Newspaper Page Text
l>i W. S. .1 ONES.
CmuiVM Li: A SENTINEL
IS PUBLISHED EYERY WEDNESDAY.
THREE DOLLARS per Ann a in;
TWO DOLIJRs WHEN PAID IN
or within THREE MONTHS after the
‘t iu 1 r V < Iv \I fri on •*ut ]
. E <:■ ,t.
Diipi.aY£D Acvkrti.umims, ’I n Cents p* r
* “ ‘’ 1 “ “ - *
- ~ : ■■■ -
W
i
LI i ,\i.l Viu o i,oi)l. t for Meu and Boyif
ia . . i
1} f. M .
‘IiIEhK.MI -■'i n.vKV l >’l K. t, wliic-L.on; onot
. f.-i- •. UA li AllOlfyA KI, A* ‘hKA\
V’ ‘ HoIdLBATHBE
I . •
INS ’
rre
!
TAM ITJSD.
4 V < ■ I . N # • ■ ■'! 11 ■ Wfl
NNon'hl i l --Vu farl, the Latin, Greek and
|• • > • of JOHN A VH?A L.
I
N™. • • ‘ ‘ :
Vh\- -•*!•. •’ “ M- m *rl, fv Va*.
Mr bum, v \v . ;■ i *.ld to H Md’
Augusta, Go., Febv ii, ■ vwtf
, r n, . , t ;,. tor i • ANT A
I
A V S : .
Tract* i.o. •• i'ur
i
L*u4 *r\ >u . .. .
•• v v ‘Sm 1 ’ , .‘A ‘** 1 •*
nK..
itri: r •■ '’ .uL™
. vflwa.*; t -.vi. v .. t
A- ■-
:: ■ !
zretm t.i* * • ’‘ ‘ • ‘ £ .f : ’
i
ll,” : •: ■ • ‘ ■ i’LL* tUx
P -t, nu. *r. : . ‘'•■* Kiver—at |
!iS.. *. ; v. - •: j
id'.,,. £d“■** 1
-sl: ... _ W”:.
P* • ■'■ K V .^ U ; l f ; r I
Ai- i-:4 : . ‘* •; ‘ l ’V in'i. :iv at
Uadea T L 4 S W. \V Y*N.
i'-OW, - ■ ,4* v -S;,V4 W*Bi
‘PHHKEit L* • o>aA* j
1 ‘ >
OcOiitU i *0 ‘ ’ B ‘
J vt‘S • ?* V. ‘dd Ct- i
in F KV* Pr t - I
“JL .'-...t't ~. No * ..Vuf. Pro- I
•? hr i >.-..d0. K B !uM'H*s f Poo.cU-r.
... . : ki,- :-Kot.t V Pee, rtsii'r.
It ‘
not kujw- 4* . “.>■• 4 ■*
}’• f
Pre.idout, dat*4 Jui\ .. . - *5
P A SCR AXT OX.
An-’ :a K--t V’ ->
T>o I % • <>t - MeJiu -dck Pt>
J. TaTo£B, a cLv-c art , :,. r üb.* tJut re
joict-d \ DAK lUiN AC A HI BBAKD
dec U
■ jronicle £ fla&dL
>i*kiKi II OF J. J. I KITTKNUFN,
Os KE'fTUCKT,
L)‘i.rrti’ m ine IS. S tirnate on Wednesday.
March 17.
Mr. President, 1 do bo! pr>>poe lo odd anything
to Ae-vorirjjw argument* tto< Love bum ea ployed
on ti.is otlbjwt f Bring (be lung dwoframn through
wl; rii we hftve Lti?* c'X . Hj)d yet I ebeuld not per
f.-tyi tL> 4ury. according lo jny vie ire, if I otnuttd
• ♦ v pre.-r my sentiments and feelings on the sub
• t I . ‘ore : J do Dot intend to occupy
ur ‘in - . t xufdiooib, Sii TLe right of the
e t ..*-rr ti < igiselvee u the great principle
1 up* l v. iik-jTo.uf <j6v*tfnintt and our institution sail
1 •.. . .. i I seems to ine inst this great principle is
[ i to tl preMf * robfad.
T.. p - - tof the United States communica
•p it* u-* a* lirtunent coked the Constitution ot
p- i- I • r.l ry of Kansas, and he hae,
a.: j’.**-’ e.r;euuc*fl,*iviaisdaudr©CoiiMflend
*o u-t< adin ?K lists under that Constitution,
a s *.'L into tui4 Union. The question, an it ha*
, • v -eif to mind, involves ao Inquiry as to
L-r.'ter- <*f fft< rj>earir*h upon this instrument of
.<*ri . a acdwholiw these authorize ua to regard
r in- ruiiit nf a-'The Couatitution of the people of
! K •. is their Constitution ? If embody
..r > • ’ lioee and come here under such aanc
-a , h“.t we ar<? to regard it, or ought to
| ,ii! as s ;.e per.naneut, fundamental law ano
j f u*M*a of thu* new £tate ? 1 do not think it
[ i. w ’jj su ;h a hwicion, or ought id be r^gard
| • \ ‘’ v of Uie people of Kansas.—
i * feh t > not occupy jcur time longer on this
V ..a? are the evideocee*that it ie an ? It ia made
j jy *• ‘ *n. nation, to be sure, califd under the au
r *Y an act of tie Legislature of K>vuaaif. Itie
•i bv a- iegulH:ly elected by this people,
/•. / /-. i wo too appear that it liad the sane
s Kansas but i think there are
• character to show that it ia
I . ! • • • m bat in appearance & Cooatitution,
. L.ofu ‘v-e.u.’- tact ’ establimbed beyond
... . foverhv tbi an overwheimUig majority of
,j. - t*i Kanoas are opposed to thia tnotrutneut
, C . i-Vn. The two ingheat officers of
i * r*- ‘ .aH>.,vernmeijT la* ety there under* appoint
.*’ • * i > the Uaitfld Nat—,Qty.
*•; a.id Secretary Stanton, both a sure us of
j eraonai knowledge. This is
• s id* r *te toestaufifh the fact that it is against
. * mni irity pf the pea
, u,.on whom it >2 to be imposed af* a C<’ntitution.
Tii - CMn-tirotioiy in pari waa submitted to the
ia li j)now to inquire bow it was
i .ji ‘ ed, wiietl.H fairly or not A par. of it was
. . ‘I -• l>ie. a!.d. upon a vote
;ii* r, by on a clause thus submitted, it
! - ived < votes, and a littie more. These are
} • Mancie • ur,b which It comes to us. To this
• U would to have the popular approba
| iiql/fHi, when you come to look a little fur
. r into the investigations which have taken place
> r, it appears that of those 6,(101)
j w s, about 3,1)00 were factitious and frauduient.—
J Tii -.’ is reported to us by the minority reports of
; ( nm >• m 1 > . 1 1’ - ies . that is verified to ua
| by ,* proclamation issued by the President of the
Coudc nw\ the Speaker ot the House of Kepre
-•.: iUv> , of the lerntorial Legislature of Kausas
I Ili • high iJTloials, who were invited by Mr. Cai
{ r nn to witii* i-s the <-ounting of the voteb-w’bicb
I• • lefurnari to him, certify from their personal
I e ti-at more than i),000 of the 3,IHX) votes
wLk h were giveu in three precincts in the couoties
•*f Johnson and Leavenworth were factitious votes.
’ . sttsst on lo this, in order that it
. ny appear trutiifnlly who it was that approved of
i .1 v* ■: was taken on the 21*1 of December.—
ise!oie that vote com taken, however, a Legislature
i was elected in October last, and which met
•>u i ix all of the Acting Governor, Mr. blanton. in
I • < eßiber, pus Led an act postponing that vote from
•ie i.-t u I)ece nbr to the Ith of January. On
r • l.h of J attuary,under the provisions of that act,
a i'ie : on VM.- take n upon the Constitution itself
il provided that the questtou should be
u ! !,• Lecomplon Constitution with Siave
r . dji.-n ie Lecomptou Consti ution without 81ave
ry, anti generally upon the Constitution itself. Upon
: .i •. ion, over 10,000 voted against the Con-
Mi . and the of the Territory of
[ Kansas.
j 1 nrg bh linet the reception by Congress of this in
-n .. •- ub the Constitution of the S ato, declaring
j . • /'V’ obtained by baud, and that it has noi
■ • am nr'cout uirence ol any, except a small
in i :i of Hie people. Tins is the substance of their
Na, 1 ask you. Sir, upon this evidence, as a
judge, t<> ay whether this is the Constitution ol the
p ■•},:. ot Jiatisg* or not ! whether the evidence be
i v iis that it is an instrument signifying their
him cud declaring that general and peiuiaueut law
,/ou va fu-h they wi.-h tii< , irgoveimnent.to be foun
u.-.l 1 Uuies.H you •hut y.ur eyes to the vote taken
on li.'j-lth of January, here is ad rect popular evi
oendtf'aud protest against the Constitution, and,
i ven i<i; puosmg the whole of the 6,000 votes, which
v. re given tor it on the *2lst of Decernoer to be
rue and real votes, lairly it shows that
iif i • iier 10,000 other people in the Territory of
Kansas who are opposed to this instrument and who
MvejegMinutely declared their oppositiot.. Here
I- tilt* to. emu aci of the Legislature of the Territo
pmi r against it. Tnase ate reoordad ewi
!,-!••* . nmch so as the Constitution itself is a re-
cord, having the .wne legal sanctions and the same
! al hi■ so *ur lai ii and our • mfadence. How
a ;* you, maw, to make any difference between
thVe testimonials; to say that you will give ellect
> <r*- c.nd uni; reject th.* other; that you will give
. lleCt to that whit h testifies for the minority of the
p< ifpie, and will reject t at which testifies for the
u ; idrity of the people ; that you will accept that
u .-h was firist driven, and reject the last expressions
of the popular will?
■ i- ; ?j* * hist expressions of the popular will that
to govern on every prinpiple, just much as
i hat a former iflw must yield to a subsequent law in
n-. i> p -liit ot conflicl between them. The last evi
< , then, is thu Vote of the people on the 4th of
lui.uaiv, t i O,OOO against it; and the evidence
y ooteinporaueous with that is the resolutions
ol iii* L gif.a.ure of Kansas, protesting and implor
i „ you not to accept this instrument, that it is a
.md and an imposition upon them. 1 want to kuow
why It is that thm evidence Is not entitled to our con
oner&tiofl aud to hafe effect f The Presideut.it
-.r;u to me, has given tls a most unsatisfactory
reason. The President says that in recommending
th< adoption of this Constitution to us, as implied
• : m admission ol the State, he has m>t overlook
ed the \ ote of 10,000 against the Constitution given
upon the 4ih of January ; he has considered it; but
. 1 • < . .udlte holds the law of the Territorial
Legislature under which that vote was taken, to be
mi!title Why ? The law was passed by the
rwiTariy elected, Legislature of the Territory pro
\ ;in*.- i,hat a vote slrnuld be taken on that day ; and
> v i■.* ? Is there anything in the organic law, is
• n anything anywhere that forbids it—that more
io. hid it than the passage of the act for calling a
n< ‘. ion by a previous Legislature?
i president had anticipated thaithe Constitu
tor. i . i in whole, and nut in part, was to be sub
untied to the people. The Governor bad so con
< ~•!,.1 td, and had so assured and promised the
! The President regrets that it was only
din purl li* regrets that the entire Con-
ation Wits uotsuhuiitted. Though he.aocepts as
i . equ?v*aleLt the partial submission, he regrets
!. it %v Mot submitted as a whole. The Ter
ritorial Lrgialatme, after* (lie Constitution was
ut ishoci, immediately afterward passed a law to
\ -•ii the cutnv Constitution,
\ .in u the President had preferred, and which Mr.
linker. Th** Governor, had preterred. Wbat do
?•* .-v i bui ’Carry out ami act iu perfect accordance
.% .. • wishes aud opinions, of the President and
f Aiiy*. the President, who was fora
general submission, and would have preferred it,
•aystr a* ot th * L gisiature.in accordance with
ii i., iu a uierenuiity. W'hy ? Because, he
P avs, by the previous a*Js of the people aud of the
il'/rri .nal Government the Territory wa* 50 fa r
- ;m1 >i i r admission into the Union as a State
l ;it is the reason, lie gives no application of it,
but oftuoui eeeas a reasuu that it was so far pre
* oe ause tiie Constitution had been made.
, dy t*’ be offered to Congress, though that Con
: ution had not yet been submitted to the people
* w.-.V passed Tloit was her condition ;
,tt WHAtUe proparatioua she liad made. Tb? only
m vparati m waa, that under the authority ot a pre
\.. territorial .Legislature, a Convention had
t heut, and a Cons, it ution made aud published.
