State)
declare as a fundamental article of their politica
faith, the absolute necessity for avoiding geographi
cal parties. The danger so clearly discerned by llit
Father of liis Country, iu “parties founded on geo
graphical distinctions,” has now become fearfully
apparent iu tin* agitation which is convulsing the
nation to.its centre, and wliich must be arrested at
once, if we would preserve our constitutional Union
from dismemberment, and the name of America
from being blotted out from the family of nations.
Resolved, That all who revere the constitution
and love the Union, must look with alarm at the
attitude assumed by two of the great parties in the
field in the present Presidential cauvasa—the one
claiming only to represent sixteen Northern States
of the Union, the other appealing mainly to the pas
sion* and prejudices of the Southern States, and that
tlie success of either of these factions must add fuel
to the flame which now threatens to wrap our dear
est interests iu one common ruin.
Resot red, That the ouly remedy for evils so ap
palling is the support of a candidate pledged to neith
er of the geographical sections now arrayed in po
litical autagomsm, but holding both in just and equal
regard. We congratulate the friends of the Union
that such a candidate exists in Millard Fillmore,
of the State of New York.
Resolved , That without adopting or referring
to the peculiar doctrines of the party which lm* al
ready selected Mr. Fillmore as its candidate, we look
to him us a well tried and faithful friend of the
Constitution and the Union—eminent alike for hi*
wisdom and firmness ; for his justice and modera
tion in our foreign relations; for his calm, pacific
temperament, well becoming the head of a great
and enlightened government; for hi* devotion to
tlui Constitution m its true spirit, and his inflexibili
ty in executing all laws passed under its authority;
but, beyond all these attributes, in possessing the
one tranacendant merit, of being the representative
of neither of the two sectional parties now strug
gling for political supremacy.
Resolved , That in tne present exigency of public
affairs, we are not called on to discuss any subor
dinate question of administration in exercising the
constitutional powers of our government. It is
enough to know that civil war is raging and tlie
Union in peril, and to proclaim our earnest couvic
tion that the restoration of Mr. Fillmore to the
Presidential chair, will furnish the best, if not tlie
only means of restoring peace to tlie countoy.
Resolved, That we cordially approve the nom
ination of Andrew J. Donelson, of Tennessee, for
the office of Vice President, regarding him as a
national, conservative patriot, faithfully devoted to
the Constitution and the Union.
Resolved, That the spontaneous rising of the
Whigs throughout the country; their prompt rally
in support of our highest national interests, aud the
spirit here displayed, sufficiently attest the national
importance of preserving and invigorating their
party organization, and that a National Whig Com
mittee of one from each of the States, be now
appointed by the President, with authority to call
any future Convention and generally promote the
effective organization of the party, throughout the
United States.
Resolved, That these resolutions be published, and
respectfully submitted by this Convention as an ad
dress to the people of the United States.
The resolutions were received with much enthu
siasm, the endorsement of Mr. Fillmore and liis ac
ceptance as the candidate of the Whigs of the Union
beiug responded to by prolonged cheering. Some
evidence of disapprobation followed the reading ot
the resolution referring to the candidate for the Vice
Presidency.
Mr. Machette, of Pennsylvania, moved to lay the
resolutions on the table aud that, they be printed.—
He said that thi* Convention met here as a body
of tbe Whigs, and had no part in the nomination of
Andrew Jackson Donelson. They came here for
the purpose ol nominating a Whig candidate for the
Presidency, and he did not tlnnk that it was any
part of their duty to nominate him by resolution.—
He desired the Convention to act as old Whig Con
vent ions had been in the habit of doing. They had
nothing to do with the re-affirmation of the nominee
of any other party. While up he would say that he
was in tavor of having a committee appointed for
the purpose of reporting a set of Whig resolutions,
to send them out to tlie couutry, to re-organise the
old Whig party as it lias been organized heretofore
As he understood it, the Convention nominated
Millard Fillmore, because they thought it was best
under the circumstances. But let them also re
affirm their old faith in such away that they could
maintain here their respect before those who sent
them here.
