Newspaper Page Text
tibrotudt &
U
[.-ONTIM FROM FIRST PAG* J
a 11, < i -st c avo os ano tin r Whig chief
&tbe Wli-K» 4*
~r u. ,t ~ .*. ft! U ; »,!* \ WUk
lull.*' l .. I k».ked to M«**e*UM>«* «»
~,,,1 hv North Carotin* a* me'Mood by l»-r io IT7*>.
Oi* nr>n‘l* after British soldiers <*h**d AiMncaa
t»lo <l ur* ,n Ami*iicio soil on the Ltb of April, 17* 6.
t-,. im- •>.* ■* t!;*» old North State proclaimed to the
v ! i ti»« v \>. i« n free and independent people
ai i«* Id i-mger submit to Brittsh domination,
ai pledge uves, our fortunes and our sacred
b*»n**i> to prot‘-*"t the liberties we claim* d cur
nglit J *U? Ito Monoachiiaetta to stand by us for
the m-* !i i .u command a (kUßflilhsd ion «d iters,
lloW | Jt> .... But the choice of that Convention
was ag o i.g.linst me, and they selected that num
w }u«, i.a .i- is now proposed to us- W ben we
WelJ t int*. that campaign, the spiriU of oar friend*
were very much subdued, when we found that
our glorious old captain had been act aside, and
it UKik u~ some time to gather up our soldiers.
t» t ■ f ew w ,wc went into that cam
.' ’ i ni| y\ ig» f»«u> id more gallantly under
tllebttinhof T*yl»r*n<l Fillmore tUn the *»M>ea
of N"rtij Carolina, and we triumphed in the old North
State. .
llu* Providence in bn* dispensation suott removed
our head fr**m u*. and Millard Fillmore occupied his
K ,£v«-ry ere was upon him, and when l wit
lx - tin- pfiition he assumed then, saw him take
tt« »Jan*i <>t an American statesman entertain iag
j, roUi * v „. w , ol government, working for the whole
Co..*n. setting aside his old, cherished and early
i, , , - and t the Constitution Cor Lis - guide
ai.-ij *•:<■ »uul«rt iu drfuux* of the prejudice, of
i Uwi» him the right men to rule
.. .r d - reut au.l iriorioua people I uo louger
I’* ted m believing that Millard Fillmore was the
ii mi. *,*• Wi.i -f. of the United States should support,
ii 1 V .. o!of the most glorious adnnmstra
li government has ever beer, blessed with.
~ tli j tij c presidential chair with the
>.i i • all good men who were honest in the ex
m e' 1 - on ct l heir <*• ii victionft. And how did he leave
our once distracted country 1 In peace, prosperity
end hapnii- ~ tending in every reepect towards
that 'relit d* -tiny which, I hope, we will yet reach.
He i.d't tin- - ountry to visit foreign clime*, and wbnt
d<i we -.*■'/ In the space of four abort years, acoun
,ry , abounding m everything pleasant. happy
ftii.l till w.th prospects brilliant w the rising
mil. j • tijih-r Democratic rule, become involved
iu n- i.r i. or*,thers hands dipped in brother 1 a blood,
worn*-!! and child eii fb-emg from the ruins of their
on j home- in on» section of the country, rc
beldon Stalkui abroad at rnsin day, and the great
j, o vi. of th<- United States unable to quel! an
n.j.-/nii.f-ant insurrection or U> give protection to
portion of the nation. Civil discord
n, *1 ri. art - ..reading .over the whole country.
l # n»rio>. tiu* a‘i *’ are looking around them to
tie i wl ere th* v «hu.. tlec for protection.
i o vviii.m e.ln they look but to him who in 1860
( hiV and VVei*«t» r, and all good and true men. ral
j, | „ i. |n vain they i*.*.k for Clay and Web
, , ~, v , ir <- gone to “that bourne from which no
tr.iviler return". Bat therein Millard Fillmore!
j( ;v , j i j,;h distriM'ted couutry costa Iwrryes
lui iiTJI-er s.hoies, and with outstretched arms she
v.him b»i K. And where is the man who
1, more inoi u! courage to march up to the discharge
_• vtt an Millard Fillmore f I will stand
u in his support, uud if 1 must fall, I will tali with
niv wmuiii ’sheet the glorious constellation of 31
** >h"president, you will pardon me for snying that
I r*-vretted to hear from your lips of wisdom on yes
t* r*uv a ref. nice to the fragments of the Whig
party" Th -. W hig party iu fragments '. The Whig
J 'the President ? No longer R). [Applause.]
.Mr More■head—No, sir. no longer is t tic Whig
party dead. ll* re me around me evidences tiiat
Whig* arc alive, and mo long os the goddess ot
his residence upon the terraqueous globe
W wnl live. '1 lu*y lived before the revolution ;
t> .v i> <xi ; h: u- to be the great people we now are.
‘j mil gh .‘us Whig whose hkeinss hangs over your
h d«l fsjiutiug t.. the portrait ot George Washing
I, -.limsc genius presides on all o*-casion» where
Wiiigs ii.eet t*-gether in behalf <»f their glorious
< ou• 1 1 1 . wlio led the glorious stripes and siars in
vii t »rv tl,r»»u . i uy a bloody Held of battle—tiiat
,rj ( ,riou, <-ld W - and bis print.pies can never die.
It , true tt,*- W lug party were defeated four years
vm * a luclanc-holy defeat for t he coun
ir- i..- Inis re"retted it ever since in sackcloth and
u/i. Our peoji'e. were deluded, and we stood
u uie’aiid gave them nn opportunity for a sober se
. i thought, ami they have had a dozen sober se
cuiiil tliougliM sifice. They hav* begun to repent
ol 1,( i. v l l delusion, and will it their interest ami
dm . to mil into our ranks and aid us in restoring
tliMcouutry to its former condition of peace and
prosperity. . . „ it
V\ |,ut tatlie pre-rent condition <>t tbe country ami
wliul 1..:.- b, ,-N iIH condition whenever the Demo
crat* have In ii in power ! Spoil*, apotle. bavebcepi
their ei\. 11 they Mould lie content W'lth the rtpoi'u
, would let them have the *|mils though the over-
I!,tr. usury of the lust lour years bus been
enough to e<irrupt any people but Americans,, and
dhi ton upleil a portion ot them, ltut down South
the . aie proclaimin'.', ns they proclaim everywhere
. it •, that til. re n no hope for the country but in Do
inncViu-y that I'iUmore has no mrcngtti; that none
lint the IteiniHwats mu save the South Iroui the
li n k Kepubliouiirt of the North. They liuvu laah
. d th. pontieal oeeau into u tempest and have mad
ly I. ii.ed into ii and now they come to ua and cry,
“help me Ca-hua,or 1 iduL. (Cheer* ) Let the
ambitious Ciesar go down, it were better that he
should lie lost and Koine be saved 1 than that Kome
altould sink and the tyrant live.
I have been amused at the course the Democrats
have 111 111 pursuing. I remember that in mill, it
as said that our gallant old chieftain from Ohio had
1,, e„ place.l in the hands of a emmmt.ee anil per
nutted to say nothing but wlmt had bust passed
tl iou"h Iheir litis 1 should like to know who istlie
Htiokesiimii Oi the candidate of the Democrat.e par
tv „.,w ! Wlmt law be, nine of Jimmy Bncliaimn '
■Phelad account. 1 hud of him ho Imd gone into the
, .mull p, Itlnm. (umghter) and bid good bye to
,| Id.lam. Huehutian. It will be with
I, mu with their hist president, who was si. green
~ , tl, ■(the Democratic party meant what
they sunt bv their platform. When they began to
t r tiiithe'iilunk* l.e nailed them down again with
I is vi lo nails, hill they tore them up ugmn and seat
ten a tlu mto the w inds. And so it will be with
.hums Huelmnau. It he can stick to the platform
it wall be on some lonely plank like the people of
Ijiir. L uml ill the Gull of Mexico, on tlu- plank o!
the tb.end manifesto, going down the Gull ot Mix
l, tone bow fulm is. (Laughter and applause.)
Who n spokesman now 1 ll"W shall wo address
trine stuui to him Where is he ; who who ; what
, Si far us lie is concerned lie isoutit theques-
I lu re is another candidate in the field, Mr. Irc
\\ lint . ntilles him to the confidence of the
... ml., of the great nation I Hut the Democrats are
tie i. .! ii.oi who should find “lull with him; thou
cniiise has hioughl him into the held, t hey set the
eminent . Xtm.plo in ■< “">* he t« now billowing m
tl„ ir looisii ps. They thru brought forth a candidate
pre-einineiirly dislinguiabed tor Ins courstrlaii per
|,„m,„„vi„ Mexico, and the ltlack Kepubbeena
hu\ e brought fill tl. a uiau perhaps a little more dis
tin)-ui.-'uMt mtl u same way. He is atast Bum, mm,
~ ,1 „s rule I, other thau any other man m a day,
* Cl .1 plat dat the h.tm of tins government would
.hive it to destruction at a gallop. Now l arn not
wtiliu to entrust him with that command, (five
llU r ole l e'.msuian, a man who took oommandof
the ship of ala* • "iiee before when nhe was towed
to and fro, and hr. nght her safe y- into port, with the
,od Os suel, teen us Webster and Clay and others. -
it’ll. ,is ) Hu is the mau for met to him 1 would
trust our snip of state. ~ ,
Wlmt slut' re de when we leave this assembly 7
lleictotoro i have had a sad let of our own ; hut
new we have not. Heretofore the Democrats said
we were for the spoils, when they were tiller the
same thing themselves. But now we are not for of
fice. v.c i, ive strictly no Whig candidate in the
fioui, we h u in an outside body, we have determined
to • e.pnort a tried man, whom we believe will give
m. ace 1.0. l pi.isperily to this country than tray
man We'hnvi re-elected him because wo
believe he is , nlilled to our confidence. Why
s', uule we no! tuk • him up 1 Because It us said be is
tin t .it liatc ni another party. NN by, bir » l! t " e
1 1, intH i-Hii parly had nominated eucb a man tw
tJfoivf Washington would you not support him .
J|„ I inev tak. .1 u I Mdiald lMlmere should you not
t1.,.,, support him f And if the American party will
■taml hv us, we will elect Millard Fillmore
ill: ■- j All lif the will not, T give them notice
now It,:;, we Whigs Intend to elect him anyhow.—
[l i• , Is I l. thev do not like our mail, let them get
ab. l:u one if th’ v call. [Laughter] We want a
M ifivsiden;, inid we will have a Whig Preffl
dei i i toe tiling : ■ eertaia, if he be President at all.
he » ,11 I . an AmericanPivsideut. mid that is w hat
wo waut. ....
Now about geographical discrimination. I want
but one g. eg- ,o,iileal limit—let us be bounded by the
lakes ill til, .North, tlu Gull in Mexico and the Kto
Guindeut tile South, the Atlantic on the Hast, and
tin Pacific on tilt West, ami within that let us all
tie a glorious blot lu-rhood of American*. (Cheers]
f about th North and the SouthT Where is
the North • Is.; ere unv North lu this glorious re
pul..,r \\ , , ;tie Northern part ot. your Con
'tiite.ion : . I w l.it a the Southern t Vi hut part in
this gi.-iu republic was the laud ofWashmgton,
\ ,t .b'.o.kbn. . lien Shall I not be
e:. . ~.n e„,; . fit. as my father bequeathed to
iu< . i ‘.t' d t Hi. iitod by th. blood oi \\ arrow 7
l : ; M.k O tut lie battle holds of Lexingtou,
li.ii.k. i U lb su n as my country 71 tvll
you l wsh.ordic in tlu* attempt to look upon them
as sta 11. [C cfH j Shah not the laud oi' Sumter
ata. .Uaraai bo mv laud ? Aye. sir, as long as
tint M, .1. ,!.*it bo so. It Wilson and Sumner
v!o tie ! ukv to :..vn v a foothold in a State %vkh them,
tin-., ;,i ]..,u. ,-.ivp t;f sac iu laud ot Maasaohusots
for 1 wiU not give it up.
i. (in dev and Heeoher seek to elbow roe from
t.., SUtiooi York. tl. v will imd hard olbowiug, and
v v,,;i have to go out themselves. I never will
j-.u'm taut one toot ot the soil of this gkuious
1', ’ ever be eonsidevod anything » .se but
Ms two. iu\ native land!" (Applause.] He
1 .1« \p«. to tight for the North against the
k : \ v |- raii.st he West, wui tind it
-
. w . be mistaken iu their mau, l am for the
v . c u t v t?o to Maine and where is Al. ssa
, ,\t the South Go to Massaehnsetts,
; v\ . - ...p ; i ,uit S .’e of Maryland ! At
. . Soul. tro to M;t \huui.'and where,is North
faro: i ■ AVf. \ - i. V—thank God, Sotlk Caro
\r ] We have a North under the
. ’ _ >uu oi t ,i South ; and yet they say they
will have this North
, vr t: I on ! Let the tieiy hotspurs ot*
;t v. it u tin v may : let the plotting
Nonh design it when they tv ill; lei
. , ; s vs i e li\God, send t«>rth their
s >: t . i..i their r order and budets . but
l a v *.. t v»t let them disturb if.
i V. . it v»-u- O i >JttuiH>n in one band
■ \, •. r,and with patriotism in
... ~.. .n v . .•v.\ ■ \ x o' ..us against dl the
; ,i\v i in. :e tarts*. (Covers and ap
plause ]
i \o i: is l*;.i Sr. H never eau be dis
*•!.•... t;.e tv*es et 7*» ima been
‘ t: .; tl t i of it has Icrt
\\ i ...- -> a 50.,; k of ti e Ideod of 76 in
< i., - vr : v.Mi fngwtll this I ’rion stvnd.—
App ' If-Hi.c 1-. > Coion : Never, never,
■ \ \\ ~v. ~ y u ay invite till the h reign
.. vs v . ;iw;y r. be ..urrilu-s inflames,
, s.- ... • . ->. ... :* ruii-s. and sendosrxr>vea
.. through tlie street- —but
v oi.. i ■ ;. s ;.s it i i the last gasp of
I ; t.: ; • i.y ”> (•;, tike the souKd ia
-uo : t'.'.i} ■■ , pro . . oilug htxti'.y and
i 1 .... vate’uwvi-d, nud tkat will save the
'
• a thyu> ;;d nuks, and would
• V , - . . • v :. It Ucoviasary. u. meet
. < s ut t-iiis Con .'cution. J
i , , -i ;• Ar-hvV. io iiear tia: w»k*e . £
\ Uuss Wtio > ybm>
j.* . - .y : • ,v-v: a :n% .it allowed that the
••. .. '.a i' as sv*u:e popcc imagine.