Thai was the condition ot her preparation; and
l- .-ana* ot that preparation, the Territorial Legisla
, : ,! * power whatever to pass a law to taken
u ot that Const it uri‘*n
:.* w i t t tue people thought of it—to ooiiect the
.- of the public will ’ What co*id the Ter
* Lt ijielatu.e do, to satiety thrmeelvei, to
- coontry, to satisfy thejust rights of the
e. bui t ‘ sav a vote shall be taken on the 4th
Jauuary nextj'in which all the people shall de
, ; , r { assent to, or disapprobation of, this Con
. on entire instrument ? What force had
, - . .. C<M *ti:uuon, unao
d hv you, uuauthorized oy you, paralyze aud
st:.;. the legislative power which your act of
t -v: ai conferred upon the Territorial Govern
ii>- .. Dot s not that power, aud all that power.
t.. perfeot as wheu you granted it ? And
, .vs wufoh your act gave be diminished
. . of mere Territorial authcri
... ]t •- palpabe that it could not. No matter
. oe .doue by the people of Kansas,
r-, at name you please —iawof the Terri
rvi ; *-L ; .•* ature. CoastittKii* made by the pet pie
by what name you ©all it —the eupre
• /*• Government of the United States re
- aitti Ached and uuitnpared, and all the power
IT: nTor.a: iegis aiiou which it gave may be exer
byAbe L^iaiatura.
i w La* avail is :Li- Constitution until ftt'Cepted
i. v v'A ; .grt-ss. and the Senate aomitted upon it f
Wkii.; doe* At bind? Is it anything m re than a
j , hv the people of Kansas that, “We
I . admitted with this instrument, which we
as ur Constitution V’ W hat more is it !
Ik : , bind anybody Where does It derive its
. • y -Ti c invanic aw authorized no iegiela
i'.v a Convention. The Convention could ex-
, v *- t vo I* jisl&tive powrr which Congress bad giv
p. beoanst* Cbpgreoc gave its pi>wer to a Territo
I n to be elected in a certmn manner.
* *to we ex* -vised iu a certain manner. The Cou
. -pp :: i uid exercise no Wgislatiye power. It
‘*}■ Sto -no h .id not bind the tut are State
! vott aooepttd K. what prevented the peo
i v iu . •he next day. ana al-
I rrii modifying it acv ordiug to their own views ?
A • tire arvt :.ing ot reason, of krguineui, or of law,
■ *tFUPport such a proposition as that the pet>pleare
j rt .J- v.\.-d from making another Constitution be
• s-ise ?*. f y nave proposed one not yet accepted and
, t ’ e .j U^;Q ky C<mgres* I think not.
mdgment, we have a precedent or. our
r*K.< vi Su-ows I am right in this view, in the
- presented herself here with a
| 1 l- u “ &vA asked for adansskin aooording to
! • daries whkh she had assumed and declami
s; Cccsiitutioo. Oogroas admitted her. but
■< di -: conditiouallv oniv. Congress object
;v • el uncarr. It included aporuonof terri
[ v wiik-i C mgreee tisought preperiv belonged *o
T ike S ‘'*■ of Missouri. It admitted her, however.
|c ‘ >y h oondiiionaliy. on condition that she
; - ‘. 4 : i at’ Jjer Convention and as ent to the
*< vr b ut ary Congress prescribed and upon
That asset being thus given, the President was to
1 cv .amu it. ana iui. at turtber she was
. • erw . s t*- a >tatf ,n the Union W'hat did
i the people v>: lowa do ? Did they proceed aceor
u ug to this act of CV.- gree* and call a Convention
. . ;-.y r tne as required by the act of
l { Yugrees. >of this altered boundary ’
; r-ir we hear no more of mat. Thoy paased the
, i. v. i-aSed another Ceoveutfoo. made another
’ t sritulwa. applied to Congreaa, and were admit
1 ted at a subsequent sessieu.
V\ ss not their state ot preparation greater than
1 he m qpars:**of the Territory of Kau*a* 1 Here
’ 1 ewa nae no* only ia a state-of preparation, by
bavir.g made acoietitution. but that o>neritutiou,
u■ 2, . it r eareprion. had received the approba
-Ir. t? t. -ugf, and aue had authority to call an
iusr oret.:ioß for theeoata'y and particular pur
jcee. * je.- ao. g to he boundary passed it
!JL>’ a *migii* well do. Her people aaid : “It is j
j a wise* m pKtialVtory Qipde W pwe hy tkie ‘
’o\ v ; gras* mid t*> act upon out acknowledged
. .iT. as a i erritofy to oa’l a cenvenrion. make a
1 b‘ ti - President and President’s proclama-
I • : receiving bur adoption and admnwoc from
! ,h* Leads of CoMjreas and they did sc.
’f tht-v could do that, w prepared a* they were,
hat preparation did not preclude them lrom mak
ug another oor Low i* uiis lets state of pre
baratiofc, on ibe part of Kaueas. to preclude the
rerrilorial Legislature, not from perfonniog the
nigh act of casing a oonvenrioa, but of lak i
ing another vote on a constitution which was yet to
be proposed to Congress ? Can any reason be
-hovvc 7 No, sir, none. That constitution was in
operative. How long would it have operated ?
Suppose circumstances had occurred which baa
i.rovented any application to Congress for years,
how long would this instrument have re f a*ned its
vitality and retained its vigor and authority ? One
year? A short livea ißStrument. Two years?—
Three years ? Four year.? How long ? *bupnoe
•tie President. Calhoun had put this instrument in
his pocket and kept it ihere all the days of bis life,
would it all the days of hi- life have restrained the
people of Kansas from taking other steps and caJl
tng other conventions, and making other constitu
tione ?
If its authority would not have continued a life
time, bow long could it continue ? No man can set
a hunt; and the conclusion therefore is, that it nev
ir had any binding influence—at any rate, never
-uch binding influence (and that is all that I am re
qaired to show) as to have prevented the people, if
hey had changed their minds after making the first
constitution, from calling another convention, aud
reg* rting to all means necessary for the establish
•neat of aDO'her constitution, and then to offer it to
you. It is theirs to offer and ours to dispose of, and
hey are free up to the last moment to make known
to Congress what is their will and what is their de
termination in relation to the fundamental law ot
the State winch they are about to establish
Is not this ail perfectly clear to our reason ? Are
there any fictions of law , are there any technicali
ties. springing cut of these instruments, governing
their force and effect, to prevent this conclusion ?
I- this Constitution to be made up into a iittle plea
of estople against the people ? Are the littie rules
which we are to gather from Westminster Hall—
the litt’e saws in actions at law that do well enough
to decide little questions of meum and tuum among
A, B and C—to be applied as the measure to those
great and sovereign principles on which States and
people rest for their rights and their liberties ? No,
Sir. This is a great political question, open free to
be judged of according to God’s truth and the rights
of the people, unrestrained, unencumbered, unim
paired by any fiction or by any technicality which
could prevent the full ecope of your justice and
your reason over the whole subject.
Therefore, Sir, this state ot preparation of the
Territory of Kansas for admission into the Union
ii is no effect. The argument is not applied : the
fct is merely stated that there is a state of prepara
ion, and there it would be necessary to stop on any
doctrine on that subject; for, in my own judgment,
no argument can be made, even of aDy ordinary
plausibility, to show that the state of preparation
restrains the people of their natural and indeleuai
ble right, anu their legal right as proclaimed by
you, to torm with perfect freedom their own insti
tutions before they come into the Union. There is
no technicality about it.
Here, it seems to me, applies that great principle
to which I adverted at first, that the people have a
right to govern themselves—l mean, of course, hc
c rding to the constitutions and laws, such as they
have. This people had no Constitution—could
have no Constitution ; and when the act of the Ter
ritorial Legislature was passed requiring a vote to
be taken on this Constitution, they had full autho
rity to pass that law. Their hands were not bound.
Here was a great act about to be done—an act to
bind the State, to give it anew character, to give
it new institutions, to put upon it a Constitution—
♦bat panoply of the rights of all. This was the
great act to be done , it is an act which none but
the people can do, through themselves or their
proper representatives. It is- in all cases, directly
rby reference, the act of the people. The laws
which they establish are not of that transient cha
racter which can be made to day and repealed to
morrow. They are made for permanency. They
are the great, immutable and eternal truths and
principles on which all government must rest. They
lire expected to be permanent. The people dele
gate to others the power of passing your temporary
aud reputable laws. They reserve to themselves
the great right of passiug those which are perrna
nent and irreparable except by themselves.
Was it not ot consequence; was it not of impor
tance to know the will of the people, whether they
really did approve of this Constitution which was
about to be offered to Congress—a law which, when
Congress puts its imprimatur on it by admitting
the State, is to be permanent ? Would it be any
harm to Lake the vote over and over again / What
objection could there be to it ? You might have
“it is an unnecessary care of the people's
rights , you have had their decision once; therefore,
it is not necessaiy to have it again but out of
abundant care and abundant zeal you may choose
to take it again and again, and ascertain whether
there may be change or variations in the public
opinion? Where is the man who can say aught
against it ? I)o you object to it because it is taking
too great care of public liberty, paying too great re
spect to popular rights? Nobody will take that
ground.
But it may be said you might delay the applica
tion to Congress by these repeated elections. Not
at all. You must avoid that as far as you can. In
this case it has not delayed it In this case this vote
was taken btfore this Constitution came before you
—while it yet slumbered in the hands of President
Calhoun. No objection can be made, then, that this
was made the cause of or intended merely for the
purpose of delay. The result shows that it was ne
cessary and proper. The result shows that, not
withstanding the vote of six thousand, though all
real, here were ten thousand whp were opposed to
it. I say, therefore, that it is not the Constitution
of the people of Kansas. It inay in aoertain sense
lie a Constitution offered by the Convention to the
people of Kansas, but whi h the people of Kansas
by ten thousand majority have rejected- have lawful
ly rejected in the last vote, as it was lawfully approv
ed by the six thousand first voting in the preceding
December.
I say, then, Mr. President, upon the record evi
dence, upon all the evidence, this is not the Consti
tution of the people of Kansas. It is not the Consti
tution under which they desire that you, shall
them into the Union. Now will you, against their
will, force them into the Union under a Constitution
which they disapprove? This is the question. You
know the fact that ten thousand agaiust six thousand
are opposed to the Constitution. You know that, by
the act of their Territorial Legislature, they entreat
you not to admit them with this Constitptiou. They
tell you mo eover, as one of their reasons, not only
that they disapprove of the whole Constitution, but
that it is particularly hateful to them because the
votes given for it or apparently given for it, were to
a great extent fraudulent and fictitious. The Legisla
ture tells you that nine-tentbs of the people there are
opposed to it.
Now, would it not be strange that under these cir
cumstances, w’e should, % without any motive for it
that I know of, as the common arbiters of all Terri
tories and States to the extent of our constitutional
power, force her into the Union? Wbat motive can
we have, what right motive, w th the knowledge of
these facts, to force them into the Union, and enforce
upon them this Constitution? I cannot feel myself
authorized to do such a thing. Os course Ido not
impugn the motives and the views of others, who
take ad tferent view, act from different motives
from mine. They act upon one view and I upon
another; but it seem to me that to do this is a plain,
unmistakable violation of the right of the people to
govern themselves.
♦; f have endea /ored tp show you, Sir, that this io
not the Constitution of the people of Kansas, ac
cording to the recorded evidence of their will. It
seenrin to me, furthermore, that this Constitution is
a fraud. It is not only not their Constitution ac
cording to their will, but it is got up and made in
fraud, and to deprive them of their rights. Ibe
lieve that, and I think it can be shown.
The President of the United States has furnished I
us an argument on this subject, and it has been of J
ientimee repeat ;d here in the debate—of course a !
plausible and ingenius argument, as all must admit; j
even those who deny the solidity of the reasoning. ;
W hat is the argument ? The President says the ‘
sense of the people w&s taken, and proved to be in j
favor of calling a ConveutioD. The Convention
was called ; delegatee were elected ; those delegatee
made a Constitution ; that Constitution was submit
ted to the people in part, and approved by a vote
of six thousand, according to law. Well, all these,
you will observe, constitute a tissue, a long series of
little legalities, regularities and technicalities; and
the reasoning of the President is founded on
technical points on each of these facts. You must
admit all the facts —>es, Sir, the facts are all true ,
and if they aloue constituted the case, the conclu
sion would be fair and right that this Constitution
has been regularly made ; that this Constitution has
been sanctioned by the people as well as by the
Convention , but is there no more in the case than
this ? There is a great deal more in the case than
this.
When frauds have been alleged and charged
against this Gfovernment of Kansas, gentlemen say,
“ Ah, but these frauds were in other elections, these
frauds do not particularly and specially touch this
con tituiion, or the proceedings which led to this
constitution.’’ But suppose there were frauds in re
lation to it; la it not something if I show you that,
in regard to tha part of the constitution which was
aubo+iUed to the people to be ratified by them, find
wa.-* nothing until the people bad ratinea it even ac
cording to the Constitution itself, there was fraud
iu that election, and abundance of fraud ? So gla
ring, so impudent and so tearless had frauds in elec
tions become there, that upon that very poll list, in
one of the precincts, (l forget whether it was in Ox
ford or SLawnoe, or that other precinct which emu
lates these in its character for fraud, Kioaapoo,)
you fiud that the President of the United States,
Col. Benton, and the geutleman from New York,
(Mr. Seward,) were there, it seems, or fictitious
votes were put in for them by somebody, and a long
list of persous of that sort figure ou the poll book
at miserable preoinct3 as actual voters. That
was the vote ou the Constitution ou December ,
that was on the part submitted to the people. They
were the constitution making power there, aud there
I suow you the fraud.
