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(fcbrtmtclt He Rented.
Important DccUlon by Jiidgo Harris-
Trial of a I . 8. Friiontr Id the Georgia
PcnllruiUrjr.
Tuesday last at the Court House, in Milledge
vilJe, Martin V. Brantly, a U. 8. prisoner, was be
fore His Honor Iverson L. Hams, on a writ of
Habeas Corpus, sued out by his counsel Col. 0.
A. Loehrane of Macon. It was contended that
under the new relations subsisting between the
State of Georgia and the Incited States, the pris
oner was entitled to a discharge. The argument
of counsel is set forth in the decision ol Judge
Harris, which we copy below from the Federal
Union Extra, as follows :
Martin V. Brantley, 1 ntthmt Corput and
_ > motion todiacharge
The Pnn. Keep. Pen. j t jj e a ppij c ant.
of Georgia. J
In Chambers, at Milledgevillb, ) i
January 27, 1961. j
The appliaani at whose instance the Habeas tor
pv* ad mjtjadendum which brings him before me, .
has issued —appears bv the return made to that
writ, to be a convict und r Sentence of the Circui I
Court of the U. 8. for the district of Georgia-- ,
made the 13th day of November, 1844 —far a viola
lion of the laws'of the United .States ; *fd by
virtue of a certified copy of that judgment hi >■ ,
detained within the Penitentiary— his sentence
b *\'f objetuion *b r *coun sr-. for the petitioner ha.
Wn made ae to the a.fflcieney of that Judgment
ondnallr -a* a then leg., warrant hr wb.cTb the
Pnnopal Keeper coul/receire and detain him
botthe mot on for d,.charge ia made solely on
the ground that since the conviction and confine
ment the State of Georgia, by the ordinance of the
r eoole in convention has dissolved her connection
Lull her -oufederate States, and withdrawn from
the (ieneral Government,created by the Consti
tution of ihe L'. S . all the power, delegated by
ti it in.tru'iieiit to her agent, and that thereby
the prisoner . entitled to be discharged from the
judgment „f the Circuit Court aforesaid. For
weekapast, looking to a probable state of thioge
wliich ha* since occurreo—the effect of such an
ordinance as han been made, could uot but engage
reflection. In whatever point of view in which it
in. been presented to nv mind, I have been un
able to discover any benefit which can accrue to
ti.- apphcaot bv reasou of the change of relations
cl C.eLrgia to tn* General Government.
Presented as this case is upon short notice
w'i Ist the subject from its novelty and magoi
tude, would authorize elaborate discussion of
many questions which spring out of that ordi
nance, T do not propose to do more than to pre
sent a Simple view which disposes effectually of
this application.
It will he conceded that the Constitution of the
United Slates, whilst it confederated the States of
the late Union, under and by virtue of that iostru
meat, was m substance but a power of Attorney
from the several States to their agent the General
Government, to exercise for the public welfare,
.-ertain sovereign powers according to the restric-
tions and terms thereof.
Georgia, one of the confederstes under that
Constitution, dissatisfied by tbe bad faith of a
large number of the States in the interpretation
of that instrument, as well as of the incapacity of
the common agent to redress the injuries she has
sustained, and was still further exposed to by
t , , h sinister interpretation ; in the exercise of a
plain undeniable right, as a sovereign State, has,
hv ordinance, dissolved tbe compact made by tbe
Con-titution of the United States, with her con
federate*, and resumed the powers she had there
by d-legated to the General Government, with
tie design of confining them with the fall lighte
of an experience of over seventy years, to anew
agent, whose powers shall be more clearly de
nned, and whose duties more distinctly prescrib-
ed.
The extent of this ordinance then does not go
beyond the separation from the other States, and
tile withdrawal of powers she delegated.
upon the past exercise of those powers by the
recent common agent, the ordinance does not as
sume, iTbr was it designed to act. It has annulled
none of its acts. The departments of that Gov
ernment were created to enable the common agent
til perform and carry ont the powers delegated.
Hence it is that the Coarts created by the Con
stitution, or authorized by it, were essential means
oi a greut end. One of those Courts, to-tvit ; the
Circuit Court of the United States for Georgia,
within its appropriate province—that of punish
ing violators of the laws of the United States iu
reference to the mail—lias after tbe conviction of
the prisoner by a Georgia jury, pronounced the
, j foment proper to the offence, and the prisoner
is nun’performing that sentence which when ut
ter'd wo* legal and constitutional. The law vio- !
I .ted was a law made in part by representatives
from Georgia—the Court was created in part by
Georgia lepreseutatives. Tho Judges presiding
pn n - citizens of Georgia. In truth the Court
whilst established by the authority of the Con
Mitution of the United States la m part the crea
tine of the State of Georgia and its judgments
ought Uj he held as sacred and as inviolable as the
judgments of the State Courts proper.
I am at a loss to perceive wherein the judg
ment sought to be atieeted here is illegal or un
constitutional ; or why it should be placed upon
•i different footing lrom the judgment of the State
courts. 1 can very well see how judgments to be
enforced from that court may temporarily be de
lated for want of an authorized officer to exe
cute them ; but there can be no embarrassment
where the judgment is already executed as it is
here in part, and needs no officer to do any other
net towards its further execution. It has not
beoa shown that the ordinance has anuulled any
judgment whutever, neither id words nor by
implication, in letter or spirit, does it authorize
am h a general goal delivery as would he effected
f the argument of prisoners counsel was sound.
Jt is Dot simply the right of prisoner’s counsel,
but ;t is his bouuden duly to present, in behalf
nf ins client to the consideration of the Judge, all
mutters which he may deem pertinent and defen-
Mie, end they should'he listened to respectfully,
and be carefully weiglred. I have done this, and
,! , proper to aay that without considering any
thing else but the naked ordinance upon wliich
prisoner prays a discharge, I cannot discovor any
iliing to entitle him to go free.
But since the making of that ordinance, and
before the application for the habeas corpus,
another ordinance was adopted by the Conven
tion, which ralifivs and declares valid all judg
ments, Ac., of the courts of the United [States
■Mthin’the Stale of Georgia. This 1 refer to,
merely to evince the intention of the Convention
in making its first ordinance. 1 do not place the
judgment I make on this application upon the
authority and provisions of this latter ordinance.
From wiiat I have said already, it. will be appar
ent that 1 did not need its aid to strengthen my
convictions of right ami wrong.
There is, however, another matter independent
of ait that has been said, which )f it stood alone
would have been sufficient to hire authorized
the detention of the prisoner. It is that Georgia
hud .-ouirucuul with the General Governuiont to
detain, feed and clothe within her Penitentiary,
(he convicts of the Courts of that Government
within this State, fur a valuable aonaidtration,
and which hitherto has been promptly paid.—
The prisoner is a convict of one ol its courts in
Georgia. Ue bus under that contract been de
livered into the custody of tile Principal Keener
ill the State Penitentiary—to be held iu good faith
uutill he shall have been pardoned by the i’resi
•lent of the United State*, or performed the sen
te ice of his conviction, er trsuslered elsewhere
by the authority of the General Government,
The prisoner not having been par doped by him
who aluue can jardou -nor his sentence having
expired by its own limitation, be must and ought
tube held aafe'y m the State Penitentiary, until
be shall have been demanded by the authority
winch under contract, placed bio for safe keep
ing in the State prison.
Ytherefore order and adjudge that Marvin V.
Brantley, the prisoner, be remanded to the Peni
tentiary of this State, and that the costs of this
yroceediug be paid by tbe movent.
The prisoner “as then remanded, and Counsel
gave notice tlirt he excepted to the decision and
the case will be carried to thi Supreme Court ol
Georgia.
An Incident or toe Last War.—At the eu
ievuinuient given at Philadelphia to th(\Western
Boards of Trade, Commodore Stuart (Old Iron
sides %*** induced to narrate the following re
miniscence :
Said tie Commodore—
Since you have forced me to relinquish my nat
ural modesty, I will do this much—l will narrate
the attoedote correctly, as just told you by my
friend. The two ships were the Crane and Levant
sent to t-tke the Constitution. They were both
commanded by captains who had won disi Unction
at Trafalgar aud the Nile, Capts. Kaicog ti?d
Douglass. After the Constitution had taken both
nhips, and their captains were on board the Con*
xMiuiion, a coolness existed between them, in
consequence of the capture. Each accused the
other of bearing out oi the action aud leaving the
brunt to his associate. This question ;h#y agreed
Jo leave to me, and I settled it iu a moment, “ jit
was you, Captain Douglass.’’ said I, to the seuior
•officer, “ who timt bore out of action.” They
were .satisfied, and shook hands together.
While they were further discussing the matter,
and deploring their defeat, .-.aid t, “gentlemen,
did you expect to take the Constitution wi{Jj those
two ships? Why, you went on board of then;
this morning, aud said they were iu as good order
ms before the actiou Now, if you like, 1 will send
you back to them, give you your men aud officers,
and roiv uou both or or Take the Constitu
tion with two ships? Why you &ouldu’t doit
with a dot an. This is the OonsiUutws of the
United States. You may sink it, and sink us * jtb
*t. but you couldn't tale it with all your King's
fleet. ” ?>o afraid were the British Admiralitv of
the Constitution, that thev dare not trust a single
frigate alone, but compelled the Levaut to wait
uuui the Cyaue was ready to sail m company.
A Lion’s Ufi rot a. Black Tiorrsh.—The
Thtladelphia N'oriU American records the follow
ing singular cuse .
**ln one compartment ot the cage in which the
annuals perform at Van Amburgb’s beautiful me
nagerte, in Chestnut street, is a huge tawny Asi
atic hoo. His room-mate is a black feu*:tie ttger.
The tiger is small, compared to the regal lion, out
highly valued as a zoological curiosity, and the
only specimen of the blacV tiger in this country,
was purchased by Mr. Van Amburgh some
rwo years* ago, and has heed with thelioc ever
since. The attachment between the two is some
thing remarkable. When other animals are in
the same cage, and any affront is offered w the
little tiger, she runs uuder the belly of the liou,
and woe be to the animal that dares approach her.