The question being taken upon the motion to lay
the resolutions upon the table, it was not agreed to.
Tlie question recurred upon the adoption of the
resolutions.
Mr. James Hanks, of North Carolina, said :—Mr.
President, I move that the resolutions be taken up
and read seriatim. My reasons for making that
motion is simply this : we have assembled here as a
baud of Whigs to consult upon the welfare of our
common country and the perpetuity of our glorious
Union, and for the preservation of the Whig party
t hroughout all time. The resolutions as read, 1 ap
preheud have not, been heard by a majority of those
here present. And, as Whigs when we go back to
our constituents, it would be but a tlimsy excuse
for us to say that we had voted upon those resolu
tions without having heard them—without knowing
what they contained—without knowing anything
about them, save that they are the emanations from
the minds of Whigs upon whom we can rely. And
in order to preserve the character of this body as a
Convention, I trust we will act calmly, will act dis
passionately, with mature deliberation—that we
will act in the spirit of harmony and union—in the
spirit of David Crocket, “be sure you’re right, then
go ahead.”
Mr. Jones, of Georgia—l think the suggestion of
the gentleman is a good one. I approve of these
resolutions entirely, and I desire that every member
of the Convention should heurand fully comprehend
them. I hope, therefore, that they will be road in
various parts of the Hall, that all may hear —that
he who runs may comprehend them.
The resolutions were then read.
The Chair wished to know whether the gentleman
from North Carolina hud submitted any distinct
proposition.
Mr. Banks. The only motion I wished to submit
was in reference to striking out the last resolution
but one. Upon consultation, however, with my
delegation they have instructed me to say that
the State of North Carolina will not cost a fire
brand into the deliberations of this assembly.—
[Great applause followed by general rising, w aving
of hats and cheering.] In consultation with my
delegation, I was reminded, Mr. President, of a re
mark made by the immortal Clay—[cheers]—that
he possessed in common with most men the attribute
of courage, but that there was one courage that he
did not possess, and that was, courage to cust him
self in the path of glory, honor and prosperity of his
country. [Applause.] I, sir, do not possess that
kind of courage to cast myself in the way of the
prospect of honor and sucoess that waits upon the
action of this Convention. [Applause.] I have
consulted my political father for whom 1 cast my
first vote in 1840—Gov. Morehead. [Applause.]
And in accordance with his advice 1 forbear to
make the motion that I had intended, [Applause. |
Four years ago I was sent, Mr. President, to cast
the vote of the State of North Carolina for Millard
Fillmore. [Applause.J To-day lam the only dele
gate then present from that State, and probably I
nin the only foreigner that io here present in this
Convention. Sir, I have not been seduced by the
Democrats or the Americans, but remembering the
early training I acquired in the laud of the moun
tain and of the mist. I have stood by the Clay ban
ner thus far and I hope to die in the Whig cause.—
(Cheers.) For long years I felt as if I was not the
equal of many with whom I have been surrounded,
but thank God, the W hig Convention of the Union
lias assembled here, where a Scotchman by birth
but an American through choice and naturalization
is welcome. (Applause.) Thank God the spirits ol
the land have again risen and are once more pre
pared to do battle in behalf of Whig principles.—
(Applause.)
Mr. President, as illustrative of the fixedness of
purpose with which we came here, it may not be
out of place to relate an anecdote. The wife of a
man who had in early life been a tailor, but had
grown rich in his later years and disliked to be re
minded of his former trade, had a little difficulty oc
casionally with her better-half—such as will occur
in the best regulated families sometimes [laughter]
—and upon such occasions she never failed to re
mind him of his early occupation. Finally he at
tempted to duck her in a mill pond to see if that
would not cure her of that propensity. But when
ever she rose to the surface she would cry out “tai
lor, tailor, tailor.” So he held her dawn until the
water bubbled from her mouth and she was unable
to speak ; still she was incorrigible, and thrusting
her hands above the water, she clipped her fingen*
to represent the fact that lie was a tailor. [Laugh
ter.] Such I believe is the fixedness of purpose
which animates every Whig who has come here to
day. [Applause.]