What further frauds there were 1 know rot; but
this much is apparent—and later developments
show greater trauds still—that in one sing e pre-
cinct, where there were only thirty or forty votes to
be taken legitimately., there were* over twelve hun
dred ; and under the investigation lately made by
Commissioners iu Kansas, that upon sworn
many is stated to be the fact In one precinct there
were twelve hundred fraudulent and fictitous votes
out of twelve hundred and sixty ; seven hundred in
another, and over six hundred in another; making
in the aggregate t wentv-six hundred votes in three
precincts* enure!/ fraud 4'.eat ana notitoas, written
out by hundreds on the poll-book after the election
was over, put ou without scruple upon tbe poll-book, |
upon the election return, put down without scruple j
during the election, of those who were qualified,
and those who were not qualified; and that is the j
way this Constitution in put has received its sane- j
tion.
But. Sir. I think that we should take a very par- |
tiai view of this subiect, one very uusatiefactory to |
our judgment, if we were to isolate tbeee facts
wh en have direct relation on*y to the tonaation ot
this Constitution, and leave out ail the surrounding
circumstances. It seems to me that the proper and
the just mode of regarding this Constitution, is to
consider it ae one of a series of acts, and see if we
can find that the whole action and operation of all
those were to lead io one general purpose—
that.of maintaing by fraud ana by falsehood the
power and the government of the minority, and their
offices to them against the will of the great majority
ot the voters. I say it is an act connected with all
the other acts. The whole case is to be taken, and
every pa*t of it judged of, in this connection.
Kc*. what was the first sct ? Tna; is
We may all *Py&k of it now, though we disputed it
tit the time. The first Legislature that was elected
in Kansas under the organic act* was not elected by
tbe people o: Kat-sas. It was elected by persons
who intruded into tue polk, imruded themsel .es
with arjas in their ban os and seized upon the bal
lot boxee, put in their own ballots, driving away
the legitimate voters, and elected the members of
the Legislature. That is the way the Government
0: Kansas was inaugurated. There w*s no opposition
to it fi ooi the first- Those who bad been driven nroin
the polls, tboe who were opposed to the party that
was installed in power by these means, conceived
such indignation and such disgust that tnev pro
claimed aloud, whether wisely or unwisely, they re
rounced obedience to this spurious Government, aa
they called it. It is not material to me whether
their complaints are well-founded and uue or not.
I Hjn endeavoring to depict the course of things, to
show their motives and the motives of the pet sons
wfio were thus installed into the Territorial Govern
ment. They came to their power by violence they
i ‘iaine to their power by fraud. That was the com
-1 plaint of the opposing party in Kansas. They re
! Dossoed their rule, they renoonc-d their iaw&. re
fcaed to commit tbemeetves in any wav to their
support, lefueed to go to any election afterward.
They s.-tid, ‘What is ;he use ? This corrupt mieon
i ty who have got mte power, who have in their
bands the means of controlling the election, who
are not too good to do it, and who will do it, who
have done it, will practice the same means we
shall be again anven from the polls, or, if not, they
neving the control of the elections, and of all the
officers who conduct and manage them, will have
what retwns made they please. We wifi subject
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, MARCH 31, 1858.
ourselves no more to the humiliation of attempting
to execute a right which we know will be frus rat
ed and defeated by fraud, or by violence, or by
force ” Under these impressions, and wire these
feellinge, which it is not my part here either to justi
fy or rebuke, but simply to state the fact, they with
drew from the elections lest, by voting - according
!o laws posted by this corrupt Legislature, they
r-lion Id seem to acknowledge its authority and their
a legiance to it.
Now, what would be the condition of the men
who had been installed into power in this way ?-r-
Tbe\ were very glad of this. Iu all the eleotiorre 40 be
held afterward, this power ot the minority, howev. r
small, would be continued ; as their enemies wou and
not come up to vote, they would be re-eltcied, and
would retain and perpetuate their power. So they
went on—the field abandoned by the majori y, and
the minority ruling everything in this way. Look
at the evidences that are before you from these
high officers lately returned from Kausas, Stan on
and Walker. They tell you of frauds regularly per*
petrated there, and although they had t nought be
fore that the people were acting factiously, that
they were acting seditiously, that they weie acting
reoelliously in attempting to withdraw themselves
from this government altogether and act tor them
selves, aud that their complaint of fraud and impost
tion upon them in elections were rather affected for
the purpose of giving color to their conduct than other
wise, yet when they went among the people aud
heard them, and learned all about the dealings that
had been practiced, they could not doubt (bur
truth and their sincerity m the resentment which
they felt and in the conduct which they pursued.
However unwise, it wa.3 sincere on their part.—
They had been defrauded; they had wrongs enough
testing and humiliate them. This is what thtsc
i slicers say ; I know nothing about it? we know
nothing about it, except from the testimony. That
these persons were capable of committing fraud we
know. They began in fraud. Has any gentleman
here denied, is there any gentleman who discredits
the history, which we all have, of the frauds prac
ticed in the first election that was held in Kansas !
However we might doubt this, however we might
have disagreed, however we might have believed
or disbelieved heretofore, ph&s not every mist and
doubt been cleared away from around this fact ami
is tnere one here now to say that the right of elec
tion was not trodden down in the first election for
a Territorial Legislature in Kansas, and that a mi
nority government was not elected ? That they
have continued that government by fraud since, is
shown at every step of their progress.
Ir was in the midst of this seif .-uspensiou of the
right of suffrage on the part of their opponents that
they called the Convention by which this Constiu
tiou was made. Look at the Constitution itself.
On its own face, does it not contain the amplest
preparation for fraud, visible and app&r nt? L >ok
at the internal evidence marked on its face. They
pass by all the sworn * fit jials of the Terr torial G v
---ernment who had before conducted elections. 1 hey
authorized by the schedule to the constitution, Presi
dent Calhoun to take this whole matter into h
hands, to appoint the • ffi jers, to conduct the election
giving him control over that < ffi ial body and the
appointment of them all, and the returns were not
to be made to any permanent i fficer of the Govern
ment., not to the Governor, but to this same Mr.
Calhoun. He was to appoint the tfficers to conduct
the election, receive the returns, count the ballots,
and declare the result. Well. Mr. Calhoun has per
formed all this business!
Another thing, every human being in respect to
that part of ike Constitution which was submitted
to the p ople, before he could vote for or against it,
was required to swear that he would support that
Constitution, when it was adopted. In that Con
ati ution, those who framed it well knew were pro
visions intolerable to all the Free-State men in the
Territory, and they would not swear to support it.
They so b lieved, aud hoped, and expected. This
was under the show of a fair election. Not on y
have they secured all the advantages resulting from
the appoinrment of the officers to conduct it. but,
to leave their conscience more easy, these t fficers
were n*>t even sworn. There was no provision for
that. Everyman voting for the ContitulioD, or
that part of it submitted to him to vote upon, was
required to be sworn beforehand that he would sup
Pau l that Conatitut on. This, it was supposed, if
nothing else, would keep ift’ the Free-Siate men.
It is said, in this testimony, that Gov. Waiker,
fßorn the time he went there, hid been diligently
persuading all the people ot the Terri ory to throw
aside this inaction of theirs, come into the elections,
and participate in the Government. For this, Mr.
Stanton says, Gov. Waiker Decarne the object of
bitter host hty to Mr. Calhoun's party They did
not want conciliation. They demanded, as the
same witness says, repression They wanted pe
nalty, not persuasion. They did not know wha the
result of this persuasion might be in the election
afterward to take place on the Constitution. It was
ueeeesary, therefore, to make provision against the
possible effects of these persuasions and arguments
of Gov. Walker ; it was, therefore, necessary to put
in though nobody opposed them. 6,faOU votes for the
constitution, they believing that that was a majori
ty of the greatest number of votes ever given on*any
occasiou in the Territory, and so it is slated here.
Tb*-y ju=t went beyond the line ; ands >r fear of ren
dering it more monstrous, and the fraud more visi
ble, they went just so far as the necessity demanded
the fraud. They did not choose to use it supeiflu
ously. They rather husbanded it, to be u-eil as the
occasion might require, and no more than was re
quired. I cannot shut my eyes to this fact. These
preparations, then, in the schedule of the constitu
tion, were made iu anticipation of the vague dan
gers that were apprehended. It was gieatly im
poitant to carry tnrough this Constitution, greatly
important to preserve their authority under the
constitution. There were iwo Senators of the
Uuit:d States to be elected. All the officers of
the State Government were to be constituted
These were to be the leward of those who had la
bored.
These seem to me to be preparations made for
fraud, aud when I come to compare them with the
action which took place afterward, the design with
the act, the purpose and iulfilment of it, make the
pr*,of perfect. The means of doing it, the means of
facilitating it, are given in the Constitution. The
actual perpetratiou of it afterward at the polls is
seen. It is seen in the election upon the Constitu
tion. It is seen in the election of the 4th of Janua
ry, for officers uuder the new Constitution. There
ie where these frauds, lately developed, were prac
tised to such an enormous extent. There is where
these little precinct distinguished themselves.
Another fact may be noticed, that this Convention
to make a Constitution were to meet, by law, iu
September, and go to their work. They met then.
Did they go to work ? No. Why did they not !
There was au election of the Territorial Legislature
to take place in the October following They want
ed to know the result of that election; to know
how the land lay ; whether all was safe or not;
whether any point was necessary to be guarded in
the Constitution; whether there were any enex
pected majorities rising up; whether there were any
obstructichß in the way of ordinary frauds. They
wan ed to see what was the character of the new
Legislature, that they might meet the emergency
and meet, the exigency with any constitutional pro
vision that might be necessary to perpetuate their
power. They adjourned. The Legislature was
elected; and that Legislature turned outL not
withstanding all the frauds that were practiced,
to be against them. What then? The Legisla
ture being against them, now what is the provi
sion in the schedule? The officers of election, and
other officers of the Government, were, many of
them, appointed by the Territorial Legislature.—
They e&ia: “Now here has come iu, in October, a
Legislature opposed to us. What so likely nut that
they who have complained ot frauds from Govern
ment officials, will now change the officers aud
change the mode of election ?’* What then? They
declare in the schedule that all who are in officanow
shall hold their offices; that all the laws in existence
| now shall continue in existence until repealed by a
i Legislature which shall meet under the Stale or
! ganization under the Constitution. That si eoces
j the T rritorial Legislature, paralyzes the
power of the Territ rial Legislature. That wat*
certainly against them ; aud to take the chances of
a future election under that Constitution, that future
electiQn was to take place, by the same schedule on
the 4th of January, and then they were to make an
other death struggle for the supremacy, aud then
they did I have seen the report of the Commis
sioners lately appointed by the TANARUS rritorial Legisla
ture of Kansas to investigate the frauds. There
this Government party did make efforts more than
worthy ol all their former practices in fraud, in or
der to secure the Legislature, which, uuder the
Constitution, would make Senators of the United
States. It was here that Oxford, that Shawnee.
that Kickapoo, distinguished themselves in the mut
tiplicity of votes, feigned aud fraudulent
And when you see such things as these in the
Constitution, when you see such thiDgs as|lhese all
around the Constitution, when you see the
same men who made the Constitution rulers in the
land during the whole time, do you not see th*t the
frauds have been everywhere, that the imposition
on the people has been everywhere 1 And bow
can you exempt from the contagion (ii there was
nothing more than tins general association from
which to infer it) this Constitution and those who
made it? Judging from the positive internal evi
dence that exists in it, and the facts that surround
it, I cannot. I believe it violates the right of the
people to govern themselves, to impose it upon
them. I believe this Constitution 13 the vork of
fraud—Taud upon the rights of the people.
I do not undertake to defend this people for their
conduct. It is not my part nor my province. I
should agree, perhaps, with the President, that
nucb of their conduct had been of a disreputable,
disorderly, and seditious character. It may be that
it deserves the epithet of “rebellion, M which the
President applies to it. I have nothing to do with
that. lam not their advocate. I have disapproved
of their conduct in* many instances. There were
many bad men among thtm, as I believe, but for
that the law assigns its proper punishment The
majority of the people have their political rights,
that remains, notwithstanding their legal offences.