No matter bow hungry he may oe. the hon
never touches his share of their daily meat until
his little chum has selected her abare, and even
this he never eutirely consumes until eertam that
>he has enough. All the auiuials are aa tt as
moles, but this black tiger is aldermanic in Li ,
proportion*, and no remedy exists for the matter, j
She has been twice removed from the lion, but
outii she was returned, the generous beast would
“ake neither food nor rest, while the frantic man
ner ;a which he dashed at the bar* was a eufc- :
meat warning that the further detention of the j
tiger would be a dangerous matter. Should hu 1
mate die, the lion would probably pine to death, j
Once when she was taken avray a lioness was sub
stituted. The lion instantly fell upon her. and at
a single b!te broke her apine, ana crushed some •
>t her ribs. Careful nursing saved her lile. and i
*he ustiil living, but with her hinder parts lrn- j
The B&iue ov Abbotsford.— Mr. Hope Scott
the present proprietor of Abbotsford, was mar
ried on the .th mat., to Ladv Victoria Howard,
;ue daughter of the Duke q{ Norfolk, according
to the Homan Catholic form. Our lady readers
w;ll be interested to lea:nu.at there were six
ici-. sin aids, being ti*e fire sisters of the bride,
-dr* Almua Charlotte, Lad)* Marv Adeitza, Ladr
EtbiMrfids. UJf Phillips at, i La'dy Ann Howard,
wtuj tLeti'uthful daughter ot the bridegroom; acd
that they were dressy! to pair blue glace silk
.ou> bomiets pi-ixir n-mined with white nbbou*.
t. c Joxt.-The City qftnorihes of Marvsville,
C.nnon.ia, recently phase,*? an ordinance for the
• of outside'stair* is ■*.*< fity. While the
Council ere in session & lee 4j.fs after, the
i-ta.rs leading to the Council Chami.- were re
moved. and the dignified members of body,
accoru.ng to tie Herald, were compelled to
dee s the posts of the building.
1); el— An ail jr of honor took place near the
l’ennsy ft auia and Delaware lines yesterday morn
log, the res.lit of a personal difficulty which oc
curred at the Capitol, iu this eitv, on Friday last.
T'he principal parties to thia sail affair were Dr
J. J Joc< s, of New Orleans. auJ Mr. \J usqo. of
Teniftß*w, an otlicer, we learn, in ttor United
State# wvenue service. The ditbcuiiy *3T V -out
of oiK-ta remark? iroui \\ ilaoa to Jour* con
ceroiojr party. Joues wm* Seer&*rp ,
of the Ceutri Douglas Ci*uia.ittee during the LUx
Caa>paigu, aud 4arnU:d the remark by a tdap in |
the race. Wil&ou iiuajediately sent a challenge,
which waa accepted, the parties Wash
ington on Monday morning. They fought with ;
pistols at ten paces, Wilson receiving a severe
wound in the hip, a ud pr. Jones being uninjured, j
— Star. “•
From the London Timet of Jan. Iblb.
The Slave^Eztradition Case—lmpor
tance of the lasnea Involved.
Tbe case of Anderson, the negro who is de
manded from this country under the Fxtradition
Treaty bv the United States, has passed mto a
new and” verv interesting state. Tbe Southern
States and their institutions are destined during
the current year to attract to themselves the at- -
tention of both hemispheres. While the question ]
of the possibility of sny longer continuing the
tie which unites Freedom to Slavery is solving j
itself on tbe other side of the Atlantic, we m tug
land are to be involved in one of the c. llatera
issues arising out ofthe conflict. The Court of
Queen’s Bench has. with a celerity which will
take tbe public a little by surprise, issued a wnt
of Kaheat eorpvi, directed to the authorities in
Canada who have Anderson in charge, requiring
them to bring him up before tbe Court, together
with tbe cause of his detention, in order that, if
that detention be found illegal, he may be set at
liberty. ,
To those who are accustomed to consider the
writ of habeas corpus as the creation of the reign
of Charles 11. it may be surprising to learn that
this writ is as old as the Common Law itself, and
that, while America is threatened with disruption
because four millions of her people are detained
in slavery, England in tbe very darkest night of
the middle ages was possessed, in theory at least,
of this means of protection for individual liberty.
Ii may also excite surprise when we consider the
ample powers of self-government possessed by
Canada, her separate Legislature, her responsible
Ministers, her distinct finances, her complete ju
dicial system, to find the Court of Queen s Bench
assuming the act directlv on the rights of persons
within her territories, just as if Toronto were sit
uate on Windermere instead of Lake Ontario. e
are familiar with the appellate jurisdiction of the
Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, revers
ing, altering, or affirming the decisions of Colo
nial Courts. But a direct interposition of an Fn-
nisi v'iuiw- - i . . ,
gliah Court in the administration of justice in the
colonies is, in our time at least, a novelty, and a
novelty to justify the introduction of which very
grave reasons are required.
Possibly on a very careful consideration of the
case, these reasons may not be found to be want
ing. The applieation has already been heard be
fore the Court of Queen’s Bench in Canada, and
was there refused. No proceeding in the nature
of an appeal lies on account of the refusal of the
writ of babtat corp-ut. The only course would be
to apply to another of the Colonial Courts, which,
though'of equal jurisdiction, possess less authori
ty, and would therefore give a decision which,
should it differ from that of the Court of Queen's
Bench, in Canada, could not be regarded as satis
factory. The matter, too, in dispute, ia peculiar
ly suitable for the decision of a metropolitan tri
bunal. It is hardly possible for those who live on
the North American continent wholly to free
themselves from the influence of the mighty
struggle that ia going od and to regard the ques
tion of law with perfect calmness aud impartiality.
Moreover, a question involving the construction
of a treaty is less suited for the jurisdiction of a
dependency than for the deoisicn of the highest
Court of the Mother State.
It is bv the reports of the cases decided in that
Court tfiat colonial tribunals sre in the habit of
guiding tbeir decisions, and even in America the
judgments of English tribunals exercise an author
ity only seGond to that which they possess in
Westminster Hall. It is only due to the United
States, in deciding a case so momentous in itself,
and having so immediate a bearing on their pres
ent political struggles, that it should be dealt with
by a Court of the highest dignity, of the most
paramount jurisdiction, and oi the greatest au
thority ; and such a Court is, undoubtedly, the
English Court of Quecu’a Bench. We may, per
haps, venture to anticipate that the question at is
sue will be looked at in a larger and more com
prehensive spirit by the English than it has been
by the Canadian tribunals, and that while due
weight will be given to the construction of the
local statute, a little more attention will be be
stowed on the interpretation of the Extraditing
Treatv, which is, after all, the fittest key to the
legal difficulty.
It may, perhaps, be found that a construction
which requires us to give up as guilty of murder
a prisoner who, according to our law, is clearly
innocent of the crime, offends not only against the
moral sense of mankind, but also against the
principle upon which Extradition Treaties hare
hitherto been based We are not in the habit is
this country of sending persons to a trial for a
crime when we are thoroughly convinced of their
innocence, and it seems strange that we should
stipulate to do that for the subjects of other na
tions, which we should not think of doing for our
own.’ At any rate we feel sure that such an inter
pretation can only be adopted where the words
are clear and unambiguous, and thftt nothing but
the most peremptory necessity will force our
Courts to put such a construction on the treaty as
will make them, according to the law they are
bound to administer, the instruments of a gross in
just ice. At| the same time, we feel confident that
this great issue will be tried fairly, honestly, dis
passionately; that no wish for a momentary pop
ularity, that no desire, natural though it be, to
save a fellow creature in tho pursuit of freedom,
win turn our Judges one hair’s breadth aside
from the most upright impartiality. To the bene
fit ofthe law this poor hunted negro is just as
much entitled as the proudest Peer of the land;
and we doubt not that ho will receivo just mea
sure, whether that doom shall consign him to life
or death.
It is just possible that some persons may sup
pose that by granting the writ of habeas corpus
the Court of Queen’s Bench has already decided
the case—that as soon as he touches the soil of
England Auderson will be by our law emancipa
ted from the control of his master, and can never
afterwards be claimed as a slave. .JThis is un
doubtedly true, but, unfortunately, has no bearing
on the issue that is to be raised. Anderson is de
manded, uot as a slave, but as a murderer ; aud
the question is, not whether the Court, will give
effect to the claims of a master over a slave who
is on Enalish soil, but whether, in deciding what
is murder within our Extradition Treaty, they
will guide themselves by the laws of England or
the laws of Missouri—by the cede of the frotmau
or the bondman. Should the Court of Queen’s
Bench in Englaud agree in opinion with tbe Court
of Queen’s Bench in Canada, America will have
acquired a right under the treaty to have the ne
gro delivered up to her, and there is nothing that
we know of in the laws of this country to prevent
that delivery from lukintr place. At the same
time, we do not seek to conceal from ourselves
the vast importance of the impending issue.
If the decision bo in favor of the negro, we can
not help seeing that at a very critical moment a
most weighty and damaging censure will have
been passed by the very highest authority on the
laws and practices of the United Hiates -a con
sure not likoly to be soou forgotten or forgiven,
since it must be founded on the assumption that
their laws caunot be enforced, because they are
contrary to the very first principles of natural
justice. If, on the other hand, the decision should
be against the negro, we cannot regard without
approhonsion the excitement of feelings in this
couutry which may for years to come poison our
relations with one-half of the United States. We,
ui least, are not accustomed to act as bailiffs or as
gaolers for the slave-owners of the South, and it
lias been long since England has experienced a
day of such humiliation as she would feel if,
through the previsions of a treaty negotiated and
entered into for other objects, she felt herself
compelled, by the chargo of a crime the existeuce
of which she does not admit, to surrender a slave
who tiu* lived iu freedom seveu years under the
protection of bor laws, to the hands, uot of his
infuriated master, but of that mob which holds a
reign of undisputed terror ever the free and black
population of fifteen Anglo-Saxou Republics.