The question then recurred on the resolution;*
which were passed by a unanimous and prolonged
shout of aye, followed by a dead silence when th<
President called for the negative vote. A scene o:
excited enthusiasm followed the announcement ol
the vote. The members of the Convention rose to
their feet arid joined the audience who at the time
thronged all parts of the Hall in nine hearty spon
taneous cheers for Millard Fillmore. A general
scene of congratulation followed, the delegates aim
king hands and congratulating each other on tin
auspicious harmony of their proceedings.
In the midst of the enthusiasm Mr. Pearre, whose
address had been interrupted by the reception ol
the committee's report, resumed the floor. He com
rnenced by declaring that it was “ a good time, and
it was good for Whigs to be here, which again
«r«*used the enthusiasm that so fully pervaded the
hall.
CONTINUATION OF MR. PEARRI’S SPEECH.
Sir, continued Mr. Pearre, the Whigs of the
Union have come here as no Swiss guards, nor clad
in the uniform of the mercenary soldier, to do battle
under the command of the file leaders of party, and
to wage a war of commotion bet ween the different
sections, fighting exclusively under a Northern or n
Southern banner. They have come for no pay, the}
ask, and expect, and would receive no reward. They
have come as patriotic citizens—with no heart
burnings between them. Northern man meets
Southern man—Ohio meets Virginia, Massachusetts
meets Georgia with the same brotherly-love and
kindly greeting with which Tennessee meets North
Carolina. The Northern Whig feels that his South
ern brethren is no slavery propagandist, hut look*
upon the institution of slavery as Washington and
Jefferson, and Clay, and Wel>ster looked upon it—
as an unfortunate institution, imposed upon our an
cestors by British cupidity. He says let it alone.—
[Cheers. |
The Southern Whig feels that from bis brother of
the North be has nothing to apprehend. No agita
tion will come from that quarter. Both moderate
in their views, and both right, because they are
both imbued with Whig principles.
Mr. Fillmore is our captain now. The ship of State,
which is now tossing to and fro, in the Egean seas ol
civil commotion, under Lis guidance will soon be
righted. He will pull down that miserable flag that
now floats at her mast-head, which represents but a
part of this glorious galaxy of State*; no sir.
not even a part of the States. But it is the
piratical flag, hoisted by the Northern Democratic
politicians, to reduce the South into an amalgama
tion with them, to ride rough-shod over the cove
nants fairly made 36 years ago, between the North
and South, that they, the Northern democracy, may
revel in the booty obtained in the plunder of the Re
public. This flag Mr. Fillmore will tear down, and
m its place he will run up the flag of the Union ; at
the sight of which once more, the great American
heart, from the Bio Grande td the St. Lawrence,
from the Atlantic to the Pacific, will pulsate with
patriotism, gladness and joy, as on the star spangled
banner they will behold, graven in letters of living
light, “justice to all,” no North, no South, no East,
no West.
Under the flag we can sail bucause the motto is
not Mr. Fillmore’s except by adoption. Mr. Clay
printed it hirnself on the hearts of his countrymen,
and there it will remain until this Whig family of de
voted sons shall forget the teachings ol their politi
cal father. At the feet of what Gamaliels did Mr.
Fillmore act ? Clay and Webster were his teachers
and they were ours. We ah learned out ol the
same political spelling bock, and lor ytoic we have
I- bit'll (JlillkiliL-lit 111.,
f more. He trils iw, uirii lt . ll( . vt . r ,| t . 'l '
Hint liigformeradmiuiatrntion mini 1,,'. A,7, ‘VJJ’
-of the future. Tlmt was ,ma.-rvutm' ili -l '
• patriotic ami to it mis accorded the uuitodappiauni
-of every fair man m the country. 1
But we have u work to do after we leave here
T £he K1 eal Wll % party hoe sent us here to chouse A
1 Captain under whom we will cruize for the ii.xtl.mr
- years We have chosen him—and before the sun
I ROCS down they will all know it. Let us no home
“ j n ; — the North and to the South, to the Last
- and to the West-to men beyond the Mississippi, to
- those who dwell about Bunker Hill, and Lexington,
r Saratoga, Monmouth, Valley Forge, Vorktmvn
about Kutaw, the Cow-pens and King’s Mountain—
at New Orleans and Tippecanoe— and let each blow
* the boatswain whistle, and gay to the Whi»M—tbo
l Captain is chosen—the vessel is ready—her name h.,
the old Constitution—the Hag of Clay and \\ ,-hstor
! at the mast head—all aboard, you true-hearted
Whigs—she only waits your aid to carry the rich
legacy our fathers left us safely down to bit are ages.