It is in that point of view, it is in Lheir political
ibaracter as the people of a Territory, that I look j
at them in respect to this subject. Whether they \
be more or leas vile on the one aide or the other, is !
not tbe question. I fear that neither party could i
take the chair of impartiality and justice, and be
shameless enough to attempt to administer rebuke
or justice to the other
One great objection to their admission at all is
tnat they have not shown, by their conduct on any
side, that they are altogether fit for assoc.ation with
| the States of this Union. A little more apprentice
i ship, a little more practice of honest and fair deal
| ing, a little more spirri of submission and subordina
! tion to law and authority, would be well learned by
j them, ana fit them and qualify them much better
i for citizeas of the United States. That is my opin
j ion. I have, however, spoken of their p* liticai
i rights as men, and it is not for me to sit in judgment
to condemn and deprive them of the right ot suf
frage on one side or the other, because of frauds
committed by one, or violence practiced by anoth
er. This is a political ques ion.
It is said, however, that the series of legalities
and technicalities, to which I have aduded, of a
regular election, of a regular Convention, of a sub
mission to ibe people, ana of votes of the people
upon all these cues tions. have been regular; and
what then ? All the people had a right to vote, and
those who did not vote forfeited their right to com
plain : and we are not to inquire whether there were
any people who did not vote, or whether those who
did vote voted fairly, and entitled to vote or
not. it is s*ia we are precluded by the forms in
which this transac'ion is enveloped ; that the for-
mal alection, the formal certificate of election, the
formal Constitution certified—these formal ; yes arc
enough for us. and that w* are not pernor ted to
look ftnthe*. Ix4* we ought not to look farther. Sir,
Ido no’ think so. We are applied to cow to admit
anew State into tbe Union The instrument which
she presents as her Constitution is opposed by peo
ple from the same Teijitory The/ say: “'ftr.s is
not o?r Constitution .it is against our will it is
not only against our will, but it has been imposed
upon us by devices and fraud. It is void for fraud.
If it is not void for fraud, for that > rather a legal
than a political term, we present these frauds and
this opposition as a reason why you ahouid not ad
mit our Territory into the Union under this Consti
tution. ’
That is the state of the question before you. The
complainants admit all the regularities just as tbe
President states them Perhaps they admit tbe ei
fect these f-rm* wouid ordinal I'y have, but they
urge other facts in opposition to the apparent evi
dence of the Conatitut ourself, as I have before ad
verted to. A mejority of the people nave protested ‘
against it. The present Legislature, by it* inquiries. I
have developed the vast frauds which were prac
ticed in the Converkon concerning and relating to
ai. around this Constituti n. They say. “ IK- net
accept that • do not admit ua unar it *?ead it back
let it be submitted to a fair vote of the people
Sir. upon such a comp lain: as this, re we not
bound, in justice to that people, to examine the
whole case? Can any Senator turn away and re
fuse to look at the testimony that is offered ? Can
he be juatfimd iu so doing by naked legal presump
tions frooAaked regularities and ineguiarides?
Do faoi suppose that I would disparage all these
conclusions and presumptions from & formal, regu
lar manner or doing business. In many oases, and
to many of the transactions of society, especially to
your Courts of Justice, they are necessan , and they
subserve the purposes of justice. The}’ were not
maae to sacrifice Justice, but to uphold it, and maiu
laic it, and protect it as an armor. That is the pro
per business of forms—not to fcrush down justice
but to promote it. We are not now sitting here
governed by any technicalities. This is a grand
national political tribunal, to judge according to
*ur sense of policy and our sense of justice. That
is ourbigb province—not to be Cos trolled by pre
sumptions of law when we can have the naked
truth. It is the truth that A*ua:ht to guide it ; and
tor that we ought to look wherever we <*an find it;
and where you find the truth on c*ae side and the
faction on the oilier aide—which is to be followed,
itae truth or the faction ? I take the fact; I take th
truth ; let the fiction return to those tribunals who
are by law made rubject to it. This is a question
above that sort ol argument. It is inquirable into.
El-e how can We judge that it ia their constitution ?
It is the first ti i.e, 1 oeiitrve, that such a question
has ever come up in the Senate of the Uuileu States.
In all former applications for admission, there has
beeu one thing about which there has been no
question; and that was, the wil i-guess to be ad
mitted, and the constitution under which they de
sired to be acm’tted. has been no question
about tie authentioitytof & constitution, or about its
~xpres*ing the true of the people before this,
that I know of. lam satisfied there has been none;
but now that there is, we must inquire into the au
tUenticify of the instrument offered to us; we most
inquire whether it is better, on full consideration,
to admit this instrument and the State with it or
not; and, jn the exercise of that judgment, we are
bound to'look abroad for the truth wherever we
can find it. I think, therefore, these matters are all
fairly siiljject to our consideration.
Now, Mr. President, convinced as I am, from
these imperfect views oi the evidence in the case,
that th.s instrument is not really the Constitution of
toe people ot Kausas, or desired by them to be ac
cepted by you iu their admission into the Union.
beii£vifig that it is not their Constitution ; aud be
lieving, Moreover, as I verily do, that it Is made iu
fraud and for a fraud; believing that these mat ters
ire inquifable into by ue, and that the inquiry has
led us io abundant light on thwsuhieci. 1 cannot, I
will not Vide tor it. Vie wing re as I do, I should
think that, with the opiuions I entertain, l could not
put my Land to her admission without violating my
sensa of right and justice, and I would submit to
any consequence before I would do that.
Now, Sir, what considerations are there apart
from these which I have stated fobich could lead'me
to give, oi could compensate me for giving a vote
against my sense of what was right and j ust ? What
is the advantage to our whole country, or to any
portion of it, to result from taking Kansas into the
Union now with this Constitution ? Is any thing to be
gained ? Is the South or the North to gain anything
by it ? I see nothing to be gained by it I taink there
is not a gentleman here who believes that Kansas
will be a slave State. Before this Terriiorirl Gov
ernment was made, many of the leading raeu of the
South here argued that Kansas and Nebraska nev
er could be slave States By the law of climate and
geography, it was said tbev could not. So said my
friend worn G'btgia, (Mr. Toombs,) aud so said Mr.
Stephens*
Mr. Toombs—Never.
Mr. Hale —Mr. Badger said so.
Mr. Crittenden—>lr. Keitt and Mr. Brooks of
South Carolina said so. The opinion wan expressed
by numerous Southern gentlemen that Kansas
could never be a slave State. It was for the princi
ple that they contended; and the principle, the ab
stract principle, was a just one,
Mr. Hammond—With the permission of the Sena
tor I will ask him, “Did I understand him to say
that Mr. Keitt bad declared that Kansas never
would be a slave State v ’
Mr. Crittenden—Yes, sir , so it is reported. Mr.
Hunter ot Virginia said :
“Does any man believe that you will have a
slaveholdiug Slate in Kansas or Nebraska ?”
Gov. Brown of Mississippi said r
“ That slavery would never rind a resting place in
those Territories/’
Mr Dougias said:
“I do not believe there is a man in Congress who
thinks it could be permanently a slave-holding
country.”
Mr Badger, of North Carol.na, said :
“I have no more idea of seeing a slave popula
tion in either of them than I have of seeing it in
Ma*aahuSet(s.’‘
Mr Millson, of Virginia, said :
‘ No one expects it. No one dreams that slavery
will be established there.”
Mr. Frederick P. 8 auton, of Tennessee, said :
“The fears of Northern gentlemen are wholly
unfounded. • Slavery will not be established in Kan
sas and Nebraska.” 1
The late Mr Brooks, of Sdutb Carolina, said in
his speech of the 15th of March, 1854 :
“It the patura! laws of climate and soil exclude
us from a Territory of which tie aie the joint own
ers, we shall not and will not Complain.”
Mr Butlsr, of South Carolina, said on the 2d of
March, 1854 :
“If two States should ever come into the Union
from them (the Territories,) it is very certain that
not inoie than one of them couid, in any possible
ovput, be H sJaveholding State; and I have not the
least idea that ever one Would be.”
Mr. Keitt; of South Carolina, iu his speech of the
30th of March, 1854, quoted Mr. Pinckney, of his
own State, that
“Practicaly, he thought slavery would not go
above tiie line of 36°’ 3u’ by the laws of physical
geography, and therefore, that the Sjuthlost no ter
ritory fit for slavery.”
This is all the authority I have ,it is a compila
tion
Mr. Green—l wish to inquire what book the Se
nator reads from. What ia the title of it?
Mr. Crittenden—lt stierik to be a bock written
wuh the most downright Democntic propensities
and purposes. [Laughter.] It is “An Appeal to the
Democracy of the the Sjuth. by a Southern Stute-
Kights Democrat.” [Laughter.]
Mr. Mason—l suppose thepauiplet is anonymous.
No name is given.
Mr. Criitenden —Yes, S r.
Mr. Mason—The names of the writer of the pam
phlet is not giveu.
Mr. Crittenden—W 7 ill the gentleman take it ? It
contains a grea* deal of good Democratic reading.
| Laughter ] The writer of it thought he was doing
great service to the Democratic party.
Mr. Hannnond—l wiuh to say that Mr. Keittquo
ted that passage from Mr Pinckney’s speech on the
Missouri question, which bad been quoted on the
opposite side of the case previously. Hia object in
quoting it was to show that Mr. Pinckney (lid not
support the Missouri Compromise upon principle,
but he did not endorse tbe sentiments expressed by
Mr. Pinckey iu that extract.
Mr. Crittenden—l accept the explanation. Cer
tainly I had no intention to misrepresent any gen
tleman by reading the statement expressed in this
pamphlet. I say it was not anticipated at first
that Kansas would be a slaveholding State. Wha
is the South to gain now by having it admitted t
It will gain a triumph in the admission of this Con
stitution—admitted against the will of the majority
of the people. It is a triumph, but is it not a barren
one ? Is it a triumph worthy ot the South ? It is
not entirely barren. It will produce increased bit
terness and exasperation, perhaps, ;On the part of
those against whose wiil it is forced, not only in the
Territory, but elsewhere.
It may give new exasperation to the slavery
question; new ag ta’iou, which God forbid. It would
be a victory without results without profit, barren,
sterile, as to all the ordinary and beneficial fruits.
There is none of them; but it will give exaspera
tion, perhaps, to the elavery question It will not
a lay egbation. Is that policy ? D that justice?
Will that gaiD anything to us ? Ido not know how
anything is to be gained to the South, supposing, as
I verily believe, and as every gentleman here be
lieves, that it canuot be a slave Stote. that there is
a maj >rity there opposed to ir, and who will put it
down. Pass tbi?, and we may have a few yeare
longer of exasperated struggle and exasperated agi
tation in the country. That is all the consequence ;
of the barren victory which woi-ld be obtained by i
admitting Kansas with this Constitution. That is
not a fru t I think, which any one would wish to
gather. Now, if you attempt to enforce it, we are
told by Mr. Walker—l know nothing about it, but
from all that lie and Mr. Stanton tells u*, and they
are Democratic witnesses—there 13 danger of resis
tance aud danger of rebellion
Where is the necessity, then for our doing it now ?
Can we not resort to some other means by which
we may avoid all these consequences of exaspera
tion, of danger of resistance, of tumult or of agita
tion upon this subj-ct, and end this contest in a
short time, by authorizing the people ot Kansas
now, under the high mandate of this Government
to form for themselves a Constitution if they want
to come into this Union—a Constitution fairly to
be made, fairly to express the win of the people,
aud to brirg it here, when they shall be admitted ?
It defers tne subject but a little while. Is it not
belter to do that ? Is it Dot better to etaDd by tbe
evils w have than to fly to other® we know not of,
either North 01 Sou'h, to result from the rejection or
the admission oi this Constitution ? I think every
prudential consideration is in favor of our forbear
iri; to entorre this Constitution on the people of
Kansas, and leave them an opportunity of making
their views fully end perfectly understood. This
will be in accordance with the generous principle
and policy that the S utk has pursued here.
What reoommended the Kansas Nebraska bill to
the South ? For one, I think it was a great blunder
to pass it -but what was the recommendation it
contains / It adopts, I think, a right principle in
respect to a Territory belonging to the people of
the United States, aud iu regard to which Congress
has made no iaw of admission or exclusion, that
any citizen of the Unitea States, with any property
of his, has a full right to go there. Wheu people go
upon that Territory to intake a law, to be /iue a
community, wheu they have the power of legisla
tion they may admit it or exclude it; it is wuhin
I the compass of their pow r But while it is a ter
ritory ot the United States there is no law there, I
I think", to divest the title which a man hee to his
; property, whether it he e s'avs or r, nor sc. If he
| has title by the taws of bis own State to that proper
ty. he ha3, in a territory, as muc b right to be there,
and as much right to be there with his property as
anywtber citizen, until there is some law wh'cb
shall prevent it and divest it, leaving to the pe.pb
afterward the right to form thfiy own final Consti
tution as they please, to. or against slavery. That
is the principle upon which that bill rested ; that is
the principle upon which the South have always
contended for the right They contended for it in
that bill; and so far, I think, they were in the
right.