The Vicksburg Kiuburgo,
The following details, in amplification of the
accounts already published, are furnished by the
Vicksburg (Miss.) Sun, of dan. ICth :
On the afternoon of the 12ii iusfc., the Vicks
burg volunteer battalion was brought up in full
numbers, “ armed aud equipped as the law di
rects.'’ under command ot Brigadier Gen. Miller,
his aids betug Gen. Gaines aud Maj. Jackson.
On Sunday a large crowd gathered at Fori Har
wood, expecting to witness too issue, the Silver
Wave being hourly expected. A number of boats
passed up aud down, but the anxiously awaited
Silver Wave was not amoug the number.
The Wte*t,her on Sunday was mild, with dark
forebodiug ciouds intercepting the rays of the
sun. In toe afternoon ‘ll commenced raiuing at
Intervals, aud at the fall of night it was “ pitch
dark.” This rendered it necessary u; bail every
U>*t which came down after dark, iu orde* that
the Silver Wave might not escape capture. This
was done toy ffrjog a blank cartridge across the
bow of each ste&w'*\ g.nd then, if deemed neces
sary, a full cartridge.
In the evening about 0 o'clock, ihs A. 0. Tay
lor, Capt. Collier, very narrowly escaped fcejng
•hot into. As she veered around’ the bend, net*
me lottery, a blauk cartridge was fired across her
bow, wu*; —pr soon after—she whistled and gave
signals for retard mg to. She, however, did not
come to at the battery, but bore off to the star
board, near the Louisiana fed*, yith a view, we
suppose, of obtaining good advantage fop round
ing to at the wharf boat below. The ateamer
tGuisianaiau had proceeded the Taylor a short
time, was lying near the upper eudof the
battery wheuAbo Taylor was challenged with the
blauk cartridge. Ac previously stated, she failed
to recognize the challenge round to, and pro
ceeded down the river on the opposite side of the
river. Tuis movement was looked upen with
euapiefon (all the other boats having come to Ll
the battery,i snd before the Taylor had given anv
reliable evidence touching at the wbarf boat,
the command waegue*, io/jr.e into her. The match
was applied—the upper of the primiug
powder (which we learn had just put on)
Hashed, but the powder in the touch-hole failed to
Uic, it having become moist or wet from the rain. 1
The at this time was swinging out
to make tue wuarf boat below, and by that time
the ordnance km re-priced and ready’to fife, she
(the was ou a tfoA intervening be
tween the battery aud the Taylor. Tiioaa£? c ?s we
have from General Gaines, and they are rename
Thai Louisianian intervened as she did, should
be regarded ,?s a Providential intervention, for
which cue and UI should be grateful. But for \
this harpy occurrence, a doubt the Taylor .
would nave been fired into, the disastrous results
of which the reader can well depict. There were •
aeren ladv passengers, twelve or fifteen gentle
men, and a few ‘children on board the Taylor, j
among whoa; jre met Mr. John Richardson, of
Havre, Kentucky. 4 farm and noble hearted true
Southern gentleman, a; fejen as it was observed
from the battery that the Taylor wag soing to land
at our wharf, a detachment, under co*na;and of
General Gaines, was dispatched at quadruple
quieu :;me lif there be such time) to the wharf’,
boat, to board and take command of the boat that j
j failed to the challenge to round to at
! the batterv.
■•Ten minutes elapsed, and i*£jty-five of the
Warren Guard were iu rank and file on tie wharf
i boat before the Taylor, the name of which they
I did cot know until they reached the wharf. A
short iutwviaw between Gen. Gainea and Capt.
Collier proved MUsfactoriiT that he Capt. C.’ did
not know the object or 4*Stgn of the fire, regard
ing it as some political ti.jmph. Capt, Collier,
we are informed, is a Virginian, ifooia F. F.
V„ a good, worthy Southerner, whose poiitkal j
proclivities are of the right s ripe. The captain
gencrousir invited the detachment on board,
“stood treat,” and took the detachment back to
tne battery before * suing to discharge his freignt.
He wil please accept i-o-ti for dead-heading us
up and back from said point w.tiit little very good
‘ sensation draps” thrown in. While on board
the Tavlor we were informed by her gentietnauty !
clera that he was positive that the Silver Wave j
uad not ret lied Cincinnati when the Taylor left,
which was on tae oth inst, and that the ice was ‘
running at that time so thick that he deemed it
almost” impossible for hint to Acme down. The ■
steamer Marengo was to accompany thj SUvsr i
Wave with similar freight.
7 as Ur ties os Sio™-C*ow that it is proposed
in Congress to repeat the duties on foreign su
gars, ute following statement, jf at all correct, is
interesting ■
The amount of duties paid ou sugars imported
into this country, to protect the interests of
Louisiana, has averaged more than seven millions
per annum for the last five years, and during the
decade closed have amounted to fully fifty-seven
millions of dollars. In IK’- 1 the riiite of sugar
imported was #2S,SSIJOO, the duty un which
twenty-four per cent.’ amounted to $*t,540,4',0.
Os the total consumption of sugar in this country
ft/e estimated that forty per cent.; is the product
ot the igggjiana plantations, the whole ot which
would become worthless in a week, except under
a protective tariif. **hg capital invested in these
is probably not less than thirty millions ot dollars,
and may exceed that figure considepiblv. During
the lust quarter oi a century tne sugar
ol that hauie must have reached the sum IhiCi,- j
GOo.dwO.
AsEt-iaviNG tat Foax.—Arrangements have been
guide lf llie departure of the w omac and chil
dren from Foil bun-ler, according U) a r<,g?st
wyeh Jtstt*!y in the Courier. Twenty
wfoen sod seventeen children will be taken to
New York on the Uynoc, bn Saturday.
We have no doubt that a similar yeoaest for the
meu would be granted, to the satisfaction of all
concerned.— CharUiton Courier, 1 at.
Correspondence and other Papers Re
lating to Port Snmter.
The Charleston papers of Monday published
the following correspondence, from which the
restrictions of secrecy have been removed. We
are only to give place to a portion of the corres- j
pondence ; the letter from the Senators of seced
ing States to Hon. I. W. Haynk, with the reply
of Mr. Him, and the letter of instructions of
Judge Magrath to Mr. Hatxr, we are compelled
defer until to-morrow :
[Nos. 1, 2 and 3 of this series of correspondence
comprises the letters whieh passed between Maj
Anderson and Gov. Pickens, at the time the “.Star
of the West” was fired upon by Forts Morris and
Moultrie, and have been published Eds. COU
RIER.]
No. 4.
[THE GOVERNOR TO MAJ. AXl4hlSoN\ ]
State or South Carolina, )
Executive Office, Cbarlhston, r
January 11, 1861. j
To Major Robert Anderson, Commanding Fort
Sumter :
g IK ; —I have thought proper, under all the cir
cumstances of the peculiar state of public affairs in
the country at present, to appoint the Hon. A. G.
Magrath and Gen. D. F. Jamison, both members
ofthe Executive Council, aad of the highest posi
tion in tbe State, to present to you considerations
ofthe gravest public character; and of the deep
est interest to all who deprecate the improper
waste of life ; to induce the delivery of Fort Sum
ter to the comstituted authorities of the State of
South Carolina, with a pledge, on its part, to ac
count for such public property as is under your
charge.
Your obedient servant,
(Signed) F. W. Pickbxs.
No. 6.
[major axdbrsox to thb oovbrxor.]
Hbadqcartbrs, Fort Scmtbr, 8. C. t )
January 11, 1861. f
To IJi* Excellence! F. W. I*l ckens, Gorernor of
South Carolina :
Sir :— I have the honor to acknowledge the re
ceipt of your demand for the surrender of this fort
to the authorities of South Caroliua, and to say,
in reply, that the demand is one with which I
cannot comply. Your Excellency knows that I
have recently sent a messenger to Washington,
and that it will be impossible for me to receive an
answer to my dispatches, forwarded by him, at an
earlier date tbau next Monday. What the
character of my instructions may be, I cannot
foresee.
Should your Excellency deem fit, prior to a re
sort to arms, to refer this matter to Washington,
it w’ould afford me the sincerest pleasure to de
pute one of my officers to accompany any mes
senger you may deem proper to be the bearer ot
your demand.
Hoping to God that in this, and all other mat
ters iu wnich the honor, welfare and lives of our
fellow-countrymen are concerned, we shall so act
as to meet His approval; and deeply regretting
that you have made a demand of me with which 1
cannot comply,
I have the honor to be,
With the highest regard,
Your obedient servant,
Robert Axderso.v,
Major U. S. Army, Commanding.
No. 6.
[the ooverxor to the president of the united
STATES.]
State of SorrH Carolfxa, j
Executive Office, Headquarters, r
Charleston, January 11,1861. )
Sir :—At the time of the separation of the State
of South Carolina from the United States, Fort
Sumter was, and still is, in the possession of
troops of the United States, command of
Major Anderson. I regard that possession as not
consistent with the dignity and safety of the Slate
of South Carolina ; and I have this day addressed
to Major Anderson & communication to obtain
from him the possession of that Fort by the au
thorities of this State. The reply of Major Ander
son informs me that he has no authority to do
what I required, hut he desires a reference of the
demand to the President of the United States.
Under the circumstances now existing, and
which need no comment by me, I have determined
to send to you the Hon. J. W. Hayne, the Attor
ney-General of the State of South Carolina, aud
have instructed him to demand the delivery of
Fort Sumter, in tho harbor of Charleston, to the
constituted authorities of the State of South Caro
lina.
The demand I have made of Major Andorsou,
and which I now make of yon, is suggested be
cause of my earnest desire to avoid the bloodshed
whieh a p*-rsistanee iu your uttempt to retain the
possession of that fort will cause ; and which will
be unavailing to secure you that possession, but
induce n calamity most deeply to be deplored.
If cousequenccs so unhappy shall ensue, I will
secure for this State, in the Uemaud which I now
make, the satisfaction of having exhausted every
attempt to avoid it.
In relation to the public property of the United
Statf*e, within Fortnumter, the Hon. I. W. Hayne,
who will hand you this communication, is author
ized tr> give you the pledge of the State, upon the
adjustment of its relations with the Uuited States,
of which it was a part.