. i'.i : i-iui of bn'tUrrbwd whreh
i . I' . . t -o ii.-r. «;i:d wiJ never it
And permit me ;kre. Mr. Prr
■. it ; - •*o &it raark made by yeutrlf
’ . pi.v.o ivnvittatinii, v.htu you
. ,r s . i.ui v w.vs kui< and nveied t.-
.......
v« '.uT.-v. *n ."•. dogrve of latitude, that wid
• allow tii > gr.-ut Union to be severed. (Ap
plause.
, i* v •} '• to AN a<->?tabled here, let
• . < .. > -ui ir»•..*!■* ti.r-i m* ha Vo stood
• n ' . ks ut.d faumieistn of Uk»c who
i'ttve brought th> i ri>'s up«*u thu oountry, and we
bitvi: sa, : :. -i a word, but haw given them fug
swi* gin their mad t ><• letliug them cut the.r vwu
.i . ,r- n-ueh as they p10t..-:-. (Laughter ai.d up
pbi/se ] 1' inn; may purify tue country to k-t
. t Oil iu -ucl: a u»-v-r of madness and* f**Uv.-
V -A, ; t*. !»«•:.il Seott r-eut into Kan
« i aid x..tvo uaiotvd that distracted people tin!
. . oared’ pcaoAP. (Applause ] Hut, sir, no poUticU
v.- ,Ad have i:v ii made* out of it And an
thing. Who U the prime minister ot tics
rtdunnistraliou 1 ,
'1 h i nan vvliO, s! ips tvk re- *.!»-u any other, iuis
nttei ii.lv i i • wonyihit great V ' J '
TStGi 'itV.lWa WL-liiHi.Gai S.Li, was Md lH
.ii i>jw ii . i.r-.a i:vo --ary to iu!ti!i i *
‘jtcho •( ;.*■;« r.« .1 the saying ain tit the l : 'i sty
plate ot ;• l it. Xl .v V' dilas WIU- b*i i UKti mixed ,
1 .'him ••(A •.-. i•k*' flu.r Slates. (Lhuuli
, tui it rt ..v .ii oiith aft< iua i.th. t
‘* ti .\ ; * lake VentA'm*,and at length he had
t.* ntri|» the Fhips of their guns, and in spite of the
alm ni* ration worrying at tee’s, he went and
took the city by storm—be took it, to use his own 1
emphatic language, with a fire in front oud in rear,
and applause.] The conquest be arhiev- '
ei ni Mexico was one that was never excelled in the
records «»ftbif country's worfans.
Andti*en what was his rewapd at the hands of the
ndininislraticto ? He Was put *»b trial before acourt
martial . th* great» st captain of the age is called
before Buchanan and and sent to a court
martial. If aver uiv blood Irdled it was eight years
ago when I in*t tlie old chieftain at Washington on :
his wav to that court martial. I asked him where ,
he was' g.iing. He said “to the town of r redenck, ,
Md.’’ For who*. / I asked. To attend a Court .
martial ” said he. “What is the charge against
you ?” I enquired. “God only knows—you must J
ask the administration, not im?. I never have been i
disgraced in the fieid, but their desqpu is to disgrace j
me before the country." Fellow-citizen*, can any
of you tell what Gen. Scott was arraigned for ? l
think not.
Hut to return to North Carolina I shall return
bona 3, and if I can only have the a*uranee that
the glorious State of New York will do its duty, I
am sure that I have only to tell my fellow citizens
in North Carolina so, and victory will perch on
our banner, and unless you are very speedv of
foot and strong of arm, we will outstrip yon. [Ap
plause 1 , ,
I heard a remark while on my way here from a
Democrat, that the Whig party was only as a brake
anon the great Democratic train that was sweeping
over the land. That was intended ns a out, but it
was like an unfaithful blunderbuss—it hit the man
behind harder than the object in front [Laughter.]
The Democratic train is rushing on to destruction j
with an open draw bridge ahead and with inevita- j
ble ruin in prospect is shouting out to the Wbiga, t
• Brisk up. or we are gone.” [Laughter.] Sir,
toHxik God we are on board, and we will let them
go on and plunge heels over head into the abyss.
[Applause ] Certain it is, that either they or the
country have got to be destroyed, aud we are for
savingthe latter. [Applause.]
Speec h of Hiram Kefrfmm.
Hun. Hiram Ketc hum, of New York, then re
gponded for that State, iu answer to the call, as fol
lows :
The time hog come iu our proceeding* when it is
necessary to ask what can we do ? We have re
solved nobly and patriotically; now what can we
do to carry out our resolution ? I fetand here to
speak for New York. The eyea of the whole coun
try are directed to her and the question comes from
North Carolina and from Virginia, and from every
other State, what will New York do ? I say. gen
tlemen, she will give her electoral vote for Millard
Fillmore. (Prolonged cheers for New \ ork.] Aye,
proclaim it on thehottse top, and by the wayside,
that New York w for Millard Fillmore. [Renewed
cheers ] Do you a*k how I can speak with such
confidence ? I will t*di you.
The party in New York for the support of Mr.
Fillmore is in a better state ot organization than
any party ever was before in any part of the Uni
ted States. [Cheers.] It can count its numbers,
and it can outnumber the foe ; what more is want
ed to predict a certain victory. [Applause.] We
shattered a breakwater against the flood that is
pouring in from the Fast and from he West and
threaten# to overwhelm the South. (Applause.] I
wish lhe members hero today, cuulu have witneps
ed the procession iu the city of S* w Y ork on F riday
oveniiig lael—such a procession us was never aeen
in til** United Staten before. [Applause.] I wish
they could have witnessed the demonstrations from
tiie side walks and balconies aud all around, as that
procession inarched through the streets A feeling
has been awakened iu New York, tiiat is bound to
carry all before it ; but I feel bound to say that feel
ing is an American feeling. [Applause] The
common people, the laboring people ol the city of
New York, who are the index of what exists iu
every city, have come to a determination not to be
conquered in their own country. [Applause.]
They mean to maintain their nationality anu go ou
to victory.
Sow Mr. President, I wish I could.feel even that
Virginia would stand side by side with New-York.
With New-York at the head of the free States and
Virginia of the slave States, we would command
the peace. (Cheers.) I hope we shall hear some
responses from other States, spoken with the confi
dence that I speak for New-York.
Mr President, alter the death of Henry Clay and
Daniel Webster, having served iny party aud my
country for a long time, I retired from politics, and
wus most happy in tiiat retirement. But when this
cauvass commenced 1 asked myself if I could re
main in retirement any longer, aud I felt that I could
not. But I determined to lie sure of my ground. I
had known Mr. Fillmore for a quarter of a century,
and had entertained a good opinion of him, but I
thought 1 would make myself more sure.
It happened about that time that our distinguished
countryman, Edward Everett, was in the city of
Now- 1 ork pronouncing lis glorious eulogy on
Washington. (Applause) I called on him and
asked him what his opinion of Mr. Fillmore was,
knowing that having oeen a member of his cabinet
he had had ft good opportunity of learning his char
acter and qualities as a statesman Without going
•tito details, gentlemen, the opinion given by that
distinguished man was about ss favorable as any
that could be expressed; said he, the executive
ability of Mr. Filimon- is of a most extraordinary
character, (applause) he is a man of great legal learn
ing, a true patriot uud a linn statesman. (Applause.)
Tiiat, gentlemen, was the testimony of Edwaru
Everett, and that, let me tell you, was the opinion
of his predecessor in office, Daniel Webster. [Ap
plause J
And this testimony, gentlemen, I am to
know, is corloberatod by that of our worthy Vice
President of North Carolina, who was also a mem
ber of Mr. Fillmore’s cabinet. That testimony you
have heard, and there is not a better witness ol a
faet in the United States than William A Gra
ham. j Loud cheers. ] With the testimony of such
distinguished and competent witnesses, what can
you or any reasonable man require more ? (Ap
plause J
And now, my frieuds, all we have to do is, to put
him in. When I say that New Y'ork will give her
vote for Mr. Fillmore, lam making no guess work.
There never were gatherings of the people so nu
merous and enthusiastic in any Presidential canvass
within my memory as those* I have seen for Mr.
Fillmore. [Applause. |
I happened to be at Albany on some professional
business, when the Republican ratification meeting
was helu. It was a pleasant night, aud i say here,
upon iny reputation as a witness, that that meeting
was a failure. There was note numerous meeting,
and but little enthusiasm, aud yet from the Re
publican papers you would have supposed that it
was the largest and most enthusiastic ever held iu
the country.
And here let me relate an anecdote of what oc
curred on that occasion. lining at my lodgings,
c'.tsM by the meeting, a person came to me re
quested me to make a speech to the meeting. Said
1, “I am rather hoarse, and would not wi*h to speak
in the open air ; and moreover, in candor I must
say, lam for Mr. Fillmore.” “You lor Fillmore 7”
said he. “lea, I have made up my mind to go for
Fillmore.” He looked me steadily fora moment,
and then, putting his raou h close to my ear,said he,
‘•So am I. [Great laughter.] And so it is, gen
tlemen, the moment it is understood that there is a
prospect for Mr. Fillmore, the “So ani l’s” will mul
tiply. [Applause.]
1 have spoken for New York, I believe New Jer
sey will also come to our help, aud l hope something
from Pennsylvania, though I shall ask Pennsylva
nia to (peak for herself when I Bit down. Let us
hear also from Kentucky, Tennessee, Louisiana and
Ollier States.
Gentleman, there lire circumstances of congratu
lation at thin our meeting. The skies are bright
above us, the health of the country was never bet
ter, the abundanoe of the product* of the earth has
never been greater than this year, aud uotwithstand
ing every attempt to embroil us in a foreign war,
we nro at peace with every nation of the world.—
But there is war at eoine. We are distracted, we
are divided, and we have a right to ask what is
the cause of this distraction ? 1 think we arc bound
to answer that it is owing to the conduct of the
present administration—that is the cause of all our
trouble.
When Mr. Fillmore left the Presidential chair all
was peace—every disputed question was settled—
there was no discontent throughout the land. Shall
vie say that the Democratic purty originated ull
this trouble in which we are now involved / Why,
tli*» act which caused our present troubles was not
asked for by the Democratic party either North or
South, —it was originated at Washington urnong
the representatives of that party there, who passed
that repeal of the Missouri Compromise. They are
chargeable with all this mischief. Aud what has
been the consequence ! The Democratic party
have repudiated the head of the Administration,
but they have not suiliciedtiy repudiated the acts
of those men, and therefore I believe that party
will not carry a single live State. [Applause.]—
The loaders of the Democratic party have kin ded
such nuagitation as never before was known in the
North. American blood has been shed by Ameri
can bands upou American soil, and there has been
no government, no law, to punish the offenders.—
The American people are mud, aud it is the Demo
cratic Ammibtmtiou that has made them so. [Ap
plause.)
Mr. K. then adverted to the assault on Mr. Sum
ner as another cause of the preseut agitation „in the
North, and, without defending cither of the parties
in the assault, expressed his regret at the occur-
IV uce.
And what is the evidence of that madness? It is
that the party have chosen Jobe C. Fremont with
no other principles and policy than a desire to make
war upon the South, upon the institution of slavery.
For that purpose they have chosen John C. Fre
mont, luvugiit up in the State of South Carolina, as
their standard bearer ngains t the South, lie has
uot u single precedent to authorize them to believe
tliat lie would carry out their principles. And what
is Uk* further inducement. They have charged he
proceedings which caused ali this difficulty upon
the South, whereas it was the act of the Democratic
party. 1 find in a speech made by Gov. Jones, of
Tennessee, once a Whig, but who has now* seen fit
to leave us, he said in the Senate of the United
States that that measure w ould have been carried,
if not a single South* in Senator had been in his
Seat.
Now what madness is this ? And what is the
remedy t We come uot here as an anti slavery par
ty. or as a pm-slavery party ; but we come here as
mo constitutional party of the country. [Applause.]
And we take as our standard-bearer a man w!k> has
bean tried, in whose favor is the best testimony that
can be gathered, who has been tried and approved
—not ns was said by my distinguished friend from
Pennsylvania, Mr. Brown, a few days, in reference
to another—not tried and convicted.
Anti aw. my friends, I hone to hear, what can be
doue by other States, aud if 1 may be permitted to
call upon oueofthem, 1 will call upon the one next
in aise. upon Pcimsylvauia, to tell us what can be
dime iu tuat State.
Speech of'John P. .Sanderson.
John P. Sanderson, of Pennsylvania, said that in
the absence of Mr. Brown, of Pennsylvania, the
delegation of Philadelphia, had requested him to
respond to the call made upon that State. This is a
sort of anxious meeting, in" which the members of
the different delegations are placed upon the anx
ious seat to raakefa eonft sdon. I shall confine my
self to the performance of tiiat duty on the part of
:l.e State lin part represent. So far as Pennsylva
nia is concerned I can only say. for the Whigs and
the Americans of that State as Edward Miller said
,«i a metaorable occasion : “we ll try.*' One thing
l can say, and 1 say it that my friend? of the South
may not he mistaken: her own Mr. Janies Buchan
ji car.not get die electoral vote of the State ot
Pennsylvania.
We are now encaged in a State contest, a State
canvass, the election for which OMoes otfon the Se
cond Tuesday of October: and 1 say here with the
utmost c« tiddeuce, as the unanimous expression of
lhe opinion of oar friends, that the result of that
election will show that the Democratic party is iu a
minority es st least 4»UAH» votes in the Keystone
State. [Applause.} What the result will be in the
election of November, alter we shall have achiev
ed U»e previous contest of ( Vrober. will depend in
a great measure up* n the action of our friends else
vrher* and u order that we may kuw what is the
sentiment of Kentucky. Tennessee. Louisiana and
ot k Mates of the South, frosn which we have not
yet heard, that we may be able to go borne and
Mate :«> cur friends what will be done to assist us
*We where. 1 hope some ot our Southern friends wili
give us tVir opinx-n upon this matter.
*• merit of Mr. Kdwnrti Cooper, of Tran.