Now I say. I wani tne full practice of that prin
ciple here. Let the majority make such aConstitu
tion as they please, ‘that is the great American
principle, tha’ rises above all others. Let them
govern tnemselvee, and as the majority deciaie, so
let the Constitution and so let the lews fcq. J ibink
we are infracting that grea; principle—the principle
of :bo couth itself, on this very identical subject, by
forcing this Constitution, at least of doubtful au
thenticity. up„n the people. If there is a m jority
iu favor of it, it is not much trouble ior them to rati
fy it. If there is a majority opposed to it, tne/ are
1 entitled to have heir will and their way. They are
entitled to that upon pri: ciple; they are entitled to
it by the express pledges of the Kansaa-Nebraska
law
Sir, I feel that I have already occupied a great
deal’of ye ur time —more than I ewpectealto do;
aDd vet there are some general topics upon which
i wti-ti to say something, though nut so immediately
connected wit*; the erect question before us. _
Mr Preeide; 1.1 am, acco'dutg to the denomina
tion now usually employee by parties in this coun
try, a Southern man. I have lived all my life in a
Southern State. I have teen accustomed from my
childhood to that frame of society of which slavery
forms a part. I am, so far as regards tbe necessary
defence of the rights of the south, a? prompt aud a
ready to defend them us any man the wide South
can bald but in the same resolute and date, mmed
spirit in which I would defend any invasion of its
rights and for which I won and put my foot as far as
he wfo went furthest. I will concede to, others their
rights, and I will maintain and defend them ith
the same feeling with which I know I would defend
my own rights. I will respect theirs I never ex
peered Kansas to be a slave State. I believed that
thoee at the Sooth who expected it uumd be de
luded. There was some vague hopes that when the
Missouri Compromise line wai taken away and
abolisbed slavery might be extended tn that direc
tion. but I did not believe it. I believed that the
Missouri Compromise line, hxed.m l?i, was aoout
that territorial line north of week slavery, if iteou.d
exist Wuukloot be prefab.y emp ..yed and oni
experience since has shown that uie .wise men who
made that compromise judged rigbey W e have
found no instance in which it ha# been found profit
able any where there I believe that ibe idea of
making Kansas a slave State was a delusion to tbe
Sonth-, that her hopes would never be realized, if
she entertained such a hope as that I thought
tneifcre it wouid have been better, without ex
amwing scrupulously into its constitutionality, to
let the Missouri Compromise stand. I regretted its
repeal. I did not believe the South would gain any
thing by it
That compromise was a bond and assurance of
peace. I would not have disturbed it. It was hal
lowed in my estimation by the men who had made
‘t. It was hallowed in my apprehension by the
beneficial consequences thi*t resulted from it. Ir
was hailed, at the time it was made, by the South.
It produced good, and nothing but good, from that
time. Olten have you. Sir, (addressing Mr.
Toombs,) and I, and all of the Whig party, tri
umphed in that act as one of the great achievements
of our leader. Henry Clay. It was from that,
among other things, that he and rived the proudest of
all his titles—that of the pacificator and peace-ma
ker of his country. We ascribed to him a great in
strumentality iu the passage of the law, and over
and over again have I claimed credit and honor for
him for this act. This, for thirty years, had been
my steadfast ‘‘pinion. I have been growing, per
haps, during that time, a little older, and am a lit
tie less susceptible of new impressions and novel
opinions. I cannot lay aside the idea that the law
which made that iiue of division was a constitution
al one. I believed so then. All the people be
lieved it. I must be permitted to retain that opin
ion still ; to go on, at any rate, to my end with the
nope that I have not been pr&iaing, and have not
been claiming credit for others for violating the
Constitution of their country.
Sir, the men who passed that measure were great
men, they were far-seeing men. Without argu
now, lam content to rest my faith upon the
authority of those great men—Pinckney, Clay,
Lowndes, old President Monroe, the last of the Pa
triarchs of the Revolution, with his learned and able
Cabinet, and, then, what is more than all, 35 years
of acquiesce in it, and peace under it in these
States. Whatever quarrels you may have had
about it in Congress, there were always enough to
uphold and sustain that law ; and never, until 1854,
was it repealed, or its constitutionality questioned,
:hat I kuow of. I regreat its repeal, because I fear
ed that it would lead to new agitations aud new
dangers. Has it not? What has been our expe
rience ?
The suthors of the measure which repealed that
compromise—honorable and patriotic I know them
to be, many of them my personal friends—promised
themselves from its greater peace aud greater re
pose by localizing the slavery question, as it was
(aid Then this act was to localize the slavery
question, and ail agitation was to be at an end. It
was to give peace to the country. So4be President
said. The President in his message at the com
mencement of this session, or in his special message
—I do not know which—imagines the country to
have been in great agitation on the subject of slave
ry, when the Kansaa-Nebraska act came and put a
stop to it, un il sometime afterward, it was revived.
Why, sir, exactly the contrary oeems to be the true
history of the transaction. We were becoming
trarquilized under the Compromise of 1850 in ad
dition to the Missouri Compromise ; all was subsid
ing into submission and acquiescence, when, to ob
ta u a greater degree of peace and secure us for
toe futuie against ail agitation, this bill ol 1854, re
pealing the Missouri Compromise, was passed
What has it produced ? Has it localized the ques
tion of slavery ? lias it given us peace ? All can
answer l hat question It has given ua everything
but peace. It has given us everything but a cessa
tion of agitation. It has given us trouble, no
thing but trouble. That has bjen the consequence
of its ofar.
I am as anxious now as any man here to close up
this scene. I would vote for the admission of Kan
sas upon almost auy terms that would give peace
and quiet. If I thought this bill would do so, I
should vote for it. I would suppress all scruples for
Ihe sake of that peace. If I was sure such would b
its result, I would vote for it, thinking myself justi
fied by the price that was to be paid—the peaoA) of
my country and the restoration of good will among
my fellow-citizens. Ido not hope for it. I fear
further trouble. We are again told that this will
have the effect, at auy rate, of localising the ques
tion of slavery, aud that we shall be no more trou
bled with it; that the mischief and clamor and agi
tation will be confined to the lim ta ot Kansas. This
i the same hope that was disappointed when the
Knr.sus*Nebraska bill was passed. The same hope
was indulged iu then, and since then there has been
nothing here but agitation on the subject, increas
ing with every day.
Again, we have the idea of localizing it presented.
Now, Sir, if it ia to be debated anywhere, it will be
debated here ; and, perhapi, if it is to be debated
anywhere, it ia beat that it should debated here;
because we might hope, Mr. President, that in this
body it would be debated wito a spirit of moderation
and. conciliation hat wou Id deprive it of many mis
chievous consequences if it were agitated and deba
tedamong men without our years, without our re
sponsibilities, and without the restraints which our
condition aud our knowledge impose upon us. We do
not debate it in the right way here. Wi allow ourael
become too much excited about it. To this
great country, now, what is Kansas und this Kansas
question, and the two or three hundred slaves who
are there, that you and I, and all the American
Senate, should be here day and night, and using
such language of vituperation and invective on this
subject as we often do ! Look at our great coun
try, and the great subjects wLich claim our attention
as her legislfitors, look at them atl in their majesty
and magnitude, and theu say how little, pitiful, in
comparison, is the question about which we are
making so much strife and contention.
Qn this subject, and on many others, it seems to
me that it becomes us, ot all the citizens of this
great Republic, to set to our fellow citizens exam
pies of modeiation aud conciliation. What good
d* ea die mutual charge of aggression, often fiercely
repeated ? What good does these invectives of one
against another ? Especially let me say to my
iriends of the North, why indulge in invectives of
the most reproachful character upon those who, in
fourteen or fifteen States of this great country, are
slaveholders ? Doeß that give you any cause to
traduce them ? Cannot you live content with the
institutions which pleaeeyou better, auct leave these
fellow citizens, who have just the same right to
adopt slavery that you have your institutions, to
enjoy their liberty in peace also 7 Is there anything
in the oifferenco of our institutions which ought to
make us inimical to one another ? How was it
with our fathers? Did not they live together in
peace and harmony ? Did not they tight together ?
Did not they legislate together i Did they ever
abuse and reproach eaob other about the question
of slavery ? Never, that I have read of. Why is
that we cannot do as they.did ? Have we degene
rated from those fn tbers, or h ’ve we grown to much
better and purer than they were ? I doubt whether
we are any better; and J do not believe, notwith
standing all that is sajd about progress, that we are
at all more sensible than those fathers who made the
Constitution of the Uuited States, and laid the foun
dation of this great Government of ours. They gave
us an example of brotherhood ; and when we look
at all that connects us, all that unites and mskes us
one people, how much more powerful would its in.
flueuee seem to be to connect us together, thau the
power of slavery and anti-slavery to divide us? We
are uuited by circumstances of which we cannot di
vest ourselves. We ate united in language, in
blood, in country, in all the memories of the past, in
all the hopes of ihe future. This is our connection,
leading and pointing to the brightest destiny that
ever awaited any people. All the unnumbered
blessings of the future are in full prospect; but there
is this little, this comparatively small matter of con
tention, that we seem disposed to nurse up into con
tinual occasion for philippics and for reproaches.—
This is not the t iglit temper with which to regard
i the subject. Crimination and re-crimination is not
} the way to strengthen our Union—that Union of
brotherhood, of good-will, of co-operation for all
great national purposes, which our fathers formed
1 wes gratified to hear comprarisons made of the
mighty lesourees of the different sections of this
country. It was a proud exhibition. The honora
ble Senator from South Carolina (Mr Hammond)
gave ua, in a very interesting and eloquent man
ner, the mighty resources of the South. They are
beyond estimate —beyond calculation. This is re
plied to by a gentleman from the North, who gives
us the mighty resources and the mighty power of
New England and the non slaveholding States.
Well, Sir, if the conclusions which might be drawn
from it was true, that each of those sections would
by itself make a mighty country, and a country
tnat any one of us might be proud of, what a mag
nificent country is made when we put it all toge
th-r 1 What a magnificent abude for man, suoh as
the Almighty never gave to any other people, and
never placed on the surface ‘■{this earth!
It seems to me the most natural uuion in the
w rid—the S rntti, with her great and her rich pro
ductions, while the North abounds with ingenuity,
labor, mechanical skill, navigation and commerce.
The very diversity of our resources is tbft natural
cause of union between us. It would not do for us
all to make cotton, nor would it do for us all to
work in your manufactories. Nature seems to
have organized here this country, adapted to a
union ot people North aud S >uth. Nature has given
tier sanction to the Union. Na'ure has traced that
Uuion, and you alone distu.b it. Gentlemen, you
alone disturb it by making tin sub’-ot of slavery
the cause cf di-aensiou. Qt the dimension itself it
is not so m'vtoh the bailee, for we seldom come to a
question tuat caila upon us to act on the subject
Now, if we were through with this petty Kansas
affair, what a summer sea of boundless expanse
lies before us, where there is nothing but repose i,
There is no other Territory 4 t hat you can dispute
about in my lifetime or the lifetime of any man
here Tips is i&st point on which a controversy
oau probably be made. We went through many
difficulties on this subject before the Missouri Com
promise, nut, ou other occasions, the question has
presented itself with practical consesuynces Now
we have reached, tbo of;t, te le&ot of it. I*et
ua eettle this matter’ in peace j let in settle it in
good temper , and l see nothing before us but a long
pyriod or repose and, I hope, ? mutual concilia
tion. Os one thing lam certain, that crimination*
and recrimination between the North and the South,
the getting up and maintaining of sectional feeling,
sectional passion, sectional prtiudicss, can <?< no
good to any section and that there is not one
tor h qt'} \fjhv. does not recognise and ieel all this as
much as l do. lam certain ot it.
My vote on this subject, sir, has nothing section
al in it. Thedifficulty I have really in voting is,
this is regarded by eome as a sectional question ;
and I am on one of that section, and I am vo
tng for the other side of it, if we divide on it as a
sectional question. Now, I do not regard it as a
sectional question. My allegiance is not tc. any
particular section. Ido not waot to know any
such thiDg as a section in n*y conduct here. I want
to be goyernad oy a constitutional spirit, and a
constitutional and a just principle, in all I do, no
matter whether it relates to the North or to the
South. Ido not waut.to increase the sectionality
which exists in the country by placing myself or my
vote upon it so far as regards this question. 1 want
to wipe out that sectionalism. I wish that no one
here would vota upon it as a sectional question. I
do nnt. I vote upon it as a Senator of the United
States of America. That is my country, and my
great country. The constitution of the United
States intended to wipe out all these lines of divis
ion and sectionalism, *t is we, we, that disturb
our own Quiop. it is we that make sections; it is
we that make sectional lines to divide and dis
tract the country, whose;,Constitution, whose pre
sent interest, whose future hopes, ad tsud to unite
us.