(Signed) F. W. Pickens.
To tho President of the United States.
No. 7.
[instructions prom the state department of the
EXECUTIVE OFFICE TO THE HON. I. W. HAYNE.]
State oe South Cauorika, i
Executive Office, State Department, r
Charleston, January 12, 1861. )
Sir : The Governor has considered it proper, in
view of the grave questions, which now affect the
State of South Caroliua and the United States, to
make a demand upon the President of the United
States, for the delivery to the State of South Ca
rolina of Fort Sumter, now within the territorial
limits of this State, and occupied by troops of the
United States.
The Convention of the people of South Carolina
authorized and empowered its Commis*ionerß to
enter into negotiations with the Government of
tbe Uuited States, for the delivery of forts, maga
zines, lighthouses, and other roal ostate within the
limits ol South Carolina.
The eircumsiances which caused the interrup
tion of that negotiation are kuowu to you ; with
the formal notification of its cessation, was the
urgent cxproayion of the necessity for the with
drawal of ihu troops of tha United States from the
harbor of Charleston.
Tho iutirruptiou of these negotiations left all
matters connected with Fort Suruter aud troops of
the Uniied States within tho limits of this State,
affected by the fact; that tbe continued posses
sion of the fort was net insistent with the digni
ty or safetv of tbe State ; and that an attempt to
reinforco the troops a£ tfiat fort would not bo al
lowed. This, therefore, became a state of hostili
ty ; n consequence of wfiicfi the State of South
Carolina was placed in a condition of defence.—
During the preparations for this purpose, an at
tempt was made to reinforce Fort Sumter, and re
pelled.
You are now instructed to proceed to Washing
ton, and there, in the name of the Government of
the State of South Carolina, enquire of the Presi
dent of the United States, whether it was by hi*
onler that troops of the United States were sent
into the harbor of Charleston to reinforce Fort
Sumter; if he avows that order, you will then in
quire whether he asserts a right to introduce
troops of the United States within the limits of
this State, to occupy Fort Sumter : and you will in
caso of his avowal, inform him that neither will
be perinitto i, aud either will be regarded M bis
declaration of war against the State of South
Carolina.
The Governor, to save liic, aud determined to
omit uo course of proceeding usual among civil
ized nations, previous to that condition of general
hostilities tvhjoh belongs towar ; and not knowing
under what order, or” by tvbat authority, Fort
Sumter is now held, demanded from Major Robert
Anderson, now iu command of that fort, its deliv
ery to the State. That officer, in his reply, has
inferred the Governor to the Government of the
United States at Washington. You will, there
fore, demand from thu I’rusident of the United
States the withdrawal of the troops of tbo United
States from that fort, and its delivery to the State
of South Carolina.
You are instructed not to allow any question of
property claimed by the United States to embar
rass tbs assertion of the political right of th State
of South Qnroliuato the possession of Fort Sum
ter. The possession of that fort by the Stete is
alone consistent with thediguity aud safety of the
State of South Carolina; but such possession is
not inconsistent with a right to compensation in
rnogev in another government, if it has against
the Siate of South Carolina any just claim con
nected with that Fort. Hut the possession of the
fort cannot, in regard to the State of South Caro
lina, be compeneated by any consideration of anv
kind from the Government of the United States,
‘.vljen tb,e possession cf it by the Government is
invasijrapf tha dignity and'effects the salety of
the State. Thai possession cannot become now a
matter of diseuaaion or negotiation. Yog will,
therefore, require from the President of tire Unit
ed States a poailive and distinct answer to your
demand for the delivery of the fort. And you are
further authorized, to give the pledge of the State
to adjust all matters which may be, and are in
their nature, susceptible of valuation in money ;
in the manner moat tsuai, upon the princi
ples of equity and justice always recognized by
independent nations, for the ascertainment of
their relative rights aud obligations in such matters.
You are further instructed to say to the Presi
dent c#the United States, that the Governor re
gards the attempt of the President of the United
states, if avowed, to continue the nossion of Fort
Sumter, as inevitably leading to a bloody issue, a
question which, in the judgment of the Governor,
can have but oue conclusion ; reconcilable with a
due regard to the Stale of South Carolina, the
welfare of the other States which now constitute
the United States, and that humanity which
teaches all men, but pgrWrularly those who in au
thority control the lives of athiig ; to a resort to
arms, as the last which should be consjtfered. To
shed their blood in defence of their rights is a dg
tv which the citizens of the State of South Caro
tins Ldly reeoguize. And in such a cause, the
Governor, whi.a deploring the stern necessity
which may compel him tp call for the sacrifice ;
will feel that his obligation to pregepvo inviolate
the sacred rights of the State of South Carolina,
justify the sacrifice necessary to secure that end.
The Governor does not desire to remind the Cre
dent pf the responsibilities which are upon him.
Respepifciiiy, your obedient servant,
A. G. Masrath
To Hon. I. \\ . Hayne, Special Fnyoy from the j
State of South Carolina to the Presj'dent of the ‘
United States.
So. t.
LETVSI Qg SBSATOES OP SHCKDIKO STATES TO HOK.
f. W. BATKE.]
Wasbixqtok Cits', .January 15, 1861.
Han. Jtooc JF. Haynt .
Sir.—We are apprised that you visit Washing
ton as an Envoy from the State of South Carolina,
bearing a communication from the Governor of
your State to the President of the United States,
m relation to Fort Sumter. Without knowing its
contents, we venture to request you to defer its
delivery to the President for a few dare or until
you and he have considered the suggestion which
we beg lesve to submit.
W know that the possession of Fort Sumter by
trovp; of the United Ststea, coupled with the cir
cumstances undej tftimb it was taken, it the chief
if not only, souree of duEculty between the Gov
ernment of South Carolina and that of the United
States We would add, that we, too, think it a
just cause of irritation and ot apprehension cn the
part of your State. But we tave also assurances,
notwithstanding the circumstances under whicii
Xlaior Anderson left Fort Moultrie and entered
Fort Sninier with the forces under his command ;
that it was not taken, and is not held, with ant
hostile or untriendly purposes towtrdsyour State:
but merely as property ot the United Slates, which
tha President deems it his dutv to protect and
preserve.
W j will not discuss the question of right or
! duty on the part of either Government touching
: that property, or the late acts of either in relation
: thereto; but we think that, without anv com
-1 promise ct right or breach of dutv oo either side,
an amicable adjustment of the matter of differ
: enues may and should be adopted. We desire to
t see such an adjustment, and to prevent war orthe
| shedding of biooa. We represent States which
! have already seceded from the United States, or
| will have dens so before the first of Februarv
i next, and whuh will meet yonr State in Conven
i tioo on or before the fifteenth of that mouth, dur
i people feet tea: they have a common destiny with
i yonr people, and expert to form with them in
that Convention, anew Confederation and Pro
i visional Government. We must and wilt share
your fortunes, suffering with you the evils of
war, if it cannot be avoided ; and enjoying with
vou the blessings of peace, if it can be preserved.
We. therefore, think it especially dte from South
CWaij.np to our States—to say nothing of other
slaveholdtag States—that she should, as far as she
can consistentlv with her honor, avoid initiating
hostilities betw’een her and ute United States or
any other Power. We have the public declara
tion of the President, that he hie not the c*u
stituntca) Dower or the will to make war on South
Carolina, and that the public peace shall not be
disturbed by any act of hostility towards your
State.
\*'e. therefore, see jio reason why there may
not be a settlement of exiating difficulties, if time
be given for calm and deliberate counsel with
those States which are equally involved with
South Carolina. }Ve, therefore, trust that an ar
rangement will be agreed on between you and the
President, at least till the 15th February next; by
which time yonr and our States may, in Conven
tion, devise a w ise, just and peaceable solution of
existing difficulties.
In tne meantime, we think your State should
suffer Major Anderson to obtain neeessary sup
plies of tood, fuel, or water, and eojoy free com
munication, by post or special messenger, with
the President, upon the understanding that the
President will not send him reinforcements du
ring tbe game period. We propose to submit this
proposition and your answer to the President.
It not clothed with power to make such arrange
ment, then we trust that you will submit our sug
gestions to the Governor'of your State for his in
structions. Until you have received and commu
nicated his response to the President, es course
vour State will not attack Fort Sumter, and the
will not attempt to re-inforce it.
We most respectfully submit these propositions,
in the earaest hope that you, or the proper author
ity of vour State, may accede to them.
We have the honor to be,
With profound esteem,
Your obedient servants,
LouisT. C. C. Clay, Jr.
John Hemphill. Benj. Fitzpatrick.
D. L. Yclee, A. Iverson.
S. R. Mallory. John Slidell.
Jefferson Davis. J. P. Benjamin.
No. 9.
[LETTER OF BOX. I. w. HAYNI IK REPLY TO SENATORS
FROM BECBDIKO STATES.]
Washington, January, 1861.
Gbntlbmin: —I have just received your commu
nication, dated the 15th instant. You represent,
yon say, States which have already seceded from
the United States, or will hare done so before the
Ist. of February next, and which will meet South
Carolina in Convention, on or before the 15th of
that month ; that your people feel they have a
common destiny with our people, and expect to
form with them in that Convention anew Con
federacy aud Provisional Government; that you
must, and will share ourfoitunes, suffering with
us the evils of war, if it cannot be avoided, and
enjoying with us the blessings of peace, if it eau
be preserved.
I feel, gentlemen, the force of this appeal, and
so far as my authority extends most cheerfully
comply with your request.
lam not clothed with power to make the ar
rangements you suggest, but provided you can
get assurances, with which you are entirely satis
fied, that no reinforcements will be sent to Fort
Sumter in tbe interval, and that public peace shall
not be disturbed by any act of hostility towards
South L arolina, I will refer your communication
to tbe authorities of South Carolina, aud with
holding their communication, with which I am
at present charged, will their iustruc
tions.
Major Anderson and his command, let me as
sure you, do now obtain all necessary supplies es
food, (including fresh meat and vegetables,) aud,
I believe, fuel and water ; and do now enjoy free
communication by post and special messengers
with the President, aud will continue to do so,
certainly, until the door of negotiation shall be
closed.