Mr. P\s remarks were frequently interrupted by
the most euthusiastic'applause.
Speech of David Paul Drown,
lion. David Paul Brown, of Pennsylvania, in re
sponse to calls, spoke as follows :
Mr. President: It is my purpose to address you
very briefly and very gravely in regard to the sub
jeet that I shall think proper to suggest to the con
sideration of this Convention. Brevity is, as has
beou not only properly but poetically said, the soul
of wit, but it is particularly becoming and* appro
priate in a speech upon an occasion of this churu -
ler.
When I entered for Lie first time tills hail to per
form the duties devolved upon me, 1 del -.min l
not to be betrayed or seduced into any indulgence
in the business here—and it is a business that has
been faithfully performed—was to discharge our du
ty to the country, not simply by speaking, but by
tliat action which shall tell. [Applause.]
I appear before you then—it is hardly necessary
forme to say—as every man is exj et ted to define
his position, to sneak in behalf of his country the
whole country and nothing but the country. [cis ers.|
1 appear herein support of Millard Filin.on- La
the Presidency of the United States, bet auso ho
is the friend aud supporter of that country and will
adhere to it to the last, ns he has always done hereto
fore.
Having said this much in respect to myself, 1 will
say but little more, and being a lawyer,mid a speak
er after the fashion of lawyers, you must give mu
some credit for self control in not saying more about
myselt. I have to say t hat the flags of the conflict
ing parties, if they may be dignified with the name
of Hags, are things with which we have nothing to
do, but to go to work and beat them, and tin- nu.ro
we beat them, the louder they widely out. (Cheers.)
But what Hag is that which is Healing over your
head, Mr. President I Is it. merely a miserable
piece of painted aud worthless bunting, decorated
and adorned with artistic skill for men* show, or is
it emblematical of the thirty-one States of th s
Un ou ? Why, every star there represents a sovt -
reign State, and in regard to that glorious constella
tion, you look in vain for anything earthly to com
pare to it.
In point of glory, you must turn fora resemblance
to the bright hosts above, whose constellations mu
tually borrowund reflect light, and move ivgu’aily
in their orbits, and shed their combined lustre over a
favorite world. [Cheers.] Where is the traitorous or
felon hand that would strike one star from that glo
rious constellation ? Where is the rebel that would
divide them into separate parts l
The Almighty will turn his cannon against those
traitors and demagogues who, like Nero, play their
meretricious tunes upon their political fiddles while
their Koine is burning. The Almighty has forbid
den it; you never can separate these States and
have them live. You might as well attempt to
sever the Siamese twins and expect them both to
live, as to separate any two of the States of this
Union and have them exist. Then let polit’ciins
plot and nuuueuvre us they will, they cannot suc
ceed in this.
This is a favored land, beloved beyond any other
land known, sustained by God in her adversity,
ami enjoying super-added blessings in her prosperi
ty ;sh6 is beyond the reach of man. 1 will stand
by that flag, it is a Hag of which Millard Fillmore is
the standard-bearer. It. ; s the Hag of the Union, the
star spangled banner of this glorious Union; and
let us cling to it to the last ; protect it from every
traitorous hand ; stand by it in adversity undHourisli
with it in its prosperity, and if it must fall—Heaven
forbid it should—let us fall with it, and leave not a
melancholy wretch to tell the story of tlmt bat
tle in which his liberty was cloven down. [Ap
plause.]