There are some doctrines which have been ad
v&ncsd here with which I disagree, and upon which
i will bri-.fly express my .views. Some gentlemen
have argued, and they have the high
the President to sustain them, that the Kansas Ne
braska act gave ail the authority that is usually
conferred by what is called an enabling act on the
pecpie of a Territory. I never considered it so. I
do not believe it is to be considered so. Some
gentlemen, on the other hand, maintain that, under
the Kansas Nebraska act, the convention were
bound to submit the constitution vo the people for
the popular suffrage . indeed, that it is the right of
the people to have eveiw convention submit every
constitution to them. I do not agree to that doc-
trine. The people are too sovereign to be
required to do tnat. They can confer upon a
conver tion the power to make a constitution that
shall be good without reference to any other power.
The =overeignty over the Territory is in tms Gov
ernment. It belongs to the people of the United
Staten, one and all. The people of the States own
it; and they are the real sovereigns of the Territo
ry, and we as their representatives. They have no
government bat what we give. It is not in the na
!ure of things that they should have. All squatter
sovereignties, and sovereignties ot all sorts, vanish
before the sovereignty of the people of the United
Stales.
Bit the President saya, in reference to this K&n
----'-ae Constitution, that, although it oontains a provi
sion that after 1864 a Convention may be caned to
change it, the people can, nevertheless change it
before that time That is to say, the people, by
iheir irresistible power, can at any time, notwith
standing the provisions of their Constitution to the
contrary,, change it as they please. Sir, this is a
very high authority, the President of the United
States; but it is, in my humble judgment, a very
dangerous doctrine and a very untrue one. The
people cannot bind themselves by a Constitution !•
I thought that was one of the great virtues and pur
poses of a Constitution. We admit them to be sove
reign. Why cannot they make what sort of a Cou-*
stir ution they please? The Constitution whiehsove
reignty mokes, in all sis parts and iu all its purposes
must be the rule of conduct for all. It c&unot be
abolished except in the maimer prescribed aud point
ed out in the ’ Constitution itself, if any manner Is
prescribed
If the President’s doctrine on this subject be true
what becomes of the Constitution of the United
States’ Insead of following the mode of amend
ment prescribed in the Constitution, the people, by
their irresistible power, may in any other manner
at any time change the whole frame of our Govern
ment. There is not a State Constitution in the
Union that does not impose some restraint as to the
manner of change. What would a constitution be
if it were just as liable to ohaoge as any ordinary
act of Legislature ? It Would lose its character
Those who talk to the people about the unlimited
and illimitable power they possess are teaching a
dangerous doctrine. That is a eoit of sovereignty
which the people cannot exercise. It may be made
very flattering to their ears ; but it is impracticable
in the nature of things. It cannot be exercised at
all. The people must exercise their sovereignty
through agencies They must exercise it through
lepresentarives and governments , they must exer
cise it Sately through representatives and constitu
tions. If they could not make constitutions bind
themselves, their sovereign y never would be safe
if it were not invested in the constitution, it would
oe constantly escaping into the hands of 3ome of
those gentlemen who could talk most eloquently to
the people about their irresistible sovereignty. That
wou id be the end of that sort of sovereignty in the
people.
The people must understand that their sovereign
ty, their practical sovereignty, is to be exercised
through representatives and delegates, over whom
they are to hold the proper control, and to hold that
control, audio fax and make permanent aud opera
tive their sovereignty, they must put it iu the form
of a Consti l ution. That is the only security lor
popular sovereignty. Therein it exists, aud therein
alone can it exist. It is not true that the people
canuot bind themselves, and are not bound, by the
restriction sos their Constitution. They may rebel
against their own Constitution, they may violate
their own law and Con riitution, just as rney oould
violate the law or Constitution of any other people,
but it dot s not follow that, because they coulu do
that, t -ey have not created a political obligation on
themstlves by a Constitution, only to amend that in
trument in the guarded temperate, gradual meth
od which the Coustitution may have provided for
and prescribed.
Sir, 1 am sorry to have occupied the time of the
Senate so long. J can s*y, with the President of tb**
United S ales, that on this important occasion I
have endeav red to do my duty, with a full sense ol
my respons bitity to my God and my country
Under the conviction that the beet results to be ob
tained under the present cirenms ancts, unless some
material amendment can b < made to the bill, will
be attained by reacting this Constitution, I shaP
give ray vote agaiust it, but soanixnus am I to con
clude this su ‘j-3d‘ that I intend, before it is finally
acted upon by the Semite to propose an amendment
This would not be the proper time to ( ffrir it. l am
nor prepared now to offer it, but the effect of it will
be to admit Kansu* into the Union upon condition
that this Cons i’ution of hers be submitted to a fair
vote of the qualified electors of Kansas, to be rati
fied by them, and il so ratified, the President, on
information of the fact, shall proclaim it a Stato of
the Union without further proceedings, and if it be
not ratified, to hav** anew Constitutional Conven
tion convened. My amendment will an enabling
act in effeci, but admitting Kansas for the present.
Correspondence of the N* w York Tribune.
Luter from Utah.
Camp Scott, U TANARUS., Jan. 21.—The short spell of
mild weather which we had at the beginning of this
month seemed to rouse the Mormon scouting par
ties to unusual boldness and activity. On the 6th
Inst, a party of twenty five Mormons rode so near
to the picket of the volunteer camp that the guard
fired upon them ; they, however, kept out of rifle
shot, but rode about for a short time, making in
sulting gestures. The same morning a ! smaller
Mormon party drove in some un-armed soldiers
who were engaged chopping fire wood in the c*oek
bottom, a few miles above camp. On the night of
the 9r,h inst., the volunteer picket-guard discovered
and tired upon a sinnl* party of Mormons, who were
attempting 10 crawl upon them through the snow
Their trail was followed up the next day for severdl
miles. There were stains of blood thegreater part
of the distance, as also spots where tUc snow was
beaten down in such a manner as to justify the
supposition that one of the party had been very
severely wounded.
Iu the absence of anything but the usual routine
of camp ’i!e to occupy the attention of the soldiers,
these occasional sallies of the enemy have a most
salutary effect upon the spirits of ihecarnp.
The Provost Guard, established by Col. John
ston, is doing much good. Several Mormons have
run under its fire, she scouts, which have been
sent out in all directions, ere c Electing information
which is of vital importance to this army.
The United States District Court, which Tirsbeen
in session at Eckelsville, attj urned on the B.h insT
until the first Monday in February. The Grand
Jury previous to its adjournment found an indie -
ment against, each and every member of the U ah
Legisla l ure, in consequence of the tress .cable
and rebellious resolutions passed and published by
them.
All the mules and horses beloningto the command
have been sent away from here to Smith’s and
Henry’s Forks, and are improving rapidly. It D
gratifying to know that, instead of saving 1.100
mules, the number which it was cllculateci would
survive the Winter, we are sure of about 1,800.
In the absence of auimals, the soldiers hall all
their own tire wood. T**n and Twenty to a wagon,
they procure a load of wood with gieat ease, and
this at the same time gives them 1 west healthy ex
ercine. Besides, they are daily and tod several hours.
The soldiers of the 10th Infantry 1 practised with
great success in the new “Shangh 1 drill, consist
ing of rapid movements and evolution
The new theatre building is finished, ; and its com
pletion was celcbiated last week by a nd b ill,
which was given in it by the private soldiers of the
command. Much spir t has been evinced in the
com ruction of this building, and it reflects great
credit upon its constructors.
It is formed of a framework of poles, covered
with canvas, and if capab e of seating M*o persons.
The opening ot toe theatre proper will take place on
Saturday evening next, when the baud of the 10th
will give a concert. The dramatic performances
will commence on the following Saturday, and will
continue once a week during the remainder of the
sepsou.
Toe sane arts also exert their refining influence in
our Winter camp. A complete photographic cstab
-1 shment has been lately opened at Eckelsvillo, ii
which portraits and views are taken in all sty es.
Many of our friends at home will be suTpr's and to
receive the image of their absent friends 1 run such
an isolated region. Tie art at contemplates lakiug
a series of photographic view u of our camp, which
will fully iliua rate our position and situation.
Jan. 31. Ltie whole camp was thrown into ex
citement last night by the report of the escape of
the Mormon prisoner, 8 owell, together with a cor
poral, who was in confinement on account of some
misdemeanor. They were in charge of the guard
of the 10 h Infantry. Just after dark they obtained
permission to go out of the tent on some excuse or
other, iu charge of a sentin* 1; they had no sooner
reached the bushes which line the creek near the
guard-tent than they started and ran, aud, aitbou to
heavily ironed with chains extending from one foot
to the other, they succeeded iu the dark in cone* al
ing themselves in the bushes and making good their
escape. The sentiuel who was sent to watch them
fired at them when they started to run, but without
effect. Several companies were immediately or
dered out in oursuit, and the bushes were thorough
ly searched, without success. During the night se ve
ral bodies of men were sent out, with ten days’ pro
visions, in and tferent directions, in ordar to re-take
them if possible in whatever route they might take.
Up to thia time, Lowsvei, no trace has be*-n found
of them*
It is reported that Howard, a Mormon, who was I
arrested on the Sweetwater and coutiued on a |
charge of treason, but against whom the Grand Ju- 5
ry found no indictment, and who was oouseq leutly
released a week ago and ordered to leve camp, was
seen in camp yesterday movuing and afternoon, and
it is more tbau iiicely that he was connected wi h
the escape of the prisoners, and furnished them hor
ses. *
Stowell is an Adjutant in the Mormon Army, and
was taken prisoner on Ham’s Fork, together with
Col. Taylor. Stowell had ou his person, at the time
of his ciptore, several dispatcher oi‘ a most trea
sonable nature, from fyigoam Young aud others,
to the Mormon forces on Green River. Tayl r
made his escape on a very stormy night, a few weeks
after his capture.
The sentinel who had the prisoners in charge was
immediatelySrrt-sted, and is now in confinement.
It is strongly suspected th?.t there are many trai
tors in camp, and that this whole affair was precon
certed.
Chinese Funeral in San Francisco. —Not a
little curiosity was excted-ori Thursday to witness
the funeral procession and interment of a Chinese
“Mother of the AJaids/ 1 a woman who, during her
life, bad charge of a large number of her country
giris, and wa- looked up to by them with fear and
trembling. When the old creature “shuffled off
her mortal coil,’’ the girls were literally seized with
“weeping and wailing and gnashing of teeth/’ pro
bably not so much on account of her loss, as from
the fact that they would be consigned to the tender
mercies of one who had not been tried. The cere
monies of the most heathenish description to
Christian appreciation , but as the Chinese regard
up and our p^culiarit.es with marked contempt,
thinking us “no bett* r than we oupbf to be,” in
wh ch they are not far wrong, the difference of
opinion may be considered ae fairly balanced.—
At s h? Lou* apppomted tor the cortege to take up
its line of march, the fashionable hearse, with its
plate glai-s sides and nodding plumes, received the
corpse, which was cased in a h&ndsvme mahogany
coffin, covered with a blood red cloth. A long
string cf carnages, containing the Celestial harem
over which the defunct had presided, and theimme
diate friends and relatives of the deceased, follow
ed the hearse. The women were robed in wLito
cotton cloth from head to foot, white being the Chi
nese badge of mourning, while the men appeared in
their ordinary costumes. and seemed comparatively
unconcerned, being evidently more amused et the
curiosity ihey excited, tr.an distressed at. the loss of
the old woman Each carriage had a piece of yel
low paper attached to it, andinscribed with Chinese
hieroglyphics.
In the fifth coach Sr( m the hears were seated foui
musicians, whose pipings and squea'iu: s were well
calculated to promote grief and distress. Civa* be
hind this coach followed an express aud jab-wagon,
containing some household furniture, Chinese dolls,
ornaments, and part of tne clothing of the deceased
together with a stock of ediblee, calculated to be
enough to support the old lady on her way through
from this world to the paradise of 55 roaster or C n
fucius. as the case, might be. The cortege repaired
to Hone Mountain Cemetery, where the funeral
rites were solemnised as perfectly as could bo dene
in the absence of a regularly constituted “bonze, ’
or priest, of which class we have none in the coun
try . alter which the grieving train returned to their
respective hovels in town. The whole affair con
stituted a singular spectacle, never seen on the
American continent outside of California, and ex
alted a good deal of curiosity. —San Francisco
Herald.
“Old Virginia Never Tike.'* —lf the scene ot
the following item, which we cut from the Wheel
ing Intelligencer, was located anywhere save in
Virginia, we should doubt its truth :—We saw yes
terday going up it ward the upper ferry, a team of
four animals—a horse, a pony, a mule and a bull.
The horse had the heaves, the pony was blind, the
mule was lame, and ’he bull had nt proviso for
fly time. In the wagon, which was an ordinary
one, there sat a white man, a crippled nigg* r and a
tame skunk, frailly bound with a wisp or sriaw
The white man held the tines, the team held *iowu,
and the nigger held the skunk, and they all moyeu
forward. To make this worthy of Us place, it is
essential to say that it is true.