If your proposition is acceded to, you may as
sure the President that no attack will be made on
Fort Sumter uutil a response from the Governor
of South Carolina has Been received by me and
communicated to him.
With great consideration and profound esteem,
Your obedient servant,
(Signed) Isaac W. Hayne,
Envoy from the Governor and Council pf South
Carolina.
No. 10.
[letter of senators of seceding states to the
PRESIDENT.]
Senate Chamber, Jan. 11,1861.
Sir:—We have been requested to present to
you copies of ± correspondence between certain
Senators of t* United States and Col. Isaac W.
Hayne, now in this city, in behalf of the govern
ment. of South Carolina ; and to ask that you will
take into consideration the subject of said corres
pondence.
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servants,
(Signed) Bbn. Fitzpatrick,
S. R. Mallory,
John Slidell.
To His Excciletcy James Buchanan, President of
tbe United States.
No. 11.
[letter op the president, through the ho.v. j.
HOLT, SECRETARY OF WAR, ad INTERIM, TO THJ£
SENATORS of tub seceding states.]
War Department, January 22, 1861.
To the lion. Benjamin Fitzpatrick , S. A*. Mallory ,
and John Slidell;
Gentlemen :—The President has received your
communication ol the 19th instant, with the copy
of a correspcndcncc between yourselves and oth
ers “representiuH States which have already se
ceded from the United States, or will have done
so before the Ist of February next,” and Colonel
Isaac \V. Hayne, of South Carolina, in behalf of
the government of that State, in relation to Fort
Sumter; and you ask the President to “take into
consideration the subject of that correspondence.”
W ith this request be has complied, and directed
me to communicate bis answer.
In your letter to Col. Hayne of the 15th inst.,
you propose to him to deter the delivery of a mes
sage from the Governor of South Carolina to the
President, with which he has been entrusted, for
a tew days, or until the President aud Col. Hayne
shall have considered the suggestions which you
submit. It is unnecessary to refer specially to
these suggestions, because the letter addressed to
you by Col. Havne, of the 17th instant, presents
a clear and specific answer to them. In this he
savs : “I am not clothed with power to make the
arrangement you suggest; but provided vou cau
get assurances, with which you are entirely satis
fied, that no reinforcements will be sent to Fort
Surnier in the interval, and that the public peace
will uot be disturbed by any act of hostility to
wards South Carolina, 1 will refer your communi
cation to the authorities of South Carolina, and,
withholding the communication with which I am
at present’ charged, will await further instruc
tions.”
From the beginuing of the present unhappy
troubles, the President has endeavored to perform
his executive duties in such a manner as to pre
serve the peace of the country and to prevent
bloodshed. This is still his fixed purpose. You,
therefore, do him no more than justice in stating
that veu have assurances (from his public mes
sages I presume,) that., * notwithstanding the cir
cumstances under which Majar Anderson left Fort
Moultrie and entered Fort Sumter with the forces
under his command, it w’as not taken, and is not
held with any hostile or unfriendly purpose to
wards your State, but merely as property of tbe
United States, which the President deems it his
duty to protect and preserve,” vou have correctly
stated what the President deems to be his duty.
Ilis sole object now is, and has been, to act strict
ly on the defensive, and to authorize no move
ment, against the people of South Carolina, unless
clearly justified by a hostile movement ou their
part, lie could not have given a hotter proof of
nis desire to prevent the effusion of blood, than
by forbearing to resort to the use of foree, uuder
tne strong provocation of an attack (happily with
out a fatal result) on an unarmed vessel bearing
the Hag ol the United States.
I am happy to observe that, in your letter to
Col. Hayne, you express the opinion, that it is
“especially due from South Carolina to our States,
to sny nothing of other slaveholding States, that
she should, as far as she can consistently with her
honor, avoid initiating hostilities betweon her and
tho United States, or any other power.” To ini
tiato such hostilities against Fort Sumter would,
beyond question, be an act of war against the
United States.
In regard lo the proposition of Col. Hayne,
‘‘that uo reinforcements will be sept to Fort Sum
ter, ip (he interval, and that the public peace will
not be disturbed by any agt of hostility towards
South Carolina,” it is impossible for me to give
you any such assurances. Tile President has no
authority to enter into such an agreement or un
derstanding. As an executive officer, be is simply
bound to protect the public property, so far as
this may be practicable j and it would be a mani
fest violation of his duty to place himself under
engagements that he weuld not perform this duty
either for an ipdefipite or limited period. At the
present ptomept, it Is not deemed nesessary to re?
inforce Major Anderson, because he makes no
snob request, and feels quite secure in his position.
Should his safety, however, require reinforce
ments, every effort will be made to supply them.
In regard to an assurance from the President
“that the public peace will not be disturbed by any
act of hostility towards South Carolina,” the an
swer will readily occur to yourselves. To Con
gress, and to Congress alone, belongs the power
tp tpake war, and it would be an act of usurpation
for she Executive te give any assurances that
Congress would not pxeroise this’ power, however
strongly he may be convinced that no such inten
tion exists.
I am glad to be assured, from the letter of Col.
H&yne, that “Major Anderson and his command
do now obtain all necessary supplies, including
frosh meet and vegetables, and, I believe, fuel and
water, from the city of Charleston, ami do now
enjoy communication, by post and special messen
ger, with the President, and wil! continueto do go,
certainly until the door to negotiation has been
tiinsad ” I trust that these facilities may still be
afforded to Major Anderson, This is as it should
be. Major Andarson is tiot menacing Charleston;
and I am convinced that the happiest result which
oan be attained is, that both he aud the authorities
of South Carolina shall remain on their present
amicable footing, neither party being bound by
any obligations whatever, except the high Chris
tian and moral duty to keep the peace, and to
avoid all eause of mutual irritation.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. Holt,
Secretary of War, ad interim.
Virgikia.—The Washington correspondent of
the Baltimore Sun, npder date of Feb. Ist, says :
The great question before the public is whether
the secession movement shall be made complete
by the withdraw al of the State of Virginia. Tfie
election to be held on the 4th, of delegates for the
(Convention, will settle the question. Beth the
Union and the secession parties desire ihe ma
jority. Letters from various parts of the State
show” that the contest will be close in some
counties. The general tone of advices from the
State show that there is a general disposition to
I remain in the Union, and to preserve tne Union,
if it can be done consistently with the presrrva
tion of Southern rights; but it is also considered
as essential that the slavery and the territorial
questions must be finally settled now.
The Virginia Convention will be in session on
tbs 15th of February. The peace congress to bs
begun and held here on the 4th will hare conclu
ded their labors by that time, or by the 25th.
Should the resplt of'that Congress b substantial
ly favorable to adjustment it may deter Virginia
from immediate secession.
The action of the Convention of the Cotton
States, to be held in Montgomery, Ala., on the
4th of Februarv, will also effect the action of the
Virginia Convention. The relations of Virginia
to the new confederacy are as important as her
relations to the old one.
It is considered that the remarks of Senator
Mason vesterdsv indicate the probability of the
secession of Virginia, and anticipate its immediate
consequences. What these consequence* will be
mav be seen in the military preparations of the j
State, and in the arrangements now making by
the federal executive for the defense and protec
tion of the public property and the federal capital,
Fersons from New York represent the senti
ment there as conciliatory, and in favor of com- j
promise acd adjustment.” But they caunot influ
ence a single Republican in CoDgress to go for
sdv practical adjustment, aud their delegation to
the Peace Congress will, it is found, do nothing to
promote one.
Tee Position or President Lincoln.—A dis
patch from Springfield, Illinois, dated the 30th,
says :
This morning’s Journal contains an Authorita
tive contradiction of a Washington despatch to
the preqp, stating that Mr. Lincoln had written to
his Congressional friends recommending concilia
tory measures. It says the country may rest as
sured that in Abraham Lincoln they have a Re
publican President—one wno will give them a Re
publican administration. Mr. Lincoln is not com
mitted to the Border State Compromise, nor to
any other. He stands immovably on the Chicago
platform, and he will neither acquiesce in, nor
counsel his friends to acquiesce in, any compro
mise that surrenders one iota of it.
The tender of the services of Coi. Sumner and
Major Hunter upon the journey to Washington,
was made by Gen. Scott.
A proposition to accompany Mr. Lincoln to In
dianapolis, is now being discussed by the mem
bers of tße Legislature.
Resignations in tbe Rbvenue Service.—Cap
tain Morrison, of the revenue cutter Lewis, Cans
ban tarutd o,~er i.:s vessel to tbs Collector of the
Port of Mobile.
Capt. Ereshwod.of the revenve cutter McClell
and has resigned acd given possession of his ves
sel to Colleotor Hatch, of New Orleans.
Correspondence ofthe Baltimore
Letter From Charleston.
RBrrßuc of South Carolina, \
Charleston, Jan. 29, 1861. f
For the past four or five days we have been with
out any great excitement, although the city was
in a slight ferment yesterday on account of the
transmission of the correspondence between Col.
Hayne, envoy to Washington, and Gov. Pickens
and President Buchanan to the Legislature. The
papers were all considered in secret session, and
will not be published until it is consistent with the
“public welfare.”
Enough, however, transpired to inform us that
the ultimatum of Governor Pickens had gone forth
with the sanction of the Legislature. South Caro
lina has made her final demand for Fort Snmter.
Mr. Hayne is instructed to wait an answer to the
demand a reasonable time, and if it is not acqui
esced in, arms must be resorted to. Rest assured
of it, the people of this State will never suffer
Lincoln to hold and command the post. I believe
every mau in Charleston will suffer the last drop
°* blood to flow from their veins before they
would submit to this. The people have cut the
last ties that formerly bound them to the old Fed
eral L nion. They will listen to no compromises,
and in future will treat the North onlv as a foreign
State.
The resolutions in reply to the peaceful media
tion of irginia evidences the fact. If auv State
could influence Caroliua it is Virginia—you have
already seen how the envoy ofthat State has been
treated. Denied a hearing before the Legislature,
he was directed to inform the Sovereign old Com
monwealth that Carolina never would again form
alliance with the non-slaveholding States of tbe
North, nor would she ever have anything to do
with the old Federal Union ; that her separation
from that Government was final and decisive.