• ‘ ‘l; >r< u:. : one of the youngest members of
tuts Coijveiirtcu. I will respond to that caH In ev
er > P-*ch<?d battle since the orgnnration of the
, * Js m every good tight that lias been
tougldj Tennessee i.as always been found on the
right side in the Controversy Tn IS4Q, when under
the head ot Gen JI an bon, of Ohio, the Whig can
didate was law no *u trirv.pl into the Executive
Chair oftiie TJbior, TVruessee roiled up her thou
*au& In his sunpc if. In 1 $-14, when the Democrat
ic party 2>rest nted for our consideration one of the
chosen ehildrtn ofTennessee, James K Polk, and
the Whigptrty presented Harry of the West, cheers;
Tennessee, true to her Whig principles and laerpro
fes ions of loyalty to the Uuiun, cast her vote for
Henry Clay.
Id IS4B, wU n the Whig party assembled once
uiorr m convention, and \ resected to the consider*-
t:on of Turner the name of Zachary Taylor, we
wtul home, nauattred our fun * i upon the battle
treld, uftd rolled up our thousands and tens of them.
MU;d c m favor. Aud iu I*s* tie Whig pany,
ouce more iu con veil*, l. n presented to
n*oomjd< WMga of T«*»<«Ke the
’ ine »»f \> tvtu Id i. r PnteMh*uf, n«4 tiieuaift* s
’• iw hou» rnMe gfuiWman from North Carolina,
;.ov. pr»-fem. (' lit*-; s aid .-ppmusef fbr Vice Preei !
usnt f«H IHi times in the convfirtiep I
,-U..UT I. «b, „• >. r. - • r n .
\ sill 1011, free ?oc*:.> It or.*' v..re of the •
'
L.w-couutryuien and leHow-< went home *
and fotn’M tlie tight in that contest for \\ infield
Scott, because he was the representative of the
high, the noble, the conservative principle, of the
Whig party.
And I have come here again to have my Whig
faith renewed, and to have onoe more re-affirme*i
those principle*for which I have battled in Tennes
see. ever since my age permitted me to take a posi
tion in the arena of politics. I come here again be
cause I believed it was due to the chosen son of
New York, who had stood by us m the trying scenes
of 1850, who knew no North or no South, but who
maintained the integrity of the Union by the ad
ministrative qualities of his great mind in that try
ing day. I thought it due to him that Tennessee
miMMiki’mioud by 000 sustain bun now. icheers and
applause, and I tell you, of the New York delega
tion, what I know to be true, that as sure as the ides
of November shall come, so sure as the waning and
the waxing of toe moon, Tennessee will give itf;r
vote for Fillmore and Doneteon, (applause) and why
would she not do it ! If in times past ?be has been
able to grapple with the enemy ana wrest from him
laurels of endowing glory, if she is Whig, if she is
for the Union, now wL*m she has for her chosen
leader, a man whose post history gives us a guaran
tee that we cun rely upon him, whose reputation is
such that we can mention no single one of the great
measures that calmed the country in 1850, but the
refers to the great name of
M ifiord Fillmore, why should she not support him?
Fellow citizens of the North, you have jom fa
natics, your men who would rend this Union for
! their own paltry purposes, Cor their own selfish ag
I gruiidizemeat. Again.-; them Millard Fillmore
I stands like a rock, impregnable. In the South we
j have our disunionists, men who for their own sei
! fish purposes, for their own personal aggrandize
■ rnent, would tear down and destroy the beautiful
i edifice erected by our forefathers, and from
amongst its crumbling ruins, hope that they can float
on the popular wave from their obscurity into pow
er. Against these men, when they assembled in
convention in 1850, Andrew Jackson Donelson stood
up and battled manfully, and I tell you there is not
a single sentiment embodied in these resolutions,
for the union of these States against the fa
naticism of the North and the secessionism of the
South that will not find a hearty response in the bo
som of Andrew Jackson Donelson. [Cheers ] I
know tlie man, and I know his sentiments, and I
know that every pulsation of his noble heart beats
in unison with ours for the union of these United
•States. [ Applause.l Therefore I pledge Tennes
see to you of New York, of Pennsylvania, of New
.Jersey, of Massachusetts, of the whole North for this
ticket, because I believe we will carry it.
What then is our duty ? For a young man to
speak to old men and tell them what is their duty,
would be temerity. All I can say is, that in this
contest we have our enemy to contend against in the
South ; you have your enemy to contend against iu
the North. We will muster our forces; gather to
gether our clansmen, and marshal them to the fight,
and I tell you that as soon as that contest comes on,
you will not find a remnant of the rampant Demo
cracy left upon the soil of Teuneesoe. [Applause.]
We are cheered here by the smiles of women, and
with that assistance what can not men do ? Wo
men can do much in this contest. She cau tell us
the right, aud exhort us the right to preserve.—
When we are fighting for the peace and good of the
country, we will be cheered with the knowledge
that there are eyes watching for our return from
the battle, and will grow brighter as we bring mule
and more sure tokens of success. [Cheers and ap
plause.]
Hon. William A. Graham said, that without pre
suming to be officious, he would call upon another
gallant State of tlie South, where the Whig flog baa
always floated iu triumph—the noble, gallant State
of Kentucky. [Applause and cries of “Nicholas,”
“Nicholas.”]
hpeerii of Judge Nicholas, of Kentucky.
Judge Nicholas, of Kentucky, responded to the
call for that State. He said the quest ion was asked
where will Kentucky be in this contest ? As a repre
tentative of that State, when the salvation of the
Union was, as he understood it, involved in the
question, he could only respond that she would be
where she ever had been upon every battle field,
either against a foreign or domestic Coe, on the side
of the country. [Cheers.] lam no party man, Mr.
President; I cannot speak from practical acquaint
ance with such matters as to tne prospects from
counts, all I can say is, those who have the means
of knowing the state of feeling in Kentucky have
told me (and it was one of my inducements for com
ing here.) “If you can be instrumental, through
the Whig National Convention, in arousing the old
Whig feeling in Kentucky—if you can arouse some
thing of tiiat zeal manifested in the log-cabin cam
paign, the victory is certain.” I had hoped that this
Convention, considering the importance of Ken
tucky and Tennessee, at this particular juncture,
could have done something with a special eye, the
rally of the old Whigs of those States. Others bet
ter qualified than myself to judge have thought that
some different course was proper for what J myself
have proposed, and I yield to them with the most
perfect submission.
The leaders of the Democracy are ti lling the peo
ple of Kentucky aud Tennessee that the Union is
in danger—great danger—that Fillmore stands no
chance, and that Buchanan alone can save it. Now
you said yesterday, Mr. President, and it was well
said, and 1 hope you will prove it hereafte , that the
old Whigs arc the life-guard of the Union. Tlie De
mocratic leaders of Kentucky and Tennessee are
claiming they they are the life guard of the Union.
Tlie great deceiver of olden time when he was about
to seduce the mother of the human family put on a
form not his own; the angel touched him with his
spear aud instantly the demon was developed. Now,
sir, touch this false, this bogus party; strip it of its
disguise aud show it to the people of Kentucky and
Tennessee in all its deformity and ugliness, and
there will be no doubt as to the result of the issue in
this struggle in these, two States. Satisfy the people
that the Union is in dauger—and I most solemnly
believe it is in imminent peril—send that word forth
from this Convention as the conviction of the collec
tive Whigs of the Unions gathered here for consulta
tion, and Kentuckians ami Tennesseeans will again
be found battling shoulder to shoulder in defence of
tlie common country. [Cheers.] There is not a na
tive of Kentucky every throb of whose heart does
not beat in loyalty and devotion to this Union, or if
there is a disunionist there he dure not unmask
himself, lest he bring upon himself public odium
and infamy. TeJ the people if by that the Union is
in danger and that this danger has been brought up
on it by the Democratic party leaders for selfish
ends, tiiat these leaden, become alarmed at a young
lion crouching in their path that was not afraid to
grapple with that party in the day of its greatest
strength, when it had at its back 27 of the 31 States
of the Union—when it had its 50,000 office-holders,
its hundred thousand State officers, and its five
hundred town and corporation officers to back it ;
that that young lion was the American party, which
hud secretly and quietly organized and Waited for the
proper time to come to make the assault, and then,
like Macduff's men, casting aside their armor, had
shown their enemies what they were proclaiming
themselves Americans who believed in tne principle
tiiat Americans should rule America, [applause.]
and that the Democratic leaders, with that instinct
which lias signalized them above the leaders of
, every other party, foreseeing the danger and hear
ing the rumblings of the approaching earthquake,
, which beginning at the North threatened to bo more
violent at the South, resorted to the measure of the
repeal of the Missouri Compromise in the hope of
giving the party a new prop and foundation upon
w hich to rest.
I)o you suppose that those leaders did not know
i what would be the effect of that repeal—the extent
[ of the excitement it would produce? They well
knew it. Do you suppose they had forgotten their
soleinu promises to the nation that, nothing should
be done in or out of Congress to agitate the slavery
question? They never forget their promises except
i when it suits their purpose to do so. In despite ot
their solemn pledge, the salvation of the party re
quired this effort to be made, and they boldly made
it. They repealed the Missouri Compromise for the
very purpose of produoing the excitement which it
, has caused, under the eon fldent belief that it would
be the means of whipping the Southern States into
> submission to their arbitrary will.
Explain this to the people: tell them that these
rampant defiant democratic leaders have been com
-1 pelled to go with bended knees to supplicate the men
. with whom they have recklessly warred fora quar
[ rer of a century—men whom they have traduced
and vilified—to come to their aid or the Union is
destroyed. Tell them that such leaders have no
right to claim to be the life guard of the Union—that
they are usurping your office and function, satisfy
them of that, and I tell you there is little chance of
people of Kentucky and Tennessee, ever confiding
the reins of government to their corrupt and dishon
est hands. (Applause.)
Response of Kentucky.
Mr. Nathaniel Wolf, ofKentueky, then addressed
the Convention as follows:
Mr. President, I rejoice in the events of this day,
—that it has been my priviledge to participate in the
Eroceedings of this Whig Convention, and to contri
ute my exertions to the resuscitation of that glori
ous party whose leader now reposes under the sod of
Kentucky. The Whigs of Kentucky stand ready
now as ever to do their duty—to defend the Consti
tution and the Union, which the voice ol Clay in
days of yore inspired them to support. The question
has been asked me, will Kentucky sustain Millard
Fillmore ? It is impossible that she should be recre
ant to her duty. W hat is there to wed Kentucky
to Democracy ?
That party opposed every measure proposed by
her great statesmen and by the great statesman of
of the North, for the peace, happiness and prosper
ity of this country, and Kentucky will uot forget it,
now. She is \\ hig to the core, and oa sure as the
sun will rise to-morrow the flag of the Whig party w ill
float in triumph in Kentucky iu November next.
, [Applause.] We have met here to reaffirm the
, principles which have governed us in times past,
and although not sufficiently strong to present a
candidate strictly our owu, we have strength,
enough to insure the eietiou of that man who will
stand by the Union to protect every man whether
■ on the Atlantic or the Pacific. [Cheers.]
There are in Kentucky i!o,wo Old Line Whigs
who voted against the American ticket because
they did nut appt overall the principles of that party.
They doubted not their patriotism, their devotion to
the Union, and their vote will be cast for Miliard
, Fillmore iu November next. I hope Massachu
setts will give as encouraging an account of herself
as will Kentucky. Why should she not standby
the side of Kentucky, as Kentucky has always
! stood by the side ot Massachusetts In the time of
her trail in her levolutionary history ? Their giant
Webster and eur immortal Clay stood forth together
in defence let them join us hand iu hand in the great
crisis upou us.
Response of .Massachusetts.
William C. Fowler, of Massachusetts, then address
ed the Conventißu as follows :
I speak, Mr. President, at the request of the Mas
sachusetts delegation. The question has been as
ked, will Massachusetts support Millard Fillmore?
She did support him for the Vice Presidency, and
also while he was the President of the United States,
and in consistency she ought to support him now.
But there are two sorts of men in Massachusetts,
equally patriotic, perhaps, but of different tempe
rament : the one chvss quick and impulsive, such as
Jon. Quiuey Adauisaud Josiah Quincy, I aud regret
to see how they have concluded to act in this crisis.
But there is another class there; sober, second
thought men, like Daniel Webster, now ami*ug the
dead; and Edward Everet, among the living.—
[Cheers.]
There is time for tliein to speak between now and
November. Mr Monroe once said " pnncipia, non
hominetn," principles, not men. That was appro
priate at the time he said it. But now the motto
should be “ principles and menprinciples as mark
ing the men, and men to carry out the principles.—
How do we get at the principles of a man or of a
party ? not by a creed or a platform but by their
past history, past lives and past conduet. How do
we get at the principles of the Christian religiou ? I
speak it with reverence. Not by the creed, but by
the life of our Savior when he went about doing
good.
When a man is brought forward who in hie past
life has done but little to bring out his real princi
ples, how can we ie&m what they are? Not by
platforms, for they mean everything or nothing, ac
cording to future contingencies. Neither can we
get at the principles of a man who has never been
in political life and never done anything to show
what iik principles are. But when” you bring for
ward a man like Millard Fillmore, ’actions speak
louder than words.’ - He is a living principle to be
known and read of by all men. Hi* experience was
iu the very position to whk h we now reeommeud
his elevation. In a period of darkness and dismay
he took the helm of Mate, and cemented the Union
by his exertions for the good of the whole country.
The present times are as dark as they were then,
and with the same men at the head of the govern
ment we may expect the same result. Give ua the
who weathered the storm once before—give us Mil
lard Fillmore, t Applause.)
We are now in the same condition in which were
the children cf Israel after the death of David and
Solomon. Our great men who expounded the Con
stitution for us are in their graves. And we can go
with benefit to the history of the Jews, end there
gather instruction for our further course. They re
jected the counsel of the wise and the old men. aud
took the counsel of the yopng men, and, under
the lead of an industrious young man, as the Bible i
has it, under the lead of an epergetic man, Jero- ]
boaiß, ten tribes in the north formed a pew dynasty ’
themselves, and left the other tribes in the*south, <
and aH became an easy prey to the spoilers around 1
them.