We have seen it stated in fevers! of our pnblic
journal that toe C bed S-fttee Government bad
left.fed ‘Burtuu’n Totar. in Ne <? r a
term offi.teen years ’
ed converting it to the uses of the Lotted I
District Court . If ra*v be true that this buildup
b been offered to the Government on tnese term!,
it is true that an inspector was sent to examine it,
and that he has returned and made his report ; but
we have evidence entirely conclusive to our own
mind that no uch contract has been consummated.
— tfcU. Intel.
vom LXXI I.—NEW SERIES VOL. XXII. NO. 13.
New York Jloney Market.
. ‘ Saturday Evening. March 20.—We have ad
vices tA>-day from London to the close of Friday,
the sth inst. The English Money and Busiueee
’ Markets were not so steady as before reported.—
Foreign and domestic political considerations hac
dome weight iu keeping the market unsettled. Coo
sols at the close of the sth were quoted at ©96J
for money. Tne latest advices are LiOndon, Friday
evening, March 5. This bos been settling day wito
th<* Consol Market. The flactuations have not been
important. The general tendency is still toward
dullness, owing to the* total absence of any symptom
ot revival on the Paris Bourse. There was ade
cided increase in the applications for discount at the
Bank, although the supply wae apparently plentiful
in the open market, and the rate in the Stock Ex
change was onjy two per cent. Iu the Foreign Ex
change this afternoon the rates upon. Hamburgh
and Paris were slig .tly higher. Amsterdam was
about the same as last post.
From the City Article of the London Daily News.
The Funds to day exhibited renewed aud unin
terrupted heaviness finally closing at a fall of about
J per cent. Au uneasy feeling is kept alive by a
continued pressifre of speculative operations for
lower prices L especially in options. Added to this
toe Pans Bourse, which is now very anxiously
watched, has again giveu way. Iu the Discount
Market to day there was a fair demaptl for money,
but 2] per cent, is the highest rate current for first
class bills. At the Bank applications continue few
At the Bank of E.igland to-day the bullion opera
turns were again altogether unimportant.
Tuere were large airivals of gold in England from
Australia duriug the month of February'and up to
the sth March. Large shipments from Australia
were also reported. Messrs. Baring Bros, report
money abundant at 2j®3 per cent. The Back ol
England had given notice that advances would be
made on G >vernraeut securities at 3 percent.
The news from E trope has, with other causes,
had au un'avorable tftVtupon the Slock market to-
day. There were large sales at the first Board at a
decline of 1 £ ‘iv 2 per cent. *ll various shares; from
which tin re was only a slight recovery at the second
Board. There was a sale of lowa Six per Gents, nt
103£, Tenneseeat 88$, U. S. Fives -to 1113$. There
is 111 -re enquiry for the new Treasury notes at a
premium ot J® l p*r cent, for the Fives, and £ per
•tent, for the four and-a-balf per cent 3. Erie Con
vT rtibles, of 1871, at 54; Harlem Ist mortgages 81 i
84j. Coal shares feel the change as well as all oth
ers ftonnpared with yesterday’s closing sales we
noteadec iue iu Missouri Six per Cent:’. 1 ; N. Y r .
Central shares i ; Erie R. li shares $ ; Reading ;
Michigan Centaal 2£. Michigan Southern 1; Cleve
land and Toledo lj ; Panama J: Illinois Central 1] :
Chicago and Rock Island l£; M lwaukie and Mis
-is-ippi 1 : Galena aud Chicago 1 : Crosse 1£;
Pennsylvania Coal Cos. 2 ; Cumberland
The export of specie Urn past week, ai*d for the
year, was as follows:
Schr Hannibal, Ponce, Am. gold $14,000.00
Schr Sullivan, Ciudad Bohvar, Am gold. 9,917.00
Ship N. B Palmer,llong Kong, Mex. dolls 2,000 00
Stun Euro pa, Liverpool, Am. gold 1,000 fit)
Halt Sovereigns 5,000 O'
Stinr D. Webster, Havana, doubloons... -84,197 50
Total for the week $1 16.11 1 5u
Previously reported - 9.990 713 07
Total 1858 12 828.17
Same time 1857 .$4,945,644.17
The receipts at the Custom House to day.amount
ed to $71,208 20. The receipts at the office of Hie
Assistant Treasurer were $639,396 43, of which
$53,000 were from Customs; the payments were
$535 652 13, —increasing the balance on hand to
$5,883,330 33.
The receipts at the Custom Ilouee, aud the re
ceipt and payments at the Assistant Treasury, du
ring the past we to, were as lollows:
Custom House. Assistant Treasurer’s
Receipts Rec“ips. Payments.
Mach 15 55 209 65 462 758 83 117,892.01
“ 16 70,131.16 1 582,284.28 274,245 75
“ 17....82 40970 908 321.16 102.910 11
“ 18.. .201,335 71 *90,607 84 148 770.74
“ 19....86,682.12 10869500 16:145381
“ 20.... 71,268 26 639,39643 535,652 3?
.Total .-$>70,016 66 ft 592.1 6.3 51 $1,672,924.81
Deduct Payments $1,672,924 81
Excess of Receipts $2,919,138.73
Statement of the valut of foreign imports at New
York for the week, aud since Jail i :
• .1857 1858
Dry Goods, for the we- k $1,6 7,500 $642,412
General Merchandise do 2,201,057 1,356,43 V
Total for the week
Dry Goods, for the year $ .8,642,834 $11,347,205
Geueral Merchanoi.se do 25.622,283 11.616 609*
Total since Jau. 1 $54,265,117 $22,903,814
The total import off oreign goods at Boston, f*i
the week ending March 19, was :
1858 $751,742
1857 1,957,001
Decrease $ l .205,-59
The earnings of the New York Central Railroan
for February, were as follow:
1858 $408,225 41
1857 : 458,139 83
Decrease $19,914 12
Mondax Evknjnu, March 22—The Bank Stale
ment ol the w eek indicates a blight increase of buei
ness throughout thu city. The reduction of coin
i in consequence of the local demand for the
U. S. Treasury, and not to any foreign export.
The Stock Market it- aguii heavy, and h decline
observable in nearly all ihe securities offered. Erie
Railroad shares have suddenly declined to 25; Read
ing shows a loss of 5£ within four days ; Hudson
River shares are down to 265; LaCrosse 8 ; Harlem.
10. Owing to the recent policy iu l<mi iug upon
Railroad Shares, this decline will drive a large num
oer of Stocks and Bonds info the uraiket. Compar
ed with closing sales of Saturday, we note ade
dine in N. Y. Central 2; N. Y. Sc Erie 3J; Reading
3} Michigan Central 1$; Cleveland and Toledo
Panama 1; Illinois Central 2, Chicago Sc Rock Is
land 2J; Galena Sc Chicago 1.
The receipts at the Custom House to-day, amoun
ted to $129,745.28. The receipts at-the office of
the Assistant. Treasurer weep $337,64*3.00, ot which
$89,000 were from Customs; the payments were
$359,833 Gil—reducing the balance on hand to $5,
861,145 70.
Tuesday Evening, March 23.—There was a
further de line in the Stock Market to-day ; a panto
having seized holders ot Stocks and Bonds’ and
the rush of securities at the first aud second Boards
was such as to drive prices to much lower figures
Os Missouri bonds there were $43,000 sold at 80$ w
81, a fall of three per cent, since Friday last U. 8.
Five per Cents, sold at 3J premium, and Sixes of
1867 at 115 j. There were large sales of Canton
Cos. Shares at This is a Baltimore con
cern, and very linle ie known of it here. Coal
Shares have also lost favor, and are quoted f 2‘a 3
per cent, below last week’s prices, viz : Cumber
land Coal Cos. ißflTßs; Pennsylvania Cal Cos. 67;
I)-laware Sc Hudson Oanal Cos. 110. Occasionally
sales are made of Cleveland, Columbus and Cin
cinnati It R Cos , in this market; and as a ten per
cent. Stock, it has until lately obtained a premium.
The decision of Judge McLean, as given in our last*
paper, will affect the value temporarily. Sales
were made to-day at 89.
Compared with yesterday’s closing sales there
was a decline to-dttjfcin Vi- ginia &xe 1] ; Missouri
24; New York Central, 2s; Erie, 1$; Reading, 2;
Mich ; gan Central, 2s; Michigan Southern \ Pana
ma, 1-2; Chicago Sc Rock Island, ; Milwaukie Si
Mississippi, 1; Galena Sc Chicago, jl; Delaware Sc
Hudson, 11; Pennsylvania Coal Cos., 3
The receipts at the Custom House to- day, amount
ed to slls 509 43. The receipt*at the office of die
Assistant Treasurer were $293,506 00 of wLicb $89,-
000 wes<s from Customs; the payments were $236,
945 46, —increasing the balance on hand tt* $5,916,
706 24. Included in the payments were $6,000 ffir
California drafts.
The following is a statement of the exports, ex
clusive of specie, from New \ork to foreign ports
for the we .-k, aLtl since Jan. i ;
1857. 1858
Total soy the week $2 284.940 $ 1,125,906
Previously reported 14,043,388 11,4 9 800
Since Jan. 1 $16.328,388 $12,665,822
The demaud tor Foreign Eic has lessened
materially; and the supply of produce bill# is quite
equal to the wants for remittances. For to mor
row’s Steamer, first class bills have bees sold to-day
at 107 J VlO7 i- We annex the current rates un to
this day.
CO Day a’ Sight. Sight,
London 1< o 7 sa 1081
Paris 5 22|a5 17| 6 16**5 15
Railroads of the United States.— lt is a hap
py conjunction es the circumstances and influences
that attend the march of progress and civilization
that railroads and locomotion by steam sin uld
have been invented, aud hence have rapidly be
come an element of unexampled power, ju*jt at the
time that our RecmbUc is rising to the eminence
of one of the natioi sos the earth. Ac
cording to the Railroad Record, “the United States
has increased in wealth full a thousand millions of
dollars by railroads.” We do not for a moment
doubt the truth, of this statement, aud will add that
the augmented production of national resources wili
be more than, doubly augment in the same period
for the time to come Let ir be remembered that
the Union ts annual!? gaining and settling new
States and Territories. These will require railroads
to bring the ever cumulative treasures of agricul
ture to the great cities and ports of lhe East whence
they will be shipped to the chief nations of Europe
We are rejoiced to perceive also that in several
of he Jitatea railroads have ot late years paid lair
and even good dividends. Look at the rapid mul
tiplication of the iron highways. In 1841 there were
but 4/111 miles in the on ire country ; but now there
are 24,1115 mi!e, with about 3,000 miles in addition
, that, aro yet unfinished. So ibat in thirteen yea s
twenty thousand miles have been built. They pro
mine not only to unite us by iron links as one fami
ly, but also to promote egrietdtare, commerce, man
ufactures, population, and the rapid circulation,
combined with an expensive and general diffusion
of that vital principle of all industry and enterprise
—money.— Balt. American.
Singular Circumstance. —On the 23d ultimo, a
passenger ca eto Portland by the e earner Anglo
Saxon, and took lodgings at one of the c£ty hotels
Next morning be took the cars for this city in com
pany with a gentleman who had remained at the
same house with him over night, with wffose court
tenance he, somehow or other, imagined himself fa
miliar. They tot into couvema ion in coming down
1 he Eastern railroad, but nothing transpired to elicit
the tact whether or not they had been old acquatn
larioes. Wheu they arrived at the depot, and had
attended to their luggage, one of the gentlemen in
quired in the hearing of the other for a cat) to teke
him to a certain street in ChariesfowD. The other
said he purposed going to the same street and the
two engaged the same conveyance. On arrivingaf
the street m question it appeared'hat they both d
-ig ed to call on the same individual. This strange
series of coincidence greatly puzzled both : bet
their mutual surprise and delight cau be imagined
bu in a d?gree when they t und that they were
brothers, and that they had thus singular!v met at
the house of a third brother. One of them ban bean
in the service of the Pacha of Egypt f**r 2- 5
the other has spent 16 years in the East Indies
while the third has been in this country
years past. The brothers are native* of Scotland,
and have not seen each other for 24 years.-Awton
Ledger, March 9.
q aß |5 Calcutxa. —Calcutta has recently bees
lighted with gas. The effector* the natives is thus
dt scribed in a letter from the Engineer of the gas
company :
“ The astonishment of the natives was very great /•
even among the better informed the inquiry was*
‘ Sir, will you be bo kind as to tell ua how the Lamp
burns without a wick V Among the lower orders
there was an impression that it could be made to
blow them all up ; that the Governor-General had
a key at. the government house, by turning which
Ire c iuld at his pleasure burn up the whole city. At
mch a critical time you may depend that we did
not take the trouble to disabuse their minds of the
ide& v indeed, weratoer strengthened it, nor ccukl
w *3 get a native on any Consideration even to touch |
a lamp post for tear it would explode. Ihey are
| now, however, getting more familiar with it, though ,
the lamp tighter* are still followed by a crowd, es
pecially when we light up anew street or district.
Later from Camp Scott. —The Leavenworth ,
Ledger says an express has arrived there from Camp
Scott, requesting that storea, ammunition and men
be forwarded to Col* Johnston immediately.