South Carolina’s hopes now are all centered
UDon the Southern Contederacy to be formed in
Montgomery iq February next. Her ends will be
ob ained when anew Government, composed en
tirely of Cotton States, is inaugurated. Possess
ing the mouth of the Mississippi, the Confederacy
will be able to protect itself aud its trade. The
people will all be of congenial sentiments, aud for
a few years at least there will be no quarrels about
tbe Government.
Leading men here think that the new* Confeder
acy will be iq practical operation by the Ist of
March. The army of tbe Union will be perfected
by that time, and the nation will be upon a war
footiug, ready to take its position and to maintain
its stand vi it arm is if necessary.
The programme laid down for the Southern Con
gress is this :—First, a Provisional Government;
second, treaties with the United States and “other
foreign” countries ; third, decisive legislation iu
regard to the uegro, aud fourthly, decision as to
what States shall constitute the Confederacy. Iu
this latter subject all concur that no free State
shall be admitted, and if any State shall afterwards
abolish slavery she shall be excluded from the
Confederacy. lam informed that this will be a
point insisted by Carolina. Georgia has already
declared it to be her demand, and the rest of the
seceding States will unite with her on this.
Later this evening 1 understand that it is uow
the definite programme of the delegates to the
Southern Congress to attempt no settlement of
the various questions bound to rise iu the con
struction of a new r Government. I learu that it
will be the design of nearly all not even to settle
the question of future secession. The right to
secede will be regarded by the Congress as grant
ed. They cannot do anything else, for upon it is
based tbe proposition for anew Confederacy.—
Many, however, suppose it is designed to erect a
consolidated form of Government, aud the impres
sion should be corrected. The people would
never submit to such a form, and it is no part of
the intention of the Bouth.
In the present Congress it will be the effort of
all to construct as powerful a Government for the
time as possible. This form will endure only for
a tv> clve month. Probably Jefferson Davis will
be the military chieftain, and iu his position to
the Congress will bear the same relution as did
Washington to the Constitutional Congress. Ac
tive measures will be adopted for self-defence,
perhaps temporary heads of departments—War,
State and Navy will be appointed, and leave the
rest to tbe future. This is the plan now proposed.
In connection with the “Congress” of the Cot
ton States I hear the nume of Mr. Toombs, of
Georgia, highly spokeu of Us President, not ofthe
Confederacy, but ofthe body to deliberate there
upon. I suspect be will be chosen, for no matter
what claims South Carolina will put up for first
honor, Georgia, being the largest and most influ
ential State, will Lave the “biggest say” in the
Congress.
Within tho city itself, our blacksmiths, wheel
wrights aud iron founderies, have been quite busy
for several \veeks past iu mending aud making
heavy gun-carriages, aad in casting heavy shot
and shells. From abroad we have been supplied
with large quantities of power, und 1 understand
that the Government has contracted for several
Armstrong guns in Englaud. On the citadel
green and on tbe battery, (promenade) of Charles
ton, there are about fifty large pieces ordnance,
together with several bombs and howitzers. They
are all mounted and furnished with limber wagons,
Ac., ready for active service.
At the Arsenal the recruits of the standing ar
my are undergoing thorough traiuing as fast as
they enlist. They are retained here and instruct
ed into the art of war until a company is formed,
when the whole lot is transferred to one of the
military posts in the harbor, where they become
acquainted witn tbe pleasures of a soldier’s life in
the trenches.
Major Anderson, it is believed here, is adding
gruaily to the strength of bis position. He has
dug a mine under the causeway leading to the
gate of his “donjon,” aud will blow up the first
company that attempts an escalade. ‘ his he can
easily do without injuring himself or his fortifica
tion. All the points, however, that bear upon
Sumter, South Carolina still continues to concen
trate her forces, and when the struggle does come
it will be terrible.
Another letter from Charleston gives an ac
count of the progress made in preparing the de
fences. It says : ~
“A word with regard to the forts or batteries
now being prepared for the defcuce against Fort
Sumter, and all hostile demonstrations by the U.
States Government. As no boat was ruuuing
regularly to those on the right hand side of the
chanuel, to-wit: Fort Johnson, Cummings Paint,
otc., and, moreover, a permit to those places not
being grauted, we could not visit them, but un
derstood they were progressing with all possible
speed at tbe several places and strongly fortyfyiug
them by every available means, several hundred
hands being employed thereon.
On Wednesday, Lowever, we obtained a permit
to visit Fort Moultrie, and having done so, found
it uuder strict military discipline, and things pro
gressing bravely—so much of the wall as was
commanded by Fort Sumter was being rapidly
mounted wibL sand-bag batteries, from nine to
ten feet in thickness, and the same in depth, and
was almost completed; all the guns were mounted
but two, and those were to be during the day.
Maj. Ripley thought that in the course of a day
or two he could withstand a heavy battery from
Sumter, which it was supposed could he readily
taken by au attack s inultaneously from the seve
ral points, though with some sacrifice. Two
mortar batteries were being erected on the island
without the fort and about two hundred yards
below it. Batteries were also beiug erected on
the for end of the beach for the protection of the
light infautry companies.
It was estimated that over one thousand ne
groes were employed on the Island. On our way
to aud from Fort Moultrie we touched at Castle
Pinckney, which was likewise iu astute of strict
military discipline, and ou which all necessary
preparations were beiug made. We were inform
ed that there were about eight hundred soldiers
on Sullivan’s Island, 800 at Castle Pinckney, aud
about oue thonsaud at the different points ou Mor
ris’ Island.
Georgia Convention—Siundliig Commit
tees.
Committee on Foieign Relations.—Toombs, A.
U. Stephens, Colquitt, Hill, Johuson of Jefferson,
Poe, Briscoe, Fleming, Warner, Hausell, Douglas,
Chastain, OavitTof Putnam.
Committee on Constitution.—Cobb, Clarke, Ste
phens of Hancock, Ramsey of Muscogee, Craw
ford of Greene, Hill of Troup, Glenu of Fultou,
Reese, Trippe, Fouche, Kenan, Rice, Lamar of
Lincoln.
Committee on Commercial and Postal Arrange
ments.—Anderson, Harris of Glynn, Hill of For
sytli, Baily, Hudson of Harris, Alexander of Ful
tpn, French, Hood, Calhouu, Shropshire of Floyd,
Dabney, Sims, Casey.
Committee on Military.—Bartow, Tidwell, Brown
of Marion, Robertson, ilontgomerv, Giles, Saflfold,
Burch, Smith of Talbot, Stricklaud, Rutherford,
Martin of Elbert.
Committee on Relations with the Slaveholding
States of North America.—Banning, Poullain, Al
exander of Upson, Hawkins, Wofford, Lamar of
Bibb, Langmade, Spencer, McDaniel, Means, Can
non of Wayne.
The Southern Congress.
Tbe following is a list of the delegates appoint
ed to the Southern [Congress, at Mont
gomety, Monday, Feb. 4 :
’ South Carolina. —R. B. Rhett, R. W. Barnwell,
James Chesmit. Jr., C. G. Mcmminger, W. p.
Miles, L. M. Keitt, T. J. Withers, W. W. Boyce.
t'lorida. —Jaakson Morton,,!. Patten Anderson,
James Powers.
A/ueitsippi.—Vf. P. Harris, W. S. Wilson, Wal
ter Brouke, A. M. Clayton. W. S. Barry, James T.
Harris, J. A. P. Campbell.
Alabama —R, W. Walker, R. H. Smith, C. J.
Mcßae, J. G. Shorter, W. P, Chilton, S. F. Hale
D. P. Lewis, T. Fearn, J. L. M. Currv.
Cenroia. - Robert Toombs, Howell Cobh, F. S.
Bartow, M. J. Crawford, E. A. Nisbet, B. H. lijll
A. R. Wright, T. R. R. Cobb, A. U. Kenan, Alex
ander H. Stephens.
Louisiana—J. Perkins, Jr., A. Doclouet, C. M.
Conrad, Duncan F. Kenner, E. Sparrow, Henry
Marshall.
Horth Carolina (Commissioners.) —Ex-Govern-
or Swain, J. L. Bridges, M. W. Ransom.
| Tne Seizure of the Federal Capital.—The
; Select Committee f Five had before them
| on Wednesday John M. Tormey, of Baltimore,
! Clerk of tl ( e isuporior Court ill that city, and ex
-1 amined him as to whether there existed any se
! net organization there or in Maryland, within his
knowledge. He testified that he was thoroughly
acquainted with the class of people who wonld be
likely to join such au organization, but within his
’ knowledge no such organization had existed or
even been proposed, except in way of merriment
and joking. Jle believed in the right of secession,
unless the North would give the South her rights,
and believed that Maryland would secede unless
some compromise was given.
Mr. Reynolds, of the Committee, informed the
witness that he did not desire to listen to a speech
upon tbe compromise ; they heard enough of that
in the House. The witness said that if anv milita
rv companies trem the North attempted to pass
through Maryland he believed they would be
stopped, and “probably would provoke a hostile
collision in ihe present excited condition of the
people, but he denied all knowledge of any or
irauization for such a purpose, or to attack the
Capitol or the Federal Government. He was cer
tain there was no foundation for such rumors.
Oo Thursday, the select Committee examined
about twelve witnesses, as to an alleged conspiracy
to seize the Federal Capitol. Ji,othing startling
or convincing was elicited. Lieutenant-General
Scoit was before them more than two hours. He
said there was abundant evidence to his mind, to
justify him in making military preparations,
though it was not of the strongest character.—
There is certainly nothing to show that an organi
zation. for that purpose exists id the District of
Columbia.
Tbe Massachusetts Deputation and Senator
Sumner.—lt appears that the request of Virginia,
tha; the different States appoint Commissioners
for the purpose of meeting other Commissioners
of that Mate, in the city of Washington, on the
lourth day of February, was laid before the Mas
sachusetts delegation, “and a letter was prenared
and signed cy most of the members ot the House,
addressed to “the Governor, asking him ‘a recom
mend to the Legislature the appomtment of cer
tain eminent citizens from Massachusetts, to take
part in this great consultation.