On motion Judge Chambers, of Maryland, the
President of the Convention was authorized to noti
fy the gentlemen nominated by this body for Presi
dent and Vice President, of their nomination.
Mr. llollans, of Louisiana, offered the following
resolution:
Resolved, That be a Committee to prepare
for publication and distribution the proceedings of
(this Convention, and the addresses made by lho
several members thereof.
Hon. Wm. A G ahatn, of North Carolinn, sugges
ted that the resolution be amended by striking
out that portion of it. which r< quires the publica
tion of the addresses, as that would probably make
too large a pamphlet, one which would not be gene
rally read.
Mr. Ketokum, of New York, said he hoped tlio
addresses would be published. He wanted the re
marks of the ex Governor of North Carolina —lion.
Wm. A. Gram. [Cheers.] He wanted his testimony
as a witness to go forth to the country.
Mr. IlaUam moved to till the blank with the
words “the delegation of Maryland,” which was
agreed to.
The resolution was then adopted.
Speech of Mr. Bond, of New York.
Mr. President: —The gentle man from Vii g'mki, Mr.
Rives, remarked lust evening, that his State must
have the credit of originating the call of this Conven
tion ; that it was her, if I may so speak, who had
blown the Whig resurrection trumpet. Il is worthy
of her, the able mother of heroes, the old mot In rof
statesman. [Cheers.] At her bidding the Whigs
of the Union have rolled away the stone from tho
door of their sepulcher, have past, off the old wriuk
led skin of corruption, and have come forth from
the wood-crowned mountains of the North—from
the beautiful vallies of the Pilgrims, from the great
commercial cities of our Union, from the pictures
que shores of tin; Hudson and the Alowhawk, from
the beautiful lakes of the Erie mid the Ontario,
from the rolling prairies of the West, and the banks
of the Mississippi, upon whose bosom even now, in
the infancy of our country, floats the commerce
of a world, from the sunny fields of the South,
“Where magnolia blossoms blow,”
arrayed in the whole Whig armor, as the shield of
their faith and the helmet of their political salvation.
[Applause.] Wo have come up here to manifest
our attachment to the Union, and to old fashioned,
long cherished, ever to be remembered, Whig prin
ciples ; that wc desire to preserve in their integrity
to the last, to preserve, too, the nati unlity of the
old Whig party, that we may,, parade at this elec
tion as we always have done on the national en
campment ground, and keep step to the music of
the Union ; that the same kind of music which was
played by our fathers on the plains of Yorktown,
anu around the base of old Breed’s Hill, in the glo
rious morning of the Revolution, when Washington
blew the trumpet of freedom and presided over its
resurrection in the new world. [Cries of good,
good.]
1 come, Mr. President, from the banks of the
beautiful Ontario, and near the home of Millard
Fillmore ; and, sir, I am exceedingly gratified, and
so are my colleagues, at the unanimity and cordiali
ty with which this old Whig Convention have en
dorsed the nomination of the standard bearer of t lie
American party as their candidate in the coming
Presidential contest.
Let me ask you, gentlemen, is he not worthy of
the honor bestowed ? Is there a blot upon his pi i
vate character ? Is there a stain upon his political
escutcheon T Did lie not administer the govern
uient, when President—made ho bv the voice of
God. through the removal by death of the il.ustri< us
Taylor—with all the dignity of a Wa. lington, with
all the justice of an Aristides and with ail :in firm
ness and decision of a Jackson. [Cheers J
Was he not the tried friend of those ‘ *«» great,
orbs of statesmanship in this country, Clay and
Webster, and who, since their retirement from of
fice, lmve sank to their rest in “unshadowed glo
ry”—orbs, or rather 1 might say star.*; of the first
magnitude, in the old Wing firmament, and which
wilFshine on, and on, uuquenebed,undiimned in the
horizon of fame, to enlighten and instruct mankind
long after the bodies of liiis vast auditory shall have
mingled with unconscious matter. Men who cara d
for themselves in their day and generation the fa ie
and reputation that will survive the obliv ion < f lie
tomb, and upon whom posterity will bestow lint
praise which was once Destowed upon the illustri
ous Chatham.