We are a maTjufactming people at the North, and i
OOSntauM political opinions can be manufactured t
to f»rder. We are a commercial people, and f
on the political 'change the bu2s gonfetnhee push 1
np the political stocks far beyond their real value t
and sometimes the political bears puff them down e
beta* their actual worth. And we are also a poiiti- f
eal and moral people, and in a case Irk* the present, s
one of the classes I have referred to is mcihied in its (
zeal and pasaion to do a greet political wrong for t
the sake of ac ••mpli-Vuing a little political good.—
What the Slat* will do in this contest I know not
Much will depend up** the action of the Whigs, and
all I can say, is, God speed the good old Y\ big
cause!
Ur*]>«iM<- of Delaware*.
I>r. J. W. Thompson, of Delaware, in response to
the call for that Jfcate, compared the Whig party to
a patient he once bad. who said he could not die
while sitting up. He believed it was not well for
men to remain too long in office —they were too apt
to think after being in office many years that the
government belongs to them. This was the case
with the Democrats now in power. As for the State
of Delaware he believed that she would cast her
▼ote for Mifiard Fiflmore, but if be should be mis
taken iu this, he could give the guarantee of au
old Whig, who never changed his colors that if
the election should go into the House of Repre
sentatives, Delaware hod a uian there that would
have both his arms amputated rather than vote for
any other candidate than Millard Fillmore. [Loud
cheers ]
Kcspon-c of Murjlawd.
Mr. John Dennis, of Maryland, spoke for that
State. Ho said he was a plain man and a fanner.—
He had listened to the discussions in this Conven
tion with gladness of heart. He had stood by the
Whig party in its days of adversity and defeat, he
had baitled in the minority from 1828 to 184 b and
would b&ttle on till yonder sou with him should rise
and set no more. He rejoiced to believe that the
winter of their discontent was to bo succeeded by
the glorious summer of this son of York. [Laugh
ter and Applause ] It Lad been said that Mr. Fill
more stood no chauce : how stood it now ? He be
lieved Mr. Fillmore would roll un a majority in
the State of Maryland that would gladden the
heart of oil true Whigs and lovers of the Union.—
[Applause.]
Response of Ohio.
Gov. Allen Trimble of Ohio, was next called upon,
and in response said he supposed it was well under
stood that the Whigs had very little to hope from
Ohio in regard to the election of Mr. Fillmore. But
there were some uncommitted Whigs who had not
gone for either Fremont or Buchanan, and he was
one of that number. He begged leave to state that
he had been all his life a plain fanner and a Whig,
and he expected also to die a farmer and a Whig.—
[Laughter and applause ]
The first misfortune of the Whig party of Ohio
was from what he called treason iu the legislature
which gave it a majority of Democrats, when in
fact there ought to Lave been a majority of Whigs.
That broke tbe party down, but had it not been fo*
the repeal of the Missouri Compromise that gave
Ohio to the abolitionists, who were very numerous
in the Western reserve, he had no doubt the Whig
party would have recovered. Still, when the result
of tlie deliberations of this Convention should go
abroad aud the peonle of Ohio learned that the
Whig here ossemnlea had taken the Constitution
of the United States for their platform, and declared
undying love to the Union, the Whigs of Ohio
would flock to the ark erected here like doves to
the window. [Applause.]
lie could uotsay he Lad any confidence tiiat Ohio
would carry Mr. Fillmore, but he had confidence
that they would give him a very respectable vote.
At any rate there were Whigs iu Ohio who would
vote for liim whatever might be his prospect there,
and he hoped when his friends Lore saw, as many
of them doubtless would, their State*going over
Jordan, they would pray for Ohio. [Great laugh
ter.]
Governor T. said that had Judge McLean been
nominated by the Republicans, many of the old
Whigs would have considered it their duty to sup
port him, but when they chose Mr. Fremont, they
considered themselves absolved from the : r obliga
tion to support the nominee of that party, and would
go for whom they pleased. They felt like support
ing Judge McLean because he had been a true
Whig, who would bring that party to life ; but now
they would go for Mr. Fillmore. As for Mr. Douel
sou, he had not felt inclined to go for him, bpt for
the sake of harmony he yould support lfim with all
his heart. [Applause.]
It espouse of Louisiana*
Mr. George W. Helm, of Louisiana, in behalf of
the State, gave his reasons for believing that
Louisiana would cast her vote for Mr. Fill more.—
The Democratic leaders there hud raised the hue
and cry that there was no chance for Mr. Fillmore,
and the consequence had been that the Whigs of
that State had held themselves in reserve. But he
was happy to state that they had looked forward to
she meeting of this Convention ns the day star of
their hopes, and in view of its action he could now
promise their hearty support for Mr. Fillmore.—
(Cheers.)
The gentleman then adverted to the history of
the American party in Louisiana, and said that it
was never better organized than at present. (Ap
plause.) There were not in this Union men more
alive to the American organization, than the Cre
oles of Louisiana, who were of the Catholic persua
sion ; and not to be in favor of Mr. Fillmore there,
was to say that they were not creole. With the uni
ted effort* of tho Americans and the Whigs, tlie vote
of Louisiaup would be given to Fillmore and Done]-
non. (Cheers.)
As a proof of the popularity of Mr. Fillmore, he
spoke of the enthusiastic reception he had received
in New Orleans, when Mr. Fillmore said, “ YVhat
have I done, gentlemen and fellow-citizens to merit
th ; s demonstration—this out poring and outgushing
ot fee ing that is manifested in your city ? It is
true I have occupied the office of president of the
United States, hut what have I done? If I have
done anything in the execution of the laws of this
country :t has been under my s worn obligations to
carry out the laws of the Union.”
I tell you, Mr. President, and fellow Whigs, that
the people of Louisiana will not prove recreat to the
expression of their preference for Mr. Fillmore as he
now stands before them, as the nominee of both the
American and the Whig party, and I confidently
believe that the State will give him at least 3,000
majority. (Ijoud applause.
Kewponsc of ItliissachimcttN.
Mr. J. Washington Warren, of Massachusetts,
now begged leave to submit the following resolu
tions, hoping to draw forth a response from the Pre
sident ot this Convention and his judgment upon
the unfortunate state of affairs now transpiring near
his own home.
Resolved , Thai the thanks of this Convention be
given to the Hon. Judge liatrs, of Mo., for the most
able and acceptable maimer in which he has dis
charged his duties of President, and for the glorious
spirit which his name and iulluence have infused into
the good old Whig party.
Resolved , That the thanks of the Convention be
also given to the several Vice Presidents and Secre
taries for the valuable services they have rendered
during this session.
Anil at the request of his chileague he would sub
mit the following :
Resolved, That the tliauks of this Convention be
presented to the Executive Committee aud to the
citizens of Baltimore for the ample and convenient
accommodations, and for the generous hospitalities
which they have furnished to the Convention during
its session.
The resolution was adopted:
A member from Pennsylvania moved that when
this Convention adjourn, it adjourn to meet at the
present hall, in Baltimore, on the first Monday of
May, 1 8(30,
The President suggested that that matter might
be referred to the National committee.
Several members responded: “Yes, that’s it.”
The President then announced the following mem
bers of the National committee.
National Committee and their Post Offices.
New York—Francis Granger, Canandiagua.
Mississippi—George L. Porter, Jackson.
Massachusetts—Natbinel Silsbee, Salem.
Connecticu —Dennis Kimberly, New Haven.
Alabama—E. A. Hall, Montgomery.
Ohio—Lary Anderson, Cincinnati.
Louisiana—Christian Uoselius, New Orleans.
Virginia—Wypdham Robertson, Richmond.
Pennsylvania— Moncure Robinson, Philadelphia.
Georgia—James W. Jones, Augusta.
Maryland—J. Hanson Thomas, Baltimore.
Illinois—John T. Stewart, Vevay.
Florida—B. D. Wright, Pensacola.
Arkansas—M. A. Holbrook, Killsborough.
Indiana—James C. Blythe, Evansville.
North Carolina—John H. Bryan, Raleigh.
New Jersey—Charles G. McChcsney, Trenton.
Deleware—W. 11. B irr, Middleto vn
Tennessee—Edmund Cooper, Shelbyville.
Missouri—Thornton Grimsley, St. Louis.
Kentucky—Joshua F. Beii, Danville.
The President, Mr. Bates, of Missouri, made the
following eloquent closing address :
ClobiiiK Address of Hon. Edward Bates, of
Mo., Preiidept of the Convention*
Gentlemen; I had hoped apd expected, before
this Convention adjourned, to give somewhat at
large the views and opinions by which I am actua
ted, and the motives which brought me here. lam
in no condition phvsicully now to go into a debate
ui»on anything, i have had an ague and fever this
day, but no breakfast, and I answer to the call only
because I have been so undeservedly and highly
honored by this convention. I thought it strange
that I shomd be called upon to preside m this body
—a private individual, entirely in the deep shade of
retirement, having been but very little in any public
or conspicuous station during my whole life—at least
for eight and twenty years past. When 1 heard the
call for this Convention it seemed to me like the still
small voice from the grave. I had said—and 1 re
joice iu the correction that has been ifiade by tjie
gentleman from North Carolina, (Gov. Mnrehead)—
tliat the Whig party lay scattered through the land
in bleeding fragments - That gentleman tells me—
and he is justified, I think, in his statement—that it
has a body and intelligence, that it is yet strong aud
united, aud capable in a good cause of rendering ef
ficient service.
I lam a man, gentlemen, that asks nothing in the
l 1 power of j.tiuv c or p» op!c to give, but kind feeling
and sufficient einphn uieut iu the line of my proses-
J j cion to support a numerous household. I come for
r i ward very rarely in public life at all, and when I
j first read that Mr. Fillmore had called me to assist
s 1 in the administration of public affairs at Washing
ton, (l was at that moment taking a little relaxation
from the arduous toll ot iny profession, at the White
) Sulphur Springs,) I was utterly surprised aud con
1 founded. If 1 had seen a constellation of etars at
. mid-day on such a day as this, it would not have
f surprised me more. And yet you, gentlemen, have
• followe iitup in the same complimentary way; jou
s have appealed to me with a resolution which makes
f me almost ashamed of myself, which attributes to
t me qualities that Ido not pretend to possess, and
r | know that I uo uot possess.
t I am usked to give my opiniou and judgment up
on the state- of affairs now existing iu the nighbor
bood where I live, with intimation that that judg
ment is worth something. I apprehend it will be
worth very little. But here I will say, that in re
gard to the newspaper statements, somtimes mis
called facts, that we see in circulation, lam quite
> sure that the best of them that I have yet seen
l ought to be taken with many grains of allowance.
There is a systematic method adopted of falsehood
’ and perversion, solely for the purpose of election
eering, by tlie political parties, and it is my opiniou
that this is the natural aud necessary result of the
circumstances under which the two sectional par
ties now stand in reference to each other. That I
give as my opinion, based upon anxious and care
ful observation, knowing that tbe events trans
piring near me were likely to affect those near and
dear to me ; and I say it before God aud my coun
try that,in my opinion, the whole disturbances up
on that frontier have been commenced aud contin
ued down to this day for the mere purposes of parti
san election. (Applause.) It is not a thing that is
capable of judicial proof nor of absolute demonstra
tion, but it is to be inferred from pervading circum
stances.
What is the present condition of affairs ? It has
been said here again aud again by the eloquent
gentleman who have instructed and delighted me
so much during the sittting of tnis Convention, tLat
when Fillmore retired irom the Presidency he left
the/ country quiet, orderly and prosperous at Lome
ana at peace abroad, that immediately thereafter
tlie country rushed into a career of extravagance
and agitation which aroused the evil passions of
men in all sections until the country looked more
like a prospective field of battle tuan a field of culti
vation. And now what do we see? Brothers ar
rayed against brothers, fathers against sons, in hos
tile parties ready apparently to cut each others
throats. Such is the lamentable condition to which
the country is brought.
I am not here to ir.a :e a speech, gentlemen, but
I have n.y own opinion about that Nebraska bill,
and I willgive it. I believe that that bill was tbe
foundation and source of all the evils that have be
fallen this country at the present tjme—all the em
broilment of angry feeling, all the array of hostile
and sectional parties North and South. In 1850
there were only two great parties, aud after the
passage of the Compromise measures they endea
vored to pledge themselves in and out of Congress
to the preservation of peace upon the negro ques
tion. All things were to be buried in oblivion, and
the strife that Sad existed theretofore was no more
to be stirred up. There was hardly a respectable
newspaper in the whole United States that did not
re-echo the sentiment that was inculcated in even’
hamlet and village to the farthest extremity of the
Western frontier. Why was that tranquility dis
turbed 1 I know some little about the secret histo
ry of that bill, and though I may not be able to
prore judicially when, where, by whom, aud for
what purpose that scheme was concocted, I think I 1
can bring provable testimony, at least, to substan
tiate what I say. i
It is well known that Mr. Douglas was for many i
years chairman of the committee on Territories of
the Senate, and all who have taken the trouble to 1
scan the phraseology of the acts of Congress estah *
fishing Territories.know that alter he was put at 1
tli* head of that committee, aud different lan- t
guage was u.-e>d m the territorial bill; &um what had t
been uniformly adopted before. But it is uuneces- t
saiy to into the details of that matter at this time, t
Certain :? is that down to the time of the intcoduc- s
lion of the Nebraska bill nobody m the whole Uxu- u
knl States, iu any public Meeting or in any public
i 'naaticr, had asketl any change in the settled policy
e* shed by both parties in 1850. A bill was re
ported with an elaborate explanation accompanying
it, eat«;bhsbiDg the Territory of Nebraska, saying
nothing about the Missouri compromise. A day
was as?-'fined for its consideration ; when that day
came airfl Senator* were prepared to discuss it. the
chairman of the committee on Territories withdrew
it and su ; jetituted another bill making two Terri to
nes and assailing the principles of the Missouri
compromise, to the astonishment of everybody.—
Now upon the face of such a proposition as that,
every ingenious man who is in the habit of looking
into cireunrutantial evidence —who can look into the
aeeds of tune and tell which grain will grow and
which not—will see that there was something hidden
there : and what was hidden has since leaked out
and been made evident by the most unquestioned
testimony.