It is stated aud believed that Mr. Senator Sum
ner, hearing of this paper, took strong ground
against it, and protesfea to Hon. Charles Francis
Adams against his having signed the document in
question The latter, in a very prompt and Bome
what indignant manner, refused to be controlled
by the distinguished Senator, and stated that he
was for his conntrv and his whole country, and
would do everythiag to maintain the Government
and settle existißg difficulties.
It is due to Mr. Adams lo say that the example
cf his Revolutionary fathers, and of the patriotic
Ex-President, John Quincy Adams, who, amid all
bis eccentricities, was, nevertheless, a warm and
untiring friend of the Uqion, is ardently cherished
by him. The son of such fathers cannot do wrong
in a moment of gloom like the present.
The Extradition Case in Canada. —Much feel
ing is excited in Toronto, Canada, at the action
of the English government in the extradition case.
The Leader, the government organ, says : “It is
an unprecedented act of interference with the
rights of a free people, and Canada will not sur
render her rights in obedience to the writ of an
English court.
CJjroniclc £ Jienliitcl.
AUGUSTA, GA..
WEDNESDAY MOR.MYG, FEB’Y 6, IS6I.
OUK TERMS. —Single copies. $2 per annum;
three copies £5 ; six copies £10; ten copies sls.
Invariably in advance. No name will be enter
ed on our subscription books unless the money
accompanies the order. The notes of all specie
paying banks taken at par. We employ no
travelling agents.
WE ALWAYS stop the Chronicle k Senti
nel at the end of the year, or the time for which
it is paid, of which each subscriber will receive
due notice by letter, so that if you wish to con
tinue it, it would be well to renew your subscrip
tion at least two weeks before the time expires.
WE CANNOT change the address of a sub
scriber unless he gives us h\B former as well as
his present address.
The Southern Congress.
We have made all needful arrangements, and
shall endeavor to furnish our readers with the
earliest possible reports of the proceedings of the
Southern Congress, now in session at Montgome
rv, both by telegraph and special correspondence.
The length of time which this body will remain in
session is indefinite, and will probably be some
what extended. Our State Convention will also
probably re-assemble after the adjournment of the
Southern Convention. The greatest interest is
felt in the action of these deliberative bodies, and
the earliest accounts of their proceedings will be
sought for with avidity. To those who may wish
to subscribe to a daily paper for only a short
time, we offer the Daily Chronicle #6 Sentinel at
the rate of 50 cents per month.
The “Bogus” Address. —We have been informed
oy the correspondent of the CoMiitvtionalist that
our Milledgeville correspondent was in error, as
to the character of the Address lately published,
purporting to have been written by Mr. Toombs.
The Constitutionalist correspondent says that he
copied the Address from the original in Mr.
Toombs’ hand writing, after the latter had revised
and corrected it, and then handed it to the Secre
tary, as requested by Mr. Toombs. So that the
bogus address seems to be genuine after all.
Stabbing Affair. —We are pained to learn that
the son of l)r. W. A. L. Collins of Columbia coun
ty, a young man, was seriously stabbed last Mon
day night in a fracas with his father’s overseer.—
The knife penetrated his side, just under the ribs,
and the wound is deep and considered serious.
Special Announcement. —The Directory of the
Cosmopolitan Art Union Association announce
that in couseqneuce of the operations of the Agents
having been restricted by the absorption of the
public mind in the momentous events of the day,
they have prolonged the time of closing their
books of subscription to the 18th of April, at which
time the award of premiums will take place. We
have heretofore mentioned tho privileges and
benefits appertaining to subscribers to this Asso
ciation, and would again refer to the advertise
ment on our fourth page. Mr. T. S. llankinson,
at Pn mb &, Lkitner’s, is the authorized Agent
for Augusta.
The Rise In the Savannah ISiver.
The heavy rains of the past few days have again
brought us very near a freshet—almost too near
to be comfortable. The Savannah has been doing
a “big thing” this time ; we are willing, at least,
to accord it that honor, and allow it to sink back
to its former level without delay. The rain com
menced falling here on Saturday night. It con
tinued without intermission the whole of Sunday,
and part of Sunday night. At 4 o’clock Monday
morning, it had reached its highest point thus far,
32 feet 2 inches. At 11 A. M. on Monday, it com
menced fulliug, and at six o’clock that evening it
had receded to nearly 30 feet, and falling slowly.
Sunday afternoon and evening was a busy time
in Broad street. At all the stores, hands were
busy far into the night, removing goods from the
cellars to the upper stories. Tho river look
ed so threatening, and the clouds still con
tinuing to discharge their contents, the fears of
high water on Broad street were not altogether
groundless, (if that is a proper word,) and our
merchants and business men were wise in taking
the precautions they did.
The water from the Augusta Canal created some
disturbance in that part of the city, but tho dam
age, we believe, will not be great. The upper
part ot Broad, Reynolds and Jones streets, we ob
served, were partially under water; and on the
south side of the town, the water came up in some
places to Telfair street. Os course, portions of the
Georgia Railroad track were flooded, as also the
Waynesboro Roads but no damage was done.
The Hamburgers seem to have suffered the most
from tho present rise. Dru3’s were busy all of
Sunday in removing goods from the warehouses
along the river. The rear part of the town was
all afloat Monday morning, aud men in boats
and boys on rafts were navigating the streets.
Some families were obliged to remove from their
dwellings, the lower storios being too damp for
comfort or convenience.
About one hundred utid sixty feet of the track of
the S. Carolina Railroad has been washed away
by the flood. The earthwork hud washod out and
undermined the frame-work, causing it to sink iu
many places, rendering the crossing of trains im
practicable. No intemmtion to the travel on the
Road will be experienced however, as Superin
tendent Marley has arranged a plan for ferrying
across the damaged section ; and he informed us,
that if ti e water fell enough to permit, he would
put on a largo force yesterday and have the track
put in complete order.
At one time, fears were entertained that the
Railroad aud Passenger Bridges would both be
carried away. But they have stood firm, although
the current was very powerful, and the accumula
tion of drift-wood occasionally has given them a
severe test.
The locality of our friend Rich was thronged
all day yesterday and a portion of Sunday. Groups
of sight-seers lined the banks and bridge, and
various were the speculations and remarks on
“passing events.” On tho whole, the times have
been rather excitiug, and Locals, on tho look-out
for items, snatched n “fearful joy” therefrom.
Trial of (lie New IVater Work*.
Saturday forenoon a trial was made of the Au
gusta Water Works, which was a perfect success.
A section of hose was attached to the hydrant in
front of W. B. Gnims’s store, on Broad street,
and a trial of distance made with a one inch noz
zle—Mayor Blodget holding the pipe. About two
feet of water was turned into the tauk, which
made a head of 05 feet above the level of Broad
street. Even with this comparatively slight pres
sure, a noble streum was thrown a distance of 111
feet. When the tank is filled, the head will bo
104 feet—making a power sufficient for all practi
cal purposes, and, we should judge, capable of
throwing water over our highest buildings. The
utility of the Water Works, therefore, as an agent
to battle with fire, is placed beyond a doubt. Isis
Honor, several members of Couucil, Chief En
gineer I.amOack, and other citizens, expressing
themselves highly gratified with the test.
Another fact specially worthy of note, is this—
the water will be, and now is, fit for use as a
beverage, and for all purposes where a pure, una
dulterated water is required. The water drawn
through the popes Saturday, was quite clear, and
this too with frequent rains of late, and the un
washed conductors containing more or less
impurities. The blessings and benefits which
will accrue to our city from this great work can
not be overestimated. Time will prove, we think,
that the money expended upon its construction
has not been misapplied.
There has been 10 miles of pipe ordered for the
Augusta W ater Works ; 10 miles Os which has al
ready been laid down.
Motto op tub Southern Co.vfbdf.kacy. —Some
discussion has arisen in reference to the motto
proposed by Professor Tucker for the flag of the
Southern Confederacy. Objection has been made
to it that it makes the phgmix of the neuter gen
der, and the objection is answered that the
Phanix was of no gender—a sort of ornithologi
cal eunuch, or capon, in fact.
The discussion has originated in our learned
friends having mistaken lucidius for the neuter
comparative of the adjective, while it is the com
parative of the adverb ‘-lucide"—brightly. The
translation of surgo lucidius is “I rise more
brightly”—not ‘‘l rise brighter.”
We hope the critics will feel relieved.
Plaxt Mork Grain. —The Cassville Standard of
Jan. 31st. makes the following excellent sugges
tions to planters : “We are gratified to notice
that many of our exchanges are urging upon farm
ers and planters the importance of planting more
grain and less cotton this year than usual. There
is no telling what ordeal we are to pass through
during the present year. It may be that we shall
bo engaged iu one of the most bloody and san
guinary wars of modern times. Should this dire
calamity befall us, commercial affairs will be much
crippled and the price of cotton reduced to a low
figure, and provisions and breadstuff's advanced
to a correspondingly high rate. Should we be
involved in a war with the Federal Government,
we will probably be cut off from all communica
tion and traffic with the Northwestern States,
from whom the cotton States will have to pur
chase largely of their supplies of corn and meat
for tho present year. All will see at once the
propriety of planting a large grain crop this sea
son. Self interest as well as patriotism should
prompt the farmer to pursue this course. This
section of the State is one of the best grain grow
ng regions within her limits, and without pre
suming to advise our farming friends what they
should do, we throw out these suggestions for
their consideration, and ask them if it would not
be policy for them to plant nearly all their crop in
corn *”
All children will cry when they have colic.
They may be relieved at once by that gentle
force, Ambrosial fill. Read the evidence in our
special notices.
A Washington dispatch says that applications
for patents are made as usual from seceding
States, and are acted upon as if the Union was in
tact.
Death of Ex-Governor Lbtcuzr, of Kentucky.
—We learn from the Louisville Journal, that Ex-
Governor Letcher died at his residence in Frank
fort, Ky., on Thursday evening.