Recorded honors
Shall gather round tlieir monument,
And thicken over it. It la a solid
Fabric, ami will well support
The laurels which adorn it.
Does he not stand upon the same sound and con
servative piatfonn they occupied in relation to the
all-absorbing question of la very ? In a word, Ims
he not been identified with nil those great princi
ples of which he stands f orth the exponent !
But Mr. Fillmore needs no encouiurns from his
friends—in the language of Mr. Webster in his me
morable reply to Hay ne in behalf of old Massachu
setts—He “needs none. There be is—behold him,
and judge for yourself.’* The history of bis ad
ministration is his brightest eulogy, and through
the acts of that administration hi* name will float
down the stream of time, emblazoned by the ap
plauding voice of succeeding generations. [Ap
plause.]
If Mr. Buchanan should be elected, it would be
claimed as a victory of the South over th« North.—
Should Mr. Fremont be elected, il would be claim
ed as a victory of the North over the South. The
elevation of either therefore at this peculiar crisis in
our national affairs, would fail to allay sectional
strife, and to restore peace and harmony to the couu
try. Mr. Fillmore occupies middle ground. He
stands between the two. To use his own emphatic
and significant language, “if any man expei u me,
if elected, to administer the government for the
benefit of the North against the South, or the South
against, the North they need not give uie their suf
frages.”
iu the present distracted state of our country, rent
os our laud is v ith civil feuds, drenched us the soil
of Kansas is with fraternal blood, it seems to me he
is the limn for the times and the occasion—yes, 1
verily believe, ns firmly as 1 believe in the rev< ia
tionofthe Almighty God, that as the seer of o.d in
the days of drought and famine went upon the moun
tain top and saw there a little cloud no bigger than
a mans hand, which soon sent down a mighty show
er, so in these dark days of our political adversity
when the land is parched and blurted, and dried up
under the burning, blistering, withering sirocco of
\bolitioniem,does Millard Fillmore, like a man's
Land, stand forth for the further salvation of our
c/ommon country.
Mr Bond referred at some length to the duly of
the South to stand by tlie Whigs of the North in
support of Mr. Frlrimro—to ti.c necessity « f the
ißahiteuance of the Union, despite the fanatical ef
fort* of the abolitionists ot tie Noth, and c-<> »d
with a strong appeal to the Whigs of bulh the North
and the South to stand shoulder <0 shoulder in the
contest without any wavering or faltering.
The distance of Mr. Bond from the rep< run* ena
bles him togive but a meagre synopsis -of h * re
marks, which throughout wire received "i'h the
warmest demonstrations of approval, and wa; uu
questionably one ot the most brilliant and eilectivo
addresses delivered before the Convention
Speech of Governor Jlorebeml.
Iu response to many culls, Hon. Air. Morehead, of
N. C., spoke as follows :
Mr. President: I cannot but respond to the call
which has been made upon me upon this occasion.—
It would be strange if I did not feel any interest in
a meeting of the Whig pai ty here. The very stars
may fly from their orbits, meteors may fly through
space and fade uwuv to mere nothingness, but so
long as 1 live iiihv I be found revolving around
great centre of Whig principles. Eeight years ago,
Mr. Presid-nt,l Lad the honor to fill the seat you
now occupy.
The President. Did you use this ; avfl ?
Air. Morehead. Ido not know as it was that very
one. But the one I did use brought Millard Fill
more into the Presidency once ; and I challenge
yon to do the same thing ag:iin. [Laughter end
applause] Tlie great Whig captain, Henry Clay,
whs then up before us for the Presidency. My
State was unanimous tor him ; we held out as long
os there was any hope, until State after State gave
way, and still the ciiuinnnu of her delegation voted
“Clay* to tiiO last. [Applause] It was l!;»- lu.*t
time we could h* pe to bring cur gall; i 1 jl»i»f;in
"forward, the last opportum y we liadol'rt.- win?
that republics are not ungraU ful; and 1 never gave
him up until absolute necessity compelled me to do
[SEE SECOND JPAUE.]