Stephen A. Douglas wa>* not the originator of that
bill, but David It. Atchison was. It was necessary
that something of the kind should be done for his re
election. and he made a speech on the Western fron
tier of M;>»ouri. which found its way into the news
papers. and revealed the whole transaction. He
then went to Douglas and toid him, “You are a great
man ; you are strong at the North, and if you will
just repeal this odious Missouri Compromise, you
wiH secure the vote of the entire South.” Douglas
hesitated—he doubted. Atchison said, “The thing
must be done, and if you don't go on with it, I will
—you must resign your place on the committee and
let iue be chairman.” Douglas asked twenty-four
hours to deliberate upon it, and at the end of that
time he accepted the proportion and introduced
the bill. That is the history of it; it was an elec
tioneering scheme tor the Presidency, nothing else.
Well, be found it did not work well—it raised a
perfect tornado at the North : it stirred up everybo
dy there, and a few of us else where—fori am neither
North nor South; I repudiate political geography;
(laughter.) there is not an acre of land in the Missis
sippi valley from Louisiana to Missouri that is either
North or South, politically speaking. Douglas and
his confederates found that the recoil was greater
than the onset, and like the fox in the fable, who
lost his tail in the trap, and then went about trving
t© pe’suade his fellow foxes that it was the best fash
ion to have no tail, and they all ought to come into
it, (laughter,) these men went to work with great
dexterity an». pertinacity to foist the measure upon
the Democratic party as a doctrine and dogma. Ap
plause )
And now I give it as my opinion that so far as
that bill professes or seeks to repeal or nullify the
Bth section of the act )f March, Ls2o,eommouly call
ed the Missouri compromise, it is a falsehood and a
fraud upon the face of it. I say on the face of- it—
not to be made out by inference or imputation—
not to be proved by circums antial testimony. It
says that other laws of Uongres3 shall be in full ope
ration iu those territories, all except the Bth section;
which being inconsistent with the doctrine of non
intervention with slavery in the States and territo
ries, are recognized by the compromise measures of
1860, isherebv declared tuop:rative and void. Now,
I for one, deny that there is auv such recognition of
any such principle in any one of the five acts com
.nonly called the compromise measures of 1860. I
defy mortal man, here or elsewhere, now and in the
future, to produce any one sentence or line in any
one of those ucts that establishes the principle of
non-intervention by Congress in the matter of slave
ry in the territories.
A great u any men affect to have opinions upon
subjects of which they are entirely ignorant, and
men in my own State have put forth bold declara
tions of their opinion upon the Nebraska bill who
never read it and don’t know what it means. Now
it an opinion be really the action of the mind upon
facts known or supposed to be true —if that be opin
ion as contradistinguished from guess, it is impossi
ble that a man should have any opinion at all qnlpss
lie knows the fact l . The only thing that approach
es the idea, of non-intervention in any of the meas
ures of 1860 is found in the two bills for the organi
zation of Utah and New Mexico. The words are
these : 44 And the said territory, or any part
thereof, wheu admitted as States into the Union,
shall be admitted with or without slavery, as by
their constitution at that time shall be provided.”—
I defy any man to sln*w that that applies to a time
prior to that when the territory ceases to be such,
and applies for admission as a State.
I believe there is not a man iu Congress—certain*
ly noue in the last Cougrpß*i, that presumed to as
sert the power of the general government to control
the quest on of slavery in the States. But a new
party has sprung up—a set of new light politicians
in these latter days, that have denied that same
power over the territories ; they deny it in words,
though they aftirm it in their acts. These men of
the present Congress, from the venerable Cass
down to the youngest and most insignificant Demo
crat of the House, have lately abandoned the whole
principle in the sanction of the Senate bill for the
organization of Kansas, repealing the law passed by
the territorial legislature.
What is a territory ? It is a possession, a subject
of the general government, obtained in only one of
two ways—either by conquest or purchase. Now
i take it, that ever since the days of Nimrod, the
conqueror is master, and ever since the first two
men ever met to make a bargain the purchaser is
master ; aud yet it is held by these new light politi
cians that we are to conquer the people of a coun
try into rights and buy them into equal privileges
with ourselves. We bought Louisiana from France
for $15,000,000, just as you would have bought any
thing else that a government has to i,ell—ships, arms
or anything else. The parties living upon the land
were not asked whether they were willing to be
purchased.
Who was President in those days ? Thomas Jef
ferson —and his name will go down to posterity, as
highly illustrated perhaps by that one instance of
diplomacy as by any other act of his life. How did
he govern Louisiana ? The first government estab
lished there by act of Congress consisted of a Go
vernor and twelve selected free holders, who had
no powers as free holders, but were appointed as
advisers aud counsellors to the Governor, and held
their offices at the will of the President of the United
States.
After a while another government was establish
ed. lam speaking of this us a principle by which
our Government controls the territories. In the ter-
ritory of Missouri, six years before it became a
State, it l;ad u governor apd three judges appointed
by the President, but no representative govern
ment of its own, no latent spark of Democracy ; it
was entirely coutroled by its purchaser and master,
the general government, and uutil these wild, spec
, ulalive times, Congress has always, in a philosophi
cal spirit, endeavored to adapt its instruments to
its operations and to the subject matter to be opera
ted upon, and the practice was, to have a stringent
and strict government over a new people, entirely
unacquainted with government, and not by tradi
tion or inheritance entitled to have a representative
government at all; aud as they advunced in social
condition and in numbers Congress would modify
their government, making it more and more liberal,
always treating them with mild fraternal authority,
> and not casting them off or pretending to reverse
the order of things by saying that an acquisition by
conquest or purchase is a part or parcel of the Uni
ted States and subject to the same conditions as the
original States.
Whether you take Kansas or Madagascar, it is
the same tiling; they are both dependencies of the
General Government; and men confound things
when they talk about the constitutional rights of
the people of Oregon, Utah or Kansas. What con
stitution have they got ? Who made it—when,
where, and for what purpose ? I know there are
wise men, prudent men, who think before they
speak in other matters, but who, when they come
to this question of the territories and negroes, seem
utterly to stultify themselves, (laughter,) as if they
were discharged from all obligation to act honestly
and truly.
Now, I repeat that all the practical evils that
have befa : h ?i us at t!« r s hour sprung from a perver
sion of the true principles of territorial government,
aud we, ns \\ higs ought to lay it at heart. For
what is the Whig party ? It is our boast and glory
that we are a party of law —that we love chiefly, if
not only, that liberty which is established and regur
lated aiid sustained by law. [Applause] That is
our characteristic as distinguished from tfie Demo
cratic party. Democracy is a government of men
as the term implies, and every body who does not
come up to that standard falsifies the dictionary and
confounds terms. De Tocqueville says that it is
common in Democratic countries for men who have
vague ideas that they must needs have vague phra
ses to express those ideas, and their abstract terms
are like boxes with false bottoms, into which you
can put any ideas you please and take them out
without being observed. [Laughter.'! That re
minds one very forcibly of the Cincinnati platform.
- [Laughter.]
1 say, then, that it behooves every Whig to con
sider this question for himself—l do not ask you to
take it from me-- but to take the Constitution and
the acts of Congress, compare them word, line and
sentence, and make up his mind what he is going
to say before he speaks to the people. Now I say
—and I would g>ve it as I would give a written
opinion to a client, aud stake my reputation upon it
—that a territory is dependent property and not
only may be but must be governed by Congress.
For, in a country of law, public officers, however
high, have no rights at all.
The government was never made for them and no
powers were given to them for their own sake.—
They have nothing but powers and duties to be ex
ercised whenever the proper contingency arises ;
and were I a Congressman and should I take an
oath to discharge my duty to the best of my ability,
when the question of territory came up I would con
sider how long we had had it, what sort of people
inhabited it, how far they had been educated to the
point at which they are fitted for admission as our
equals with the same laws that we have, aud how
tar they were educated by the spirit of legal liberty
so as to understand the value of the principles which
alone can govern our institutions.
We have no king in this country but law. In
old, hereditary monarchies, you may throw every
thing into confusion by dethroning the reigning
monarch and battenin' down his cvistle of defence ;
but so long as a scion of the blood royal remains, it
serves ns a nucleus around which the shattered ele
ments of State may meet and combine, and in the
long run the history of the great country from
winch we derive our institutions proves that the
j throne will be restored in one form or other
i The Stuarts were restored, aud when by misgov-
I eminent they forfeited the government of the coun
try again, William, of Orange, was restored ; not
! because he was Prince of Orange, or the stadtholder
! of Orauge, but because he had married the daughter
j of the deposed king. I say we have no King but
law, and I call no man a Whig, I care not what may
j be h:s professions, who does not reverence the
j Constitution aud laws of his country, and who is
j not perfectly willing and anxious to enforce them,
j whether he voted tor or against them. [ Applause.]
i A man may be a very virtuous, brave, higher law
| Democrat, who has no standard but the fluctuating
j passions of men. but the distinguishing and glo
l rious characteristic ot the Anglo-Saxon race is en
tire devotion to the fact of personal independence.
, Even in the worst of times in English history during
! the last 300 years, there has been a glorious theory
, of personal liberty and independence 2 which has
, been beautifully set forth by Chatham is one of his
brightest exhibit ons of eloquence.
In speaking of the freedom of the English peasan
try. Chatham said : “that his very mud weli was his
castle —that it might be shattered, that the wind
might enter there, that the rain might enter there,
that the snow might enter there, bat the King of
England dare not enter there.” (Applause.) Why?
Because it was protected by the strong impassable
ramparts ot law and by an old and estaolished prin
ciple, and there, as in this country, a man can look
into a book and read the measure of his rights and
obligations, and not look into the countenance of a
man, who to day may be a scavenger, and to-mor
row an Emperor, dictating the law like a Jack
Cade, and saying, ‘ 4 my mouth shall be the Parlia
ment of England.” (Applause.)
lam no Democrat, you can perceive that. I
never was a Democrat. It is said of Mr. Buchanan,
that in early times lie said if he thought he had the
smallest particle of democratic blood in him, he
w ould his veins and let it out Now, I never
go quite as far as that, I never would cut myself.—
Nor am I a republican of the modem school. I do
not think there are any such here. Men adopt names
valued and honored nowes, and names are things,
living, breathing,propagating things: aye, terribly
stroDg things.
Wny, gentlemen, the name of Democracy has
beaten me and my paity a dozen times. Nothing
but the name would make the 40,G00 Germane of
Si. Louis, every man of them Democrats. The
name of Democrat in their country means some
thing ; it is a thing, a valuable and pleasant thing:
in their country, perhaps it is a virtuous thing.—
They have but two classes there. They have no he
reditary nobility there as in England, to stand be
tween them and the monarchical class that reigns
over them—no class to stand between tbeir rule re
and the ground stratum of the people who constitute
the Dein*>oracy.
There Democracy means opposition to the arbi
trary prince, and there the name is a virtue, and
when they come to this country, it takes them ,
five or ten years to learn their mistake in con
sidering it the same thing here. Bat, thank
God, they are beginning to learn it in St. Louis,
and I trunk it will be found that they are begin- ,
ring to learn it in Cincinnati, New York, and oilier ]
places. l
I would ask the gentleman from Massachusetts, t
(Mr. Warren.; if I have said enough, if that is suffi- i
cient/ f ]
Mr. Warren. We would like to hear a little c
about the troubles in Kaueas. Give us your opin
ion upon that subject. . J
Th<e President, I believe the existing troubles in j
Kansas, consist iu unlawful combinations of very ! c
susceptibly zealous men from the North and South.
When the government had degraded its high place, : >
and abandoned its high duties, and held out that
territory by a false doctrine to be scrambled for by j I
those who should fin-t lay Lauds upon it, it wu natural : J
enough to >'Upp- <6e that the «ag«*r aud ***-aiou*> of both J
nation* wouiu as quickly a» possible put themeeives k
u a condition to scramble for it. tJ
In Massachusetts and iu other States they got up
Emigrant Aid Societies. I have no doubt that, m
the first place, they were organized for honest pur
poses of helping the poor emigrants, who had but
little means, to get homes for themselves, and to se
cure a free State vote aud make a free State upon
the western border ot Missouri. And immediately
following out the evil intent of the admiuistration—
for I believe it all comes from their action, we can
trace it back to that root, these things are but the
branches and the leaves of that great root—they be
gan in the South to form other companies, with an
eye to the great scramble to take place there.
Why this day I saw a company of young {men
parading through St. Louis, from Petersburg, Va.,
who looked as iiltie like a set of emigrants going to
clear the woods and plough the prairies, as I ever
saw. And upon inquiring I found that everv one
of them was an enlisted sokher with his pay in his
j>ocket, and was to receive a half or a quarter sec
tion of land for his services. Now if they had had
axes, hoes, mules and ploughs to plough up the prai
rie land, I should not nave been surprised when I
was told that they were emigrants. I have lived
upon that frontier for two and forty years, and know
an emigrant by sight as far as I can see him, and
can tell au emigrant wagon from the verv looks
of it.
If the government had had 4 he energy of a hen
partridge : if they had not desired to use the trou
bles and commotions there for mere electioneering
purposes, and for m-re political aggrandizement,
one single order from Secretary Davis, written on a
piece of paper not larger than my hand, would have
kept the peace and restored quiet throughout the
whole land. A most excellent friend of mine, Mr.
Crittenden, of Kentucky, moved to send out Gen.
Scott, to pacify the country there, but the adminis
tiation would not send him. An honorable gentle
man aud myself were talking last night, and he
seemed really to think that the affair was a very
important one, and that it was to be supposed that
they were going there to kill some hundreds and
thousands on a side. Bat 1 assured him it was like
a certain game at cards.
I no not know much about those games, but to
me it appeared to be from beginning to end a per
fect game of brag, each one threatening the other
very violently, striving to look very ferocionslv at
his adversary, and at the same time hoping very
amriously that his adversary would run away. But
it was like two bullies who have been arrayed
against each other, and with threatening gesture and
loud voices are endeavoring to frighten each the
other; sometimes the hand will slip and a blow is
given, and then each gets much more than he bar
?ained for. That was the condition of affairs then,
'here was no need of a Major General, or even a
Brigadier General, out there.
I give it as my deliberate opinion, from my knowl
; dge of the frontier, from my knowledge ofthe facts
iu the case, so far as I was able toobtaiu that knowl
edge, that the time never lims been in Kansas when
a prudent, respectable, thinking Major of a battal
ion, with a well armed battalion under his command,
could not have enforced the peace perfectly against
the whole multitude there. There never has been
a time when, if a Major had said to the different
armed factions threatening each other so violently
there: “Now, men, I be®- of you to go away, do not
force upon me the painful dutv of compelling you to
disperse , which 1 certainly shall do uuless you obey
me,” —there never has been a time when that would
not have been entirely sufficient. Let hi:n have
said this to them—let him have said—“l know you
ure not emigrants, but bodies of armed men, com
manded by colonels and captains, and that is not the
way the wilderness is subdued and made to blossom
like the rose. You are nothing more nor less than
an armed mob, and you must go away, aud if you
will not go awuy, I will make you do ‘it.” Let him
have said this to them, and my*word for it, it would
have been sufficient.