The Sentences 04 the Royae Bkitish Bark
Directors —The tertain puuishinent of crime in
England, ami tbe impartial in which justice
s administered,"without regard to the “respectaole”
•taudii g of the parties convicted, are deservingof
seriousv with us. The recent sentence
of the officers of ihe Royal British Bank for con
spiracy is a case in point Ii i er.dant ilipt “tioan
.eiers,” such as our own country is, unfortunately,
<*ursed wiih v and who are selrio if ever, punished
rind no favors with the criminal courts of Eugland!
There they seem to be placed upon a looting with
other .thieves, and disposed of as their merits de*
maud. We quote as follows from the sen ence
nasted upon the directors of the Royal British
Bank :
Lord Campbell said I shall first sentence
upon you, Humphrey Brown, E I ward Eidaiie and
Hugh lnaes Caiheron. After a long, and I hope,
iinphrtiul trial, you have been convicted by a jury
of your country, upon the clearest evidence, of an
infamous crime. You were charged with couspir
mg to deceive and defraud the shareholders of the
hank to which you belonged by false representa
fions.and it is clear that you did so. I acquit you
ot having originated this bank with the fraudulent
intent to cheat the public, but it is now demonstra
ted that lor veais you have carried on a B)S'em of
deliberate fraud, and fabricated documents for the
purpose of deceiving the public for your own direot,
or indirect, benefit. It would be a disgrace to the
law ot any country if thii were not a crime to be
punished. It is not a mere breach of contract with
he shareholders or customers of the bank, but it is
a criminal conspiracy to do what leads togreat pub
lic mischief, in the ruin of families, and reducing the
widow and orphan Horn affluence to destitution. I
regret to say that? iu mitigation of your offense it
was said that it was a com t.on practice.
Unfortunately, a laxity has-been introduced into
certain commercial dealings, not lrom any defect in
the law, but from the law not being put iu force;
and practices have been adopted, without bringing
a oouci-ciousness of shame, and, I fear, without much
loss of character among those with whom they as
soeiate. It was tittle a stop should be put to such a
system, aud this information was properly filed by
her Mjesty’s Attorney General, and jhe jury have
properiy found you guilty, i hope it will now be
known that such practices are illegal, and will not
only give rise W punishment, but that 110 length of
lcvest'gatiim, tio Intricacies of accouuts, and no
devices wili bo able to shield such practices. On
account of this being the first prosecution of this
nature, 1 pronounce a milder sentence thau I other
wise should ; but the m ldest sentence that I can
orouounoe upon you, Humphrey Brown. Edward
Esdaille, and Hugh Innea Cameron, is that you be
imprisoned in the Cj'iectiH U’ ison for one year.
Richard H rtley Kennedy, the jury have reoom
mended you to uercy, and 1 thiuk there are grounds
which justified them iu coming to that conclusion;
but still there is strong evidence against you. That
paper for winch the jury sent shows that, though
. you were a respectable member of society, and fill
ed creditably tie offi *e of sheriff, you lent yourself
to this deception. You did not derive any personal
advantage from it , but it iu clear to my mind that
when you j fined 111 tlmt last report you were fully
awa*e that ihe bank was insolvent, aud you knew
it to be false. The lightest sent-nee i cau give you
is nipe months <>•* Queeu’s prison.
Promenade of the allied Commanders —On
the lot vJ January, at. no. >11, a grand coitege, in the
midst of which marched their Excellencies Lord
Elgin and Baron Le. Gros, accompanied by Admi
rals Seymour and Le Geiouilly, and General Strau
benzee, witli their staff-, passed up iu stale around
and iuto the city, under a royal salute from the al
lied squadrons, and took formal possession of Can
ton.
It has always been tile idea of foreigners that
Cauton was a city densely crowded with houses in
all parts, and lienee the belief in its immense popu
idtiou, instead ot which the first thing that stnkeß &
stranger is the large space within the walls occupied
as kitchen-gardens aud fish ponds, surrounded by
low one storied houses covering the grout and iu all
directions, but interspersed lieie and there with
larger buildings, having ttie appearanc * of manda
rin sta-ions and joss houses. Iu these kitcheu gar
dens are grown letti.ces, cabbages, sea kale, tur
nips, carrots, &.C.; and inside and beyond the walla
it is said theie is a sufficient), of such vegetables
for the .supply ot an army of H),UOO men lor six
months.
in the Tartar city, and particularly toward its
western extiumi'y, the houses arc larger, and buiit
more closely together, the streets resembling those
u.-u<il m Chinese towns, and similar to what used to
‘he seen at the back of the foreign factories.
The wall is an immense embankment, about for
ty feet thick at the b se, terraced half way up ita
ides, the l Trace about twenty feet broad, with a
parapets feet high, pierced with embrasures for
cannon and loop holes for giojalls. The wall is well
.adapted sot defence against any native foroe, but
• he few miserable guns new mounted there, 011 rude
carnages without trunnions, would offer but a poor
resistance to a well-appointed army of foreigners,
such as that umv in possession of the city.
The torts and pup* das on the wall are huge struc
tures in themselves, but ill adHpted to resist the ef
fects of our heavy guns and mortars. Still a few
resolute men in glit have made a bold defeuee, and
long resisted an attack by escalade.
The view froqa the top of the Square Pagoda on
the wall is very grand, and from it the and so.?very is
*n iiy made that Canton is really situated on an
island, and that net a very large one either. A
branch of the river divides at its nor<beast corner,
a few miles above Cauton, and, passing the north
side of the city, enters a main river again some
where between Second Bar aud the Bogue.
At the West Gate the Admiral aud General
stopped a short lime looking at the crowds ot peo
pie streaming out into the villages iu the western
suburbs. The spectacle is said to nave been most
oXciting, men carrying small looted women on their
backs- hoys carrying pigs—evey one laden with
something or*otfier —< ‘hma Mm).
Important Truths for Wives —ln domestio
happiness the wile’s effluence is much greater than
her husband’s j for the one, the fiist cause—mutual
love and confidence—being gianted, the whole C3Ui
f.nt of the household depends upon trifles more im
mediately under her jurisdiction. By her manage
nient of small sums, her husband’s respect ability
aud credit arc created or destroyed. No fortune
can stand the constant leakages of extravagance
and mismanagement; and more is spent iu dimes
than women would easily believe. The one great
expense, whatever it may be, ia turned over and
carefully reflected on ere inrun red; the income is
prepared to meet it ; but itis pennies imperceptibly
sliding away which do the mischief; and this alone
the wire can stop, for it does not come within a
mans province. There is often an unsuspected tri
fle to be saved in every household. It is not in econ-
alone that the wile’s attention is *0 necessary
but in those niceties which mark a well regulated
house. Au unfurnished cruet stand, a missing key,
a button less slfirt, a dummy spoon a soiled table
doth, u inustHrd pot, its old contents sticking hard
and brown about it, are several nothings; but eaoh
can raise an angry word or cause discomfort.
Later from (Mexico —Later advices from Mexi
co, received at New Orleans, report that the forces
of tbe Zukiago faction were advancing to neize
MinititUn, which was held by Governor Saenz, a
constitutionalist I’ho schooner Mfijor Barbour,
with thirteen officers, under the command of ex-*
governor Salas, had arrived at Minitit-lan, but wtre
not allowed to land. The vessel was const quently
forced to return, and is now in the river corning up
to this city. The Salas party intended to pronounoe
in favor ot tbe recall of ex-President .Santa Anna.
It is reported tp.ai the inhabitants of that portion oi
Mexico giißerrdJy favor ♦!>** cause of Santa Anna.
Mistake of a Druggist — Drovidei.timl Escape.
—A prescription was prepared ths other day, at a
Main street apothecary’s by au experienced clerk,
for a young lady residing nu Fourth street, and sent
home. Some thirty minutes alter, the regular prea
c iption clerk called, and was putting up the bot
ilea, when he observed a J*r of strychnine in the
place of some harmless preparation, and called at
tention UaK. Tbe young man who had put up the
naecfcewe, tamed pale as death when the discovery
was made, and eaid. “great God, I have just sent
that to Mr ,on Fourth street.’’ Not a moun-nt
was to be lost, and iudeecPa great probability was
that the poison had been already taken; but the
eleifc determined to make an effort, seized his hat
and rurhed frantically through the turret, uuttt he
came to the house, and without Waiting to rmg the
beii, ran up stairs; asked where Mih —-’sroom
was, of a lady lie met in the hall She was alarmed
at his manner ; but as he told her life and death de
pended upon his knowing immedia ely, she pointed
to the door from which she had jusL issued. He en
tered unLiddeii, and just as the young lady’s mother
was about to admit h*ter one of the powders, which
whs prepared iu a spoon, nearly at her daughter’s
lips.
Hold for God’s fake, Mariam! That is poison!
Give it to your daughter, and you are her murder
eas ”’
The wildness of the clerk’s manner frightened
both ladies—the spoou fell upon the bed, and the
daughter's already- pallid * Leek bleached until it
was as Qfl colorless as her night robe.
The druggist was thought to be in-ane, but a few
words of explanation revealed all, and the trsgedy
was extinguished in the light of jey at -the provi
dential escape.
The druggist returned, and relieved the poor
clerk from hie awful suspense, by telling him of the
happy result ot his errand, when the cLrk swooned
away. This little sketch, though it may s *und dra
uiaticaUy, it ih a simple transcript of an occurrence
♦hat e*p*H s h gHuifm* of the ‘ inner li:e’’ of a drug
store. —Cincinnati Euy
Chinese Ivory LSau.h —lt has long puzzled peo
pie ho w the curved eoucentrij ivory balls, cut one
within another, are made by the Chinese. It has
been coi-jectured that, originally, they are balls cut
into halves, so strongly and ijcejy gummed or ce
mented together that it is i npo*f*i.de to detect the
junction. Attempts’ have been made by some to
dissolve the union by soaking .md boiling a con
centric ball iu oii, but to no purpose. The plain so
iution, as given-by the native artists themselves, is
this : — A piece ot ivory, made perfectly round, baa
-Mfvera’ conical holts worked into it, so that their
several apiedfe meet at the centre ot the globular
mass. The workup** then commences to detach
rbe innermost aphere of all, which is done by in
ierting a tool into each hole, with a point bent and
very sharp —thennstrument being co arranged hs to
out away or scpipe the ivory through each bole at
equr distances rrm the nur'ace. The implement
works awy a*, the botlonxof each conical hole suc
cessively, until ’lie incisions meet Iu this way,
the innermost ba.l is separated* w **d to smooth,
carve and ornament it, its ari<>Uß faces are, one
after the other, brought opposite one ol the largest
holes. The other baH-, larger as they near the outer
surface, are each cut, wrought aud polished pre
<*isely In the name manner.
Hob’s Press*.* in Jlu^upe.—The Paris corres*
pondeniuf the New Y< rk Times thus alludes to the
inventor of the “Liijhtning^rfes
Col. Hoe is in Hi is city, on 1* ; 8 return from Raly,
w b his family. He is pairing up iwg of his tnon
**er presses for the London limes, two lor Lloyd's
Newspaper, one for four other English
papers. The maehings arg being constructed in
Manchester, undentbe supervision of New York
worfcjnea- A compady ir also going into operation
iu Piwis for the eoi sWuctiou of tbete presses, a d
}4it general introduction of them here is anticipa
tod- - ‘
.vTahlstiuiM oPf jhk Coast of Florida.— I The
brigXluia, fcfep'ain Brown r rr*vod at New York
on baturday, NaWfau, N. P , reports that on
the 1 ifttwsrit, when about fjiir miles from the
Hole in tlie Wall, the wind blowing a three knot
breeze at the time, shogot into a whirlpool winch
turtied Uip vessel round ui thirty five seconds, aud
kept turning her s -wetiaies halfway and hack, and
sometimes all the way round for two hours and a
quarter. The breeze then became .stronger, and she
succeeded in getting-out of the whirlpool without
receiving damage.
The Irish Immigration*— An Irish paper—tho
Belfast “ Banner”—tdatos that emigration in the
present year jrili h&,. much lees thai* in previous
years In consequence of the American distress In
B.X moolin, It saya, more peraons returned from
Ameri-Mto Belfast than eniigmtW from that port
the whole ot 1167. At p reeel.t there are but
two n ady to ,ul W5Ui peeetiKß tor New
York aitd Quebec, while toriaerly nude than twenty
Wk there with emigrants conn* the same Beaeoa.
! DisCHftBOE AT HE Navy Yauo— During the
i ift*i few da*e there haa bi-en a very large discharge
! of the employees iu Jhe G; sport navy yerd, nunu
beriug between ode hundrtdaud fifty and two hun
’ dreh The dtschurged were moßtlv employed ui the
maßCnry departmeuts aud ae laborere, in the de
| partmeut iu which the appropriations by the gov
i ermiieut bad run out. It lft rumored that as many
j mere will shortly be dhioharged —Norfolk Herald