I am a. man believing in authority; believing in
making laws, aud then whether the law is exactly
to my liking or not, for enforcing it, (cheers) wheth
er it be to catch a runaway negro and bring him
back to his master, or to quell a riot in a disorder
ed territory, and the government that has not the
power, or having the power have not the will to do
that, does not deserve to be contined in power. I
think that is common sense. lam sure it is the
part of truth and safety and justice. Il* I lived un
der a King I might not think so; if I lived under
monarchy that had the right to govern me without
law, I might not think so. I might submit until I
could get the means, power and opportunity to
right myself, but that is not the right course in this
country. When we have laws here, let them be
executed.
Gentlemen, I tell you there is not a party hi the
United States but the Whig party, who take the
law for their gud©. The Republicans at the North
do not du so, tor they say the fugitive slave law is
not to be executed. The Democrats at the South do
not, for they said at one time the tariff was not to
be executed, and they now say that Congress has no
power to legislate about slavery iu the territories,
mid that the people of the territories have no power
to legislate upon the matter, and thus it may be left
in abeyance for fifty years. But the Whig party,
the true, just, honest, home-loving and law abiding
Whig party, is the only party that cau guarantee
the good aud quiet of the country. Aud shall this
party die 1 1 thought it was indeed very low, and
when I came here. I little expected to see what I
have seen. I did not think to find here men of high
character, of long public service, meu of name and
property, with the aspiring, noble heartod young
men, who ate to be the leaders of our party when
we their seniors have passed away. I did not ex
pect to see them here. It is a promise, a glorious
promise of hope for the country.
But I said I would not detain you, and I will not.
(Cries of Gon on—go on.) I have a thousands things
1 could say to you, out I will not say them. lam
too much exhausted now, lmrdly able to stand. Let
me close in a very few words. Let me remind you
again that in coming here we have but just marked
out ihe task before us; we have not begun to do the
work we have to do. Let every man go home, and
each os if he thought that the success or defeat in
this election of his party or his candidates depended
on his own individual exertions. It has been said
by a wise man, away yonder in the East, that if
every man who preferred Millard Fillmore for Pres
ident would say so so beforehand honestly, and
would vote for him, there would be no difficulty in
electing him.
And besides that, there is no man but who
can exert some influence on those around him,
on his neighbor, his brother, aud his son, and if
every man who loves the right and is willing to
work for it, who honors the law and is willing to
sustain it, who wishes to see his county enriched
and blessed by a peaceful, home-loving administra
tion of a man purely Whig, if every such man will
fall to with a will to accomplish that—it will be done.
I have chosen Millard Fillmore, not because I was
under personal obligations, certainly not because he
belongs to the American party. But I have chosen
him because as long as I have known him in public
life, I have found him a Whig without taint fir re
proach.
If he is anything else than a Whig he has learned
it since he left office. And yet I know that his own
honest mind has no conception that lie has done
anything since lie has come i<ut of office to conflict
in the slightest degree with his former political char
acter ana condition. And here is the proof. In the
very act of accepting the nomination of the Ameri
can party lie refers with honest pride so his old
Whig Administration (cheers,) and tells them with
the frankness that characterises that man more
than any other man in the high station that I have
ever known—he tells them in plain English—my
former administration will be a true index of the
one that is to come if I should be elected. Can you
make a better Whig Aministration than that was ?
(Applause.)
Are you so unreasonable, my brethren of the
Whig party, ns to expect a better Whig administra
tion than was that of Millard Fillmore ? I think
you are not such Utopians as that. When he pledges
himself, iu the very act of accepting the nomination
of another party, that, that former administration of
his shall be his standard and guide for a new, one,
what can it be but a Whig administration.
I thank you, gentlemen, a thousand times. I thank,
you for the honor you have done me by calling
upon me to preside over your deliberations here. I
have never been before the country, and did not
suppose that I had a name that could grace the posi
tion I occupy, nor do I suppose so now. God bless
you all. Go home and at heart deserve success.—
We can do that. It is not in the nature of tilings
always to command success, but we can always
deserve it.
The speaker concluded amid loud prolonged ap
plause.
No further business remaining to be transacted
by the Convention and a motion being made to ad
jaurn sine die.
Special Despatch to the Baltimore American .
Neiy-York North American Convention.
Rochester, N. Y\, Sept. The following is a
full and authentic report of the session of the North
American Convention, held here last evening. The
Committee on Credentials reported one hundred
and tweuty-one delegates, representing all but four
counties of the State. The Committee appointed
on the Permanent organization, consisting of
Messrs. Puriugton, Steadman, Alcott, Merlett and
Barnes, reported further, continuing the same offi
cers for the permanent organization who had served
on the preliminary. Adopted.
At this time a committee of five, as follows: Messrs
A. K. Wakefield, C. S. Maccomber, Jas. R. Thomp
son, John G»'ay and Daniel Bowley, of the Ameri
can Convention entered, and through their chair
man, John Gray, presented a resolution which they
were instructed to lay before the North American
Convention, as follows:
Resolved , That the cordial feeling of this conven
tion be extended to those Americans who have
nitherto called themselves North Americans, and
that a committee of five be appointed to invite them
to co-operate with us in the election of the American
ticket nominated by this convention for the suf
frages of the electors of the State of New York.
Speeches were then made by Messrs. Horace H.
Day, C. Edwards Lester, and by the President of
the Convention, responding to the American Con
vention, aud, on motion of Mr. Lester, the follow
ing resolution was passed :
Resolved , That this Convention cheerfully re
sponds to the manly aud fraternal expression of
sympathy and regard ascribed to it by the Ameri
can Convention through its committee; and we
will cordially co-operate with them in electing the
On motiou, a committe, consisting of Messrs. Day,
Lester, Webster, Walker and Merfitt, was appoint
ed to perseut tbe resolution and respond to the
American Convention during its session.
The following members were then chosen as the
Executive Committee with power to act:
F. W. Walker, D. S. W r rigut, Epenetus Webster,
A. K. Morlett, and C. Edwards Lester.
Mr. Lester, from the retiring Executive Commit
tee, offered the following resolutions, which were
unanimously adopted :
Resolved , That the thanks of the North Ameri
can party be cordially offered to Mr. Stephens M.
Allen, of Massachusetts, for his earnest ana enlight
ened devotion for many months past as a Corres
ponding Secretary to our National Executive Com
mittee to a complete union of all the elements of
freedom and'Americanism, and for his prompt and
honorable repulsion of the overtures of the Repub
licans, which contemplated tbe otter exclusion of
American principles and the American party.
Resolved , That a cony of the forgoing resolutions
be communicated to Mr. Allen by the Chairman.
Resolved, That thi3 Convention approves of the
views and principle defined in Mr. Allen’s letter of
resignation; and that it be published with the pro
ceedings of this Convention.
Ou motion ofG. W. Steadman,of Oheida county,
the following resolutions was adopted:
Resolved, That this Convention reaffirm the prin
ciples of the declarations of the policy of the North
American party of this State, to be corrected and
published by the committee appointed for that pur
pose.
The following gentlemen were appointed on said
committee: Horace H. Day, F. William Walker,
and E Webster.
The following resolution, offered by Mr. Lester,
was adopted:
Resolved , That the late National Executive Com
mittee of the North American party, which was ap- ;
pointed by the North American Convention of the j
l*Jth of June, having by the non-attendance of some ;
of its members and the resignation of others been j
rendered below a quorum; and having therefore no •
longer any authority to act with the North Ameri
can Convention of the State of New York, hereby 1
declare that the aforesaid Executive Committee has (
bo longer any authority to act foi the North Ameri
can party; and this Convention disavows and dis
cards its authority.
The Committee then adjourned sine die after re
solving to unite on the whole ticket.
The Rochester American mentions as a signifi
cant faet that the American members of the State
Senate and Assembly, who in February last recom
mended to the National Convention in Philadelphia,
the nomination of George Law for the Presidency,
that gentleman has not been able to influence one to
go with him into the ranks of Republicanism, or to
the support of Fremont.
The nominations by the American and North
American Conventions are hailed with enthusiastic
demonstrations of delight. Both wings of the Ame
rican party are now holding a mammoth mass rati
fication meeting. The demonstration u equal in
spirit and unanimity to the palmiest days of ’4B.
Large delegations are present from Buffalo, Eagle
ll&rbor and the surrounding towns. Full ten thou
sand persons are present.
Illinois.—The Democracy are not a little alarm
ed for the ‘‘Little FLantV State. A letter from
Chicago, dated tbe Bth, says :
There are at this time in Illinois, stumping for f
Buchanan, Case, Breckinridge, ex-Gov. Seymour, j
John Van Burcu. Cobb of Alabama, Preston of Ky.,
John K. Dawson, Daniel S. Dkskmfioß, Col. Waek of .
P«ua., S. A- Dongle", ami others of lesser note, by
the score. • '
WEEKLY
Cljromrlc & jwnthri.
AUGUSTA, GA.
WEDNESDAY MORNING <5pT>H. 1, ISS«.
NATIONAL CANDIDATES.
K»K FREQUENT,
MILLARD FILLMORE,
Os New York.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
ANDREW J. DONELSON,
Os Tennessee.
ELECTORS FOR THE STATE AT LARGE.
WM. H. CRAWFORD, of Terrell.
BENJ. H. HILL, of Troup.
ALTERNATES FOR THE STATE AT LAROF.
F. S. BARTOW, of Chatham.
Dr. H. V. M. MILLER, of Floyd.
ELECTORS FOR THE DISTRICTS.
Ist Diet.—\\ M. LAW, of Chatham.
2d Dist.—WM. M. BROWN, of Marion.
3d Disk—WASHINGTON POE, of Bibb.
4th Dist.—E. Y. HILL, of Troup.
sth Dist.—GEO W. GORDON, of Whitfield.
6th Dist.—C. PEEPLES, of Clark.
7th Dist.—E. H. BAXTER, of Hancock.
Bth Dist.—A. R. WRIGHT, of Jefferson.
ALTERNATES FOR THE DISTRICTS.
Ist Dist.—A. H. HANSELL, of Thomas.
2d Dist.—RICHARD SIMMS, of Decatur.
3d Dist.—E. G. CABIN ESS, of Monroe.
4th Dist.—B. H. OVERBY, of Fulton.
sth Dist.—J. R. PARROTT, of Cass.
6th Dist.—H. P. BELL, of Forsyth.
7th Dist.—JOSHUA MILL, of Morgan.
Bth Dist—LAFAYETTE LAMAR, of Lincoln*.
Mr. Fillmore—The Missouri Compromise.
It affords us sincere pleasure to lay before our
readers the following communication of the
Hon. N. G. Foster, and his letter to Mr. Fill
more, together with Mr. Fillmore’s reply there
to. On Wednesday last, we published the ar
ticle from the Buffalo Commercial Advertiser,
which had been sent to us by Mr. Fillmore. Hence
we felt fully authorized, in laying it before the pub
lic, to state confidently, that the article expressed
the views aud opinions of Mr. Fillmore, in rela
tion to the restoration of tire Missouri Compromise.
We, therefore, said on that occasion, “we know
what we say, and we speak what we know —that
this article represents the views and opinions of Mr.
Fillmore, as to the propriety of restoring the Mis
souri Compromise act.”
Wo not ouly know Mr. Fillmoiik’s position in
reference to the restoration of the Missouri Com
promise, but we also know his position on the doc
triue of Squatter Sovereignty and Alien Suffrage.
He adheres to, and endorses iu the most emphatic
manner, the principles of the Utah and New Mexico
bills ; both of which repudiate Squatter Sovereignty
and Alien Suffrage. These bills take the true na
tional and Constitutional ground, and place the
South on an equality in the Territories They de
clare that the convention forming the State Consti
tution, shall settle the question of slavery for the
new State ; aud they confine the privilege of voting
to citizens of the United States. This is tlie only
sound aud conservative ground, and this we know
to be the position of Millard Fillmore. But to
the correspondence—here it is :
Madison, Ga., Sept.2sth, 1856.
Gentlemen: —l enclose you a copy of a letter
written to Mr. Fillmore. I also send you a slip from
the “ Buffalo Commercial Advertiser,” which was
marked and mailed to me under Mr. Fillmore’s
Frank as the response to my letter. I see you have
already published the article, but I wish you to pub
lish it again, as Mr. Fillmore s answer to my letter.
You will see that I referred to two points. The res
toration of the Missouri line, aud Squatter Sov
ereignty. Whether Mr. Fillmore authorized tho
publication or not, you will see that it covers both
points, and is adopted by him, at least so far as these
questions are concerned. I hope we shall hear no
more sounding of the alarm about the Missouri Com
promise line. And now I submit to every voter in
Georgia, whether the position of Mr. Fillmore is not
all that every man of all parties has ever asked l
The simple protection of all who go into the Terri
tories until they come to form a State Constitution,
with the right then to form their own domestic insti
tutions, as they may see proper. The effort made
by Mr. Buchanan's friends to escape from his Squat
ter Sovereignty, by arguing that he only means
“ power to protect slavery is really too puerile for
grown up men to resort to. If the framers of the
Kansas bill had only meant “ to leave the people of
the Territories free to regulate their own domestic
institutions in their own way,” they would have said
so. But they say in that bill, “ form and regu
late.” Now, if us Mr. Buchanan says, Congress
has “ sovereign and exclusive" power over the sub
ject of slavery in the Territories, then Congress has
transferred to the people of Kansas and Nebraska
the right “to form and regulate ” their domestic in
stitutions. If, then, slavery is a domestic instit.u
tion, and if “to form ” in to fashion, they certainly
have the power either to exclude slavery from, or
include it iu their domestic relations; and all the
powers of logic and sophistry oannot make it any
thing else. And now, while the press and the stump
orators of tlie Democratic party in Georgia are try
iqgto make tho people believe that Mr. Buchanan
only contends for their protection; every orator and
journal of that parly at the North’ so far as I know,
or have heard, are urging upon the people there,
that under the Kansas bill, “ the people in the terri
tories, while in a Territorial slate , have the right to
exclude, slavery.” And most of them, aud especial
ly of the leaders, are arguing with might and main
to mttke the people believe that they can better se
cure freedom to the Territories under the Kansas
bill than with the Wilmot Proviso. Aud yet, every
man at the South is to be beheaded as a traitor, who
does not hold on to those men as sound, simply be
cause they are for the Kansas Nebraska bill. As I
have ODce tried to illustrate to an audience, we must
embrace every Universalist, Unitarian aud Mormon
as a brother beloved, or be denounced as a heretic,
simply because each of them take their texts from
our Bible.
’ There is now left but one string to play upon
against Millard Fillmore. “He can't be elected. I '
? This has had its effect, and may still, for aught 1
\ know. Without stopping to dispute the position, let
me ask how Mr. Buohanau is to be elected ? What
s Northern State will tiny intelligent friend of his pre
- tend to claim by a majority ? All they have ever
hoped to do was to get Pennsylvania, and possibly
some other one State, by plurality. And now that
»- hope has pretty well died out. Then why eudorse
, his most dangerous doctrines, in preference to vo
ting for a man that you know is sound and safe upon
every issue ? If the South would stand up to Mr.
Fillmore, as it would seem gratitude and interest
both demand of hor to do, he would be elected be
yond all doubt. And even now she can place it be
i yond contingency. For, notwithstanding the draw
-1 backs his friends at the North have had to encounter,
I occasioned by the weekly letters of bis friends
r South, who love him much, and vote for Mr. Bu
i chanau to convince him of it, they are yet strong in
| the faith of carrying New York and two other
. Northern Stales. Let us give a strong pull for
1 Georgia, determined that we’ll be right, whoever
may be President. N. G. Foster.
Madison, Ga., Sept. 5, 1854.
Hon. Mil.lard Fillmore :
r Dear Sir : You will pardon the liberty I take in
i addressing you this letter, having no personal ac
quaintance with you. We are in the midst of a
’ fearful political crisis, and it behooves every man
i who loves his country to be giving his inite to
i whatever, in his best judgment, will tend to restore
i peace and promote harmony between sections, with
out doing violence to the‘rights of any. We are
trying to convince the people of this section of the
Union that your success in the present canvass is
essential to the accomplishment of those objects.—
With the exception of a few, who can sec nothing
good outside of their own party lines, all admit that
your administration was national and all that any
section or party had a right to expect or desire.—
f But we are met continually with the charge that
you are in favor of the restoration of the Missouri
Compromise line. 1 know better, but I have not
such an authentic proof as to put that charge to si-
lence.
I suggest, therefore, the propriety of your making
a programme for your action, if elected. I can ask
you to do this, because you have not entrenched
yourself behind any platform or body-guard, so as
to be inaccessible to the enquiries of those whose
suffrages are to make the President. Aud I can
the more confidently ask it, because I knov. ; that
success with you is a secondary consideration. I
do not say that this will do anything now to change
in any good degree the result of the election. Men
are much bound up in party fetters; but, whether
successful or not, it will give us a party that will be
worth vastly more to the countiy than any mere
party triumph can possibly be. We must look be
yond the present election, and have a party and a
programme that will command all good men to its
support. Without it, what is to be our fate, whether
the sectionalism of Mr. Fremont, or the squatter or
popular sovereignty of Mr. Buchanan shall prevail ?
The one threatens immediate dissolution ; while the
other promises perpetual war in the Territories, and
a bitterness of feeling between aections : as bad, if
not worse, than dissolution itself. Think of these
things, and act as I believe you always act for your
eountry, let personal consequences be what they
may. Your obedient servant,
N. G. Foster.
In reply to tins letter, Mr. Fillmore enclosed
the following article from the Buffalo Commercial
Advertiser , as his response thereto :
Restoration of the Missouri C ompromise.
As the duties of a statesman are not precisely
those of a debating club, it always tries the patience ‘
of practical men to see effort wasted in discussions
from which nothing can possibly result. In great
and critical conjunctures especially, a statesman
will study to discover the measures* best adapted to
meet existing exigencies, and he will not lend him
self to the promotion of any scheme, whatever its
i intrinsic excellence may be, for a single moment af
j ter he is satisfied that he has no chance of success.
I Like a wise physician, he will keep himself aocu-
I rately informed of the progress of the disease, and
| the condition of the patient, and will nol insist that a
I medicine shail be administeied to-day, because it
i would have prevented the malady had it been taken
ten days ago. It is his business to deal with the
disease in its present stage, and if the patient refuse
to take tbe medicine which is best in itself, he must
not, therefore, suffer him to die while he is wast
ing time in a vain effort to conquer his obstinacy.—
If he refuse the best medicine, he must give him the
best he can get him to take.
We notice that several conservative journals in
the South have lately advocated the restoration of
the Missouri Compromise as the most suitable reme
dy tor the present unhappy and distracted condi
tion of the country. Could the South see the error
whieb was committed in its repeal, aud voluntarily
coine forward for its restoration, it would at once
end ail controversy, but this we conceive to be mor
ally impossible. Therefore we cannot forbear to re
mark that we consider the discussion of this quest ion
at this time as unwise and ill-timed. The subject
which now absorbs public attention is the approach
ing Presidential election, and we cannot see that
the restoration of the Missouri Compromise is a
question which the National Executive will ever, in
Lis official capacity be called to consider. The Mi>- ,
eoari Compromise line was established by an act of j
Congress ; it was repealed by an act of Conj?re«w :
and. if it is ever restored, it u-,quin-H an act of Con
gress to reinstate it. If the question of its restore ,
is of any importance in the presidential elec- ,
ti.jn. A umnt he because there is a likelihood, or m
Icfteit a possibility, that Congress willpass an act for
that purpose, which will be submitted to the Pres*-- j
dent lor his approval. If it is certain beforehand
that no snob act wiH ever oome before the Pre
sident, the whole question is frivolous and idle, 1
or at least, ligs uo pertinence to the Presidtgfljful
election. t
We suppose it will not be controverted shat if
ever pauses au act reinstating theHSom
promKe, it wiU be prior to the paesuge of the act ad
mitting Ivanna into the XJntOn as a State. Subse
quent to that event, He restoration would amount to
nothing, for the two-fold reason thaWCongrOSs has
uo coiietitutiofial powei to wntrol thetf domestic in
stitutions ot h State* and that, even if it posNused
the MWet, jVa exei eiso would be cither idle or im
j>.»?s!f>io-'Odie if Kansas should come m as a free'
Suite impossible if she should come in as a Slave
State ; tor the same majority which admitted her as
such would prevent the restoration. The whole
quefinn, then, so far as it has any bearing cn the
J eaidential election, reduces itself to this Whether
uere is any possibility that such an act can be
passed before Kansas is rife for admission as a
SiAte i if the negative can be demonstrated
then all agitation of the subject is futile and un
wise.
The prescut Congress, which has rejected a bill
proposing the restoration of the ‘ Missouri Cfonpro*
inise line, will go out ot power on the 4th of March
next; its successor on the 4th of March, 1859 ; and
the successor of that Caugrees will commence its
first session three years from the lirst of next I>e
comber. Long before that time Kansas will either
bo in the Union or knocking at the doors of Con
gress for admission. If then an act for the restora
tion of the Mi. souri Compromise is not passed by
the present or live next succeeding Congress, it is
certain that it wil! never be passed at alt. The pro
Sent Congress will pass no such act. for the South
tas a large Democratic majority. The next Con
gress will not i>asß it, for the reason that, the Demo
crats will still have the ascendency iu the Senate.
Even the most sanguine of t4u- Republican journal*
admittbi-, and no man in that party is extravagant
enough to claim that in the next Congress the Sen
ate will be favorable to their views. The New York
Even ns? Post made an estimate, day before yester
day, in which, after claiming the election in several
Slates which the Republicans are likely to l<»ee, it
only reckoned on 25 of the 62 members of the Senate
for Fremont. Burlingame, in his speech in Boston,
two or three days since, made a threat that with a
Republican President and a Republican House
of Representatives, they Would grind the pro-slave
ry Senate of the next (Congress “as between the up
per and the nether mill stone,” thus clearly admit
ting that they had no hopes of the Senate.
We may consider it demonstrated, theiefore, that
an act for restoring the Missouri Compromise will
never come before the President for his considora
tion. As connected with the Presidential election,
the question is perfectly idle—a mere abstraction,
unworthy the consideration of a practical states
man. It is unwise to dlsonssit ns an element of the |
Presidential canvass; it would be equally unwise t
ever to agitate it again in Congress. The Missouri 1
Compromise is like water spilled upon thesauri; it can
never be gathered up. Its repeal was a great Hun- I
der, but it is now too late to correct it. The at
tempt to restore it at the late session of Cougrt ss is I
defensible on the ground that it was well to offer to j
the Senate au opportunity to reconsider its action. !
But the Compromise is deud. and it would be ns ra
tional to expect the reauinmtion of any other corpse !
as of this. Nothing remains but to pronounce its !
eulogy and bury it out of sight.
For more than thirty years the whole country ae- j
quiesced in it, and i\ had acquired a saorednesa in
public estimation which it was unwise to disturb.—
It had settled a dangerous controversy, which it was 1
folly, nay, it was madness to reopen. Its repeal, I
as Mr. Fillmore justly remarked In one of Ins speech- !
es, wsethe Pandora’s box, from wuioh has united all
our present evils. As Mr. Fillmore was opposed, at j
the time, to its disturbance, lie has not changed his j
opinion that its repeal was an act of folly. But we |
are quite sure we do not misrepresent his sentiments
when wc say that he does not, think it would be
wise to attempt its restoration, and that he desires no I
agitation having this otyect, either in Congress or I
out ot it. lie is too sagacious not to perceive that
the question has become obsolete, ana too wise to'
pour water around the roots of a tree which was gir- '
died two years ago, in the hope of seeing it again
covered with foliage.
Nothing now remains for the territories but to see
that by wise legislation, properly enforced, the peo
ple are protected iu the enjoyment of peace, and ul
timately in the right ot determining the character of
their own institutions, without intimidation by mobs
and without interference from the States. The soon
er this doctrine is acquiesced in, the sooner will that
quiet be restored to the country, of which it is so
greatly in need.
(trnud Torchlight Procession.
The most imposing and beautiful display, in pu
sh ape of a torchlight procession, ever witnessed in
this city, came otF Friday night in honor of the lion.
Benj. IT. Hill and A. U. Wright, who arrived by
the Special train from Waynesboro’ about 7 o’clock
P. M. Messrs. Hill and Wright, Fillmore
Electors, had that day the citizens of
Burke county at Waynesboro’, after which they ac
cepted the invitation of a .party of gentlemen from
Augusta, who had attended the macting, to vis
the city. At the depot they were met and greeted
with the most enthusiastic demonstrations of wel
come, by a very large concourse of citizens, when
the torches were immediately lighted, the proecs
sion formed, with banners and flags, and moved
forward to Broad street, and up Broad to the Plan
ters’ Hotel. The procession was altogether t-ho
grandest and most imposing ever seen in this city—
having not los3 than three hundred torches, which
sent a glare of light far and near, illuminating the
street to a great distance. Along the entire lino of
inarch the side walks, the doors and windows, were
filled with persons anxious to get a glimpse at the
beautiful display, who ever and anon cheered them
in their onward march, by the waving of handker
chiefs and hats, and soul stirring huzzas for Fill
more and Donelson.
Arrived at the Hotel, whither a large concourse
had a'ready preceded them,* they deposited their
torches in a common pile, when an univershal shout
was raised for 11 ill. He immediately responded
to the call in a few eloquent aud stirring remofUfl
from the balcony of the Hotel, apologising for not
making a longer speech, as he had made a long one
at Waynesboro’ during the da}', and had to make
another on Saturday. After him the crowd called
on Messrs. Wright, T. W. Miller, Judge Gilson
and lion. John Mit ledge, all of whom responded
in animated speeches, wJiioh were received with the
most enthusiastic demonstration of approbation by
the immense audience. After which the meeting
adjourned and quietly dispersed. It will, however,
lie long remembered as one of the most exciting
scenes and enthusiastic demonstrations ever wit
nessed in Augusta.
New York Politic*—Skies Bright.
The news which we publish 10-day, of the pro
gre&s of political events in the State of New York,
must gladden the heart of every conservative man
in the South, every true friend of Fillmore. The
question is now no longer one of doubt; the great
State of New York will certainly cast her thirty-five
votes for her own favorite son, Millard Fillmore.
This settles the fate of Fremont, who cannot possi
bly be elected without the vote of New York, al
though he may get every other free State. The
election then goes to the House, and there the re
sult will be in favor of Fillmore, if the House make
an election ; and this they will certainly do, rather
than permit the Senate to elect the President. This
is indeed most devoutly to be wished. The pros
pect is alreudy bright for the consummation of such
on event, and it is daily growing brighter, r.s we
approach the election. What, then, becomes
of all the clamor with which the Southern people
have been so industriously plied by the JBu
chananites “that Fillmore has nd chance?”—
It is already vanished into thin air, and his chances
are now, to-day, we believe, infinitely belter than
Buchanan’s, while Fremont has no chance what
ever. The truth is, Buchanan could not get the
vote of a single free State, if Mr. Fillmore were
withdrawn from the contest. This is a fact which
all well-informed men, who are honest enough to
tell the truth, do not pretend to controvert—indeed
they all admit its truth. And the impression now
exists that his friends have decided in caucus at
Philadelphia, to withdraw him after the October
elections, if he should prove as weak as thoy now
fear he is in Pennsylvania, Indiana, IlHnoil, and
other States. The fact is well known that his most
intimate personal and political friends have been
diligently engaged for two or three weeks, in sound
ing the public pulse at the North, to determine op
the propriety of continuing him in the field ; and it
is now believed, in well informed circles, that his
withdrawal is made contingent upon the result of
the October elections.
Let the friends of Fillmore, then, be of good
cheer, and push on the column to victory. It
is within their power, and they have only to deserve
a triumph to win it.
“ Rurlmimn, Breckinridge and Free K.un*a«i.”
This is the oloee of an appeal, inviting the pe»
pie to a Democratic meeting in
“ Buchanan, Breckinridge and Free Kansas' ”
What think the people of the of Soutlwuch an appeal,
and that too, in Mr. Buchanan’s own State! We
merely ask for information; especially as th© North |
ern Democracy are so sound (?) on the a’nvcry ques
tion !
I Another Railroad Accident. —The Chaifes
h ton Evening News of "Wednesday says : We ioarn
b from officer Hicks that l ho down night train from
I Augusta ran into a gang of cattle at Indian Field
[ Swamp, about forty miles from the city, killing
- three of them and throwing the engine and teuder ,
J from the track down an embankment, making a i
; perfect smash of them. A fireman was instantly j
; killed, and another employee, severely, though not \
dangerously wounded. The engine was turned up
| side down, and completely broken up. The corpse
of the fireman was brought on to the city, an in ;
quest is now being held over it.
Carmicheal's Mills. —We were shown through I
this extensive establishment, the other day, by the
gentlemanly agent, Col. A. C. Caldwell, uud ,
were surprised as well as delighted at the improve.
meats in the establishment. It is now one of the *
most extensive establishments of the kind in the j
South, turning out one hundred barrels of flour per j
day, the superfine brands of which are equal to any
we have seen. We kw-k npon our flourishing 1
I mills a a quite an acquisition to our city. We Lave
two that turn out about sixty thousand barrels a
year. For particulars we refer to the ad vertiaemenf 1
in another column.
Coll* V* fcA'tlllu in Sa \ ana A u.—ln Uie (ieurL'ian
of the C4th iiist, we read:—The eqninoctual storm
which prevailed along the Northern const last Sa
turday night and Sunday did not reach this region )
but the cold weather, which followed it, has come
South with considerable intensity. A couple of
blankets were not out of place last night. This
morning has been deoidedly chilly. We presume
there was a slight frost in upper Georgia.
The Collins Line.— lt is stated that since the
government has decided to reduce the pay to the
Collins line, on account of the mail contract, the
company has resolved to reffwe the rale of sped,
thereby avoiding an increased ratio of weur aud
tear, diminishing the consumption of fuel, and les
sening the sire of the crews—arguing that if the go
comment cannot, afford to pay for great speed, pri
vate individuals cannot do it. The New York
Jmirrurtof Commerce says ■
The greater e< onomyuf the new arrangement is
apparent, from the fact (hat the average vommuip
Inm of coal per day at high Speed is eightV.-L'C
to£ at In w speed n sty -five tons. This »
ence equal to *l,OOl > per
"fe the 'endsavnjimr.twen
r uXoeuiq^it.an i^Wn»a»e
ope&i” , _ ,
~Dr.ATTt mo* UTvnerso.—Tie: IMdevil!® (Al4.J' _ J
Banner states that Mr. A. 'S'. Nix, a worthy
icsf that town was t*ortaiiy wounded by Isaak <
Langlcy on the 17th iast.
. • Fillmore for IVesidenf.
\* f i* singular with what unanimity the two wings
of the Democracy reek to depreciate the standing
of Mr. Pii.LMouF* In the North the Freesoil De
mocracy, under the leadership of Fremont, perti
naciously uasnil the Americans in the South lie
Squatter Sovereign and filibustering section of that
James Buchanan, are equally veno
mnu« iu ttwir assaults n n the groat National princi
ples endorsed by M„.,.a rd Fu.lmohe. How leni
ent they are, one to the other, cannot have escaped
tljenotice of any intelligent read, r, andean .nly bo
accounted for on the supposition the. i “fellow-feel
ing makes them wondrous ki d.” ifeth are scc
lionalists, both are agitators, both are partisans
rather than pat riots ; both are thoroughly unscru
pulous tend both are grasping for the spoils.
Although New York, Kentucky, Delaware, Ma
ryland, Tennessee, Pftnida, Louisiana, and Califor
nia have declared in an unmistakable manner for
Fillmore, still the Northern and Southern Demo
cracy swear that all the States that do not go for
Fremont will ceitaioly vote for Buchanan. The
NY-w York Herald gives the majority to Fremont,
and the-Richmond Enquirer awards it to Bu
chanan ; while alt the time it is notorious that un
less they coalesce the election of either is not even
probable. If New York alone votes for Fillmore,
the election qf Fremont by the people will be au
impossibility, and that New York will do so there is
not the shadow of a doubt. If Pennsylvania rejects
the Buchanan Democracy next month, aud thai it
will do so few sane men really doubt, there is no
chance for Buchanan carrying a single Flee State,
|md consequently he cannot be elected by the peo
ple.
The election would then be thrown into the House
of Representatives, aud there Fillmore, we say it
advisedly, must be elected unless the Ercmonlers
find Buchanecrs Coalesce. If they be true to the
principles which they profess, neither ihc Black Re
publicans nor the Squatter Sovereign Democrats
would yield, -uno iota to the other. It would be
fulling, if the Black Republicans were to consume
tflie time until the -Ith of March, and thus permit the
: Senate to elect Mr. Breckinridge. Therefore,
there would really bo but the one object before
Hi cm, when they found victory impossible for their
own party, and that would be to defeat each other
I by throwing their strength on Mr. Fillmore. It is
I well known thof the forces of the Fivmontcrs -and
I Suckaiieers krthe House are not sufficient to ob
| tiuu the required majority of sixteen Slates; tliere
j fore, wc S'iy •oguin, unlessa coalition taker, place
1 Mr. Fillmore must be elected Pitsidinf.
[ This ohoukkbe a consummation :»lost devoutly to
I be prayed for by every man having a love of coun
j try. Mr. Fii.lmork is sternly resolved to allay agi
tation, by fefusivg to listen to the revival of the
j Missouri Compromise; he is deadly opposed to the
I squatter sovereign and filibustering doctrims with
! which Mr. Buchan an is imbued ; be is a strong
| Union and Stair s Rights man ; his reputation honor
j ably won by liis noble endeavors to render justice
j to all while fufilliugthe onerous duties of President ,
did mere to revive the glorious memories of Wash -
i ington than any event of modern times ; and in no
| Huoh expressive manner can the people £ how their
gratitude aud him as by instructing
their Representatives in Coi’gr*. -<t to ensure his re
flection. By so doing,all the political ill • that now
atfect the -country will be brought to an end, and
our Republic will once more be a model for the ad
miration of the world.
The Ue-Aeli<u».
The fanaticism of the Black Republicans has
spent its force. The sanguine hopes of the l)emt>
. craey that they had a right in perpetuity to the
tq>oi!s-of office bus died out. A sober and a moral
second thought is awakened throughout the coun
try, which must prove greatly beneficial to the in
terests of the people. The vile calumnies raised
against Mr. Fillmore, concerning his views uu
squatter sovereignty and the restoration pf the Mis
aouri C <mproinise, have been triumphantly refuted,
and every candiu man is now to admit that
iiooiifi is more strongly opposed to tli infamous
doctrine of squattier sovereignty than Mr. Fill-
More-, .or more determined to check agitation am)
ill blood l>y refusub* resolutely to sanction any at
tempt to restorer the Compromise of 18:20.
Mr. FiLLMcmfc* thus stands before the country
not only as the national candidate, but as the sole
nominee worthy of ’Southern support. As wr have
( previously shown, Mr. Buchanan is really a North
ern politician, whose endorsement of squatter sove
, is as fatal to Southern rights iu Kan.-as an
. the open and avowed animosity of Col. Fremont.
C The letter of the elder S‘hi of . Inky Clay, which
, wc placed before our readers last week, contain. l *
, words Unit compel Southern* men to pause. “Aly
( father,” he writes, “thought Buchan \:. weak and
. corrupt; Wanting; as General .Jackson h: s it, in
mor.tl dnimess.” Tue sage of A- hlaud, Harry of
the West, who most heartily approved ot the admin
iitration of Mr. Fir, r.MoTiE, thought Mr. Bucuynan
weak and corrupt. CananyQld Line Whig, who
reverences the memory of Hem: v Ci. .r. persist in
being recreant to his cause by din ring to corruption
and weakness ? A noble-answer was given to thint
question in the Baltimore National Convention,
when, with q unanimity and enthusiasm Unpmj
leletL, the delegates of the old Whig party, from
twenty-live States declared their devotion to Mil
lard Fillmore, the Constitution and the Union.
It would be impossible to over-estimate the im
poUanee of that action. Already do wc Ibid the
NtlHonal Imeiugeneer, that journal which Cl at
and Weiutkm delighted to read, raising the name.?
<jf Fillmore aud Donelson to th* he- -l of its col
ttmps. The Now York Commercial Advertiser, al
so a paper a great influence, had preceded the In
telligencer two or tnrec days, in the eufoe course.
Other jourc’da of high rank in aJI sections of the
oountry arc certain to do likewise. The united
movement of the Northern and Fillmore Anieri
ounsof New York will tend to swell the number of
voter* for the good cause in that State, and to give
an overwhelming majority in November. In the
South every day adds to the strength of the Ameri
can candidates, and it only requires each i win to bo
true to himself nlid hia cause, and victory will be cor*
taiu.
More Evidence from lVuunylvnnin.
The New Orleans Creole, of the 20th instant, says:
Early in the summer, Dr. Duncan, of Nat«-k. z. Miss.,
than whom then* is uo more reliable man in that
Or f>ny other State, made a viait to Pennsylvania,
revisiting the homestead of his fathers, and making
mil extensive tour through the Stole. Within the
preeout month h'e bus written that tin* fever of Frc
niontism is subsiding—that Mr. Fillmore ln->: steadi
ly grown iii sU'engCh, until there .w scarcely a doubt
fi.al he will carry PennsyUrnn'a iteelf. H« ssu « s
his faiends that- there is no doubt but that Mr. l- ill
iorenanbe elected ii'theSaulUstand up with M:t>
conservative uku of the North iu his support. At!
nil events tkaC is now no shadow of hope for Mr.
muehanau. The South must support Mr. Ei/U
mare if it. Jester* <t to voU as lo * . its own
f Hfi has visited, is matt signal.
i j The CreoL: adds : Not only are we assured from
. j die Executive Coghiuittce of the American party, of
these being facto, but we find the following to the
same effect, in m neutral paper of the city of Phila
delphia :
i “Mr Buchanati’s friends insist that his personal
popularity 13 to have grout weight in the election--
L that State pride will aid him largely, and that, it is
i idle to expect the democratic commonwealth of
. Pennsylvania, to turn her back on the candidate of
the party especially since be is one of her unlive
: born sous. W« uru not able to discern any force in
» all this. So far as we can judge Mr. Buchanan haa
, not much pdpfltartty ifi Pennsylvania. There is
r nothing In m 3 history, uor are there any elements in
1 ltis character to conciliate popular admiration, or in -
spire the people with any zeal in his belmif. Clear
ly he is no stronger than his party ; and if the defr-c
lion of such conspicuous Democrats ns (Jnnnerou,
Curtis, Woodward, aqd scores Os othdhj who might
be named, is to be regarded as an indication in this
respect, he will lose a considerable portion of *Lni
.support which lms, heretofore been necessary to*
(lurry tbs State for the Democracy. Pennsylvanit*
voted for Gen. Harrison, and also for Gen. Taylor.
JJhe has occasionally sent a Whig Senator to Con
gress, and, Mr. Bigler, the successor of Mr. Cooper,
Was chosen simply because the opposition were un
able to unite upon a candidate. The Buchanan
men are, therefore, without the prestige arising
from uniform success, nor have they e-nfidenoe in
j the result which often contiibutes so e • nti«ily to
( a victory.
4 “The election which i-'to ‘nka place L. Li.- fttate
son the' 14th of October, will tell tfio fctory, faros
i Mr. Buchanan,. is concerned. If his hi. .ds arc
j l>atcn then, he wifi not carry a single free State.
I Consular Chances.—Tin N. Y. Herald state!? :
! Mr. Cobwike Li to succeed Mr. Ward as Consul to
i Panama, that genUenMh’.s removal having been re
j quested by the Granadian government. We are
j also informed dial the Portuguese Consuls at New
j York and Baltimore have been notified, that their
f functions are for the present su-pended. The
j slave traffic, to extensively set on foot in both
| cities, is said to jjfcve something to do with the sus
| pensions.
j . lleavv Frost in South Caroi ina,—A dispatch
* fr<»io Columbia, doted the 24th in. 'ant, lays there
, was a iieavy froet hi that sect'on of die State the
i previous night. It is feared tliat there has been
| much damage to the Cotton.
| Serious Frit* at Glen.nvm.lt, Ala.-—A fire
j broke out on Monday night at the hotel, known no
i the Mansion rcoentiykept by Mr. Barnett.
I but sold a few dayaflfeuce to Mr. Di nkin -- in, Glenn
j ville, Ala. The hotel was entirely* consumed. Mr.
• Dixkis#* loss willb»i severe. He paid over $5,000
i for th© Hotel. We hA* no insurance. Dr. C 4 M.
j Dope, loses a fine mare, one of a pair. He had tied
j them to a tree «*©me distance off, but thfiy were hot
I terrified, in their efforts to get loose, they chqked
! theniseivtti down. One was cut loos© barely in
time to save her.
j Mukt al ixx ln New York Cit y .— Th e hot* 1 nttm -
i ber of deaths in tlie city Inst week was 461, showing
a decrease of 15 an the previous week. Three death©
j from yellow fever are reported, oue of which was
j that of Ui£,purser of the Savannah steamship Ala
-1 iutma. *
[ The Courier JL Enquirer of the 23d inst., i-tates
i hat three fatal poses of yellow fever occurred at a
' Louse on James street, New York, on Sunday.- The
building wa§ very dyty, and densely crowded with
kuna tea.
The Whigs of Massachusetts fired a salute of five
hmndredjuuie on Uv*U>u Common on Saturday, in
honoroftke □oiuinukonoidyiELAßD Fillmore by the
Natiuual Convention. At night they held a great*
ratification meeting at Charlestown.
An Inquest was held in Charleston on Wednes-
Coroner Kinsfman, on the body of William
ForUmiunn, a native uLGennany, about twenty live
years oi and employed on the South C arolina
KaiTjpOad as a fireman ou the Columbia Night Ex
p*es* Train, who was killed by jumping from the
Locomotive which in contact with cows
on the track between the 41 mile stutioi* anti St.
Georgo'jp and thrown off. A verdict was rendered
tocordingly. .
Health of Savannah.—There were eighteen
leatha iu Savannah during the week ending on ti e
53d inst.