A Recruit.— Chas. Mellon,date City Marshal of
Detroit, has gone to Charleston, and enlisted as
Lieutenant in one of the companies ofthe secession
troops- He is a native es Detriot, and his father,
a Major in the regular army, was killed in the
Florida Seminole war.
The Southern Confederacy*
It seems generally conceded that the delegates
from the six Seceded States, assembled in Con
gress on Monday at Montgomery, will proceed to
construct a Southern Confederacy, composed of
those States, and of any others which may choose
to come into the Confederacy, or that they will, at
least, organize a temporary or provisional Gov
ernment for the six States, designed for the pur
pose of mutual protection against the probable
coercive policy of the late Union. A temporary
organization will doubtless be judicious, perhaps
even necessary ; though the organization of a per
manent Executive Administration is against our
best judgment. However, we must confess that
the vastness and the intricacy of the questions
concerning our future are rather too much for our
grasp, too much for our comprehension, though
others seem to comprehend them readily enough.
M e are coutent to await the verdict of posterity,
whatever be the judgment of the present hour.
Now that the old government is broken up, it
must surely be acknowledged that there are some
difficulties in the formation of anew one. History
teaches that it has been always so ; and we hope
we may be excused for ‘supposing that there are
difficulties aud dangers to be avoided and sur
mounted, in the formation of the new Confedera
cy, notwithstanding the apparent ease with which
some in our midst think the thing may be done—
judging from their manner of treating the subject.
We humbly acknowledge our own incapacity in
this great and important crisis—but still we hope
that this is a free country , and that we are of right
entitled to speak our opinions in the premises.
God forbid that we should place obstacles in the
way of a formation of a new and good government
—perhaps we are entirely powerless to do so —or
that we should magnify those which really exist.
We desire simply to call the attention of those
who are wiser and better than we, to some of the
considerations likely to have an important bearing
upon the soundness and the permanency of the
structure proposed to be reared.
These are confessedly revolutionary times : aud
therefore we do not concur in the opinion advan
ced by some of our wisest men, that there is ne
cessarily to be any limitation to the power of the
State Conventions, or of the delegates by them
elected to the Montcomery Congress. The Geor
gia Convention was called for resistance. The
first step in the way of that resistance was the
secession of the State—if the second be the for
mation, through our chosen delegates, in conjunc
tion with delegates from five other States, of a
Southern Union, we shall acknowledge their pott
ery though we might be disposed to question the
legality of their action. In fact, according to our
rather unenlightened view of the ease, tho Mont
gomery Congress is limited solely by its own
views of what may be proper to be done. It is
clothed with all the power it dare exercise—and
mav do whatever it choose, having a due regard,
of course, to expediency ; or in other words, it
can do, and will do, whatever it supposes its con
stituency will abide by. We presume that dele
gated are as well aware as we, of the delicacy and
importance of their position, and that they
thoroughly comprehend that we are at this mo
ment in a very ticlclish fix.
It is the statesman’s first duty to know the
wants of his people. His business then is to con
sider wisely whether these wants, iu his judgment,
are, if granted, best for his people. And if not, then
to determine the risks and chances of’ either in
sisting upon his o\fu judgment, and attempting to
enforce that, or of acquiescing in the popular will,
and endeavoring so to shape events as to bring
the least harm. Government must be based upon
the force that it can bring to bear, or else upon
the consent of the governed ; and no Government
can long exist except upon its own inherent pow
er, or upon general acquiescence. Thebe views,
it strikes us, are vital now, under the peculiar cir
cumstances by which we are surrounded. There
fore it behoves delegates to consider well, that
their action be such as will receive the acquies
cence, if not the approbation, of the people, or
else to consider how boat they may enforce their
decrees. It will be wise to take nothing for gran
ted, but act calmly upon the facts as they exist,
or as they may come up.
By many it is considered now an even chance
whether any other State secedes, except Texas.
The Washington correspondent of the Charleston
Mercury, one of the ablest and most influential
papers in the South, considers it certain that the
Border Mates, including Arkansas, will remain in
the old Union* Within a few days more will be
known as to their conduct, which depends very
much on the temper of the Republicans as exhi
bited in Congress. Some may desire not to
have these slaveholding States as members of our
new slaveholding Confederacy, but wo presume
few of the delegates to Montgomery desire a Con
federacy of only seven States, if wo can possibly
get tho remaining eight, or at least seven of them
—leaving out Delaware. With this view a master
ly inactivity may well characterize the delibera
tions of the Southern Congress.
We hail with exceeding great rejoicing, as one
of the best signs off the tunos, the fact that there
is comparatively little partisanship shown in the
election of Delegates to Montgomery, and especi
ally that few of the recent members of the Fede
ral Congress have been selected—three or four,
we believe, from Carolina, two from Georgia, one
from Alabama, aud none from Florida, Mississippi,
and Louisiuna. New mou aud better men have
been chosen, uud without much regard to parties.
Let the Congress act iu the same spirit—let them
select the bat men for all offices, if they must
select at all, and let them disregard old animosi
ties in this particular; for the Lord knows that
tho time has come, not only for us to drop the
partisan, but to seek out for oflico men of higher
character, and greater capacity than wo have
usually had of late in the public aorvice. The
Provisional Presidency of tbo new Republic will
bo perhaps the most important office, (should tho
Convention venture upon that election,) not only
ntrinsifally, but because the Provisional President
will perhaps be the first one elected by the people,
when his provisional term shall expire. On bis
selection there should be the coolest judgment
and the wisest precaution oxercised. Muny
names have been mentioned in this connection—
among others, that of Jefferson Davis, a true man,
a wiso and prudent statesman, and a gallant
soldier—Gov. Hammond, the great civilian of
Carolina, and Mr. brilliant orator of
the South. Gov. Brown has also been mentioned,
but we are in doubt whether as a joke, or to bring
discredit on the movement, for of course bo is not
to bo seriously considered for a moment, in this
connection. Taking all things into consideration,
bearing ou this point, it is more than probable, in
our opinion, that the wisest selection, that which
would give most general satisfaction, and would
be most cordially acquiesced in by the great body
of the people, would be that sterling old Whig,
who, on account of the Kansas measure and the
Know Nothing order, has acted with the Demo
cracy foi the last six years, but who has recently
been out of public life, and disconnected from tbo
juggling of the mere politicians, and who, still
nioro recently, has come to receive the heartfelt
endorsement of mauy friends of other days—the
Hon. Alexander 11. Stephens, of Georgia.
[IOIimiNICATBO.]
A Plan lor Defending a Port.
Take vessels, say common whiskey barrels, or
metal, tin or copper, so .they are impervious to
water, fillod with powder, and attached to an an
chor so adjusted as to Host within two or more
feet from the surface of the water, planted in the
ship’s channel—tho place of planting taken accu
rately by pointers on shore, at such places as will
afford the best observation with perfect safety—
the pointers permanently fixed. From the pow
der is an insulated wire, reaching to the place of
observation, and there connected with a battory
that will explode the powder at the desired mo
ment.
Woe to the crew that should essay to pass them
against the will of the operators. B.
The New York Express says that “the synopsi
of the London Times editorial (by the Bohemian)
on the American crisis, if correctly telegraphed,
is significant, in connection with the recent out
givings of the Toronto Leader. The Times, we
are told, now takes the ground that ‘the Southern
Confederacy will become the real United States,
as far as territory, prescDt and prospective, is
concerned.’ It does not believe the Northern,
Eastern and Western States—with the South
lopped off—will hang together.”
The Alleoeii “Conspiracy” to Seize the Capi
tol—The Select Committee of Five appointed
from the U. S. House of Representatives, have
examined about twelve witnesses as to the alleged
conspiracy to seize the Federal Capitol. Nothing
convincing has been elicited. Gen. Scott waa
before them more than two hours on Thursday.—
He said there was abundant evidence to bis mind,
to justify him in making military preparations,
though it was not of the strongest character.—
There is certainly nothing to show that an organi
zation for that purpose exists in the District of
Columbia.
An Armt op Obsbrvatiox. —The Chicago Demo
crat says that a movement is on foot to call a mon
ster Republican Convention of 100,000 men, to be
held at Cincinnati on tbe 2d of March. The dele
gates of this Convention are expected to be armed
and equipped for any necessary service, and will
hold themselves in readiness to go to Washington
city on the 4th of March, or in any other direction
w here Generals Scott and Wool may order them
to move.
Special Messengbr to Washington. —The
Charleston Courier of the 30th, says: “Mr. C. T.
Haskell has been dispatched on a special mission
to Washington, with important dispatches and in
structions for Colonel I. W. Havne. Mr. Haskell,
it is thought, will reach the above city to-day.
Mr. Hayne will await the receipt of these before
taking any final action on the subject with which
be is charged.”
Tbe States that have appointed Commissioners
to the National Convention to meet in Washing
ton on tbe 4th of February, nine in all, are Yir
ginia, Maryland, North Carolina, Pennsylvania,
New Jersey, Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio and Rhode
Island. The Federal Committee of the New York
Legislature have also reported in favor of sending
Commissioners from that State.
Hon. Chas. L. Scott, member of Congress from
California, has written a letter to the chairman of
the “Democratic State Central Committee,” of
that State, advising California to staud neutral in
the present contest between the two sections, and
after dissolntion to set up for herself, as she will
then have the patronage of both the Northern and
Southern Confederacies.
Speed the Plow.
It is generally conceded that Agriculture is the
reai foundation of our wealth, and all our pros
perity as a people. History shows few instances
of a people becoming great and powerful, that
had not Agriculture as the basis of their power,
or that depended solely upon trade, or manufac
tures, or both these, for their wealth. Agricul
ture is the nursing mother of all the material in
terests of a nation. The South is, has always
been, perhaps will long remain, peculiarly an
Agricultural people. Directly from the soil wo
\iavo drawn food and clothing for ourselves, aud
clothing too for a large portion of the civilized
nations of the globe. The products of our soil
have given business to our own Railroads, steam
boats, merchants aud shippers, besides giving
employment and wealth to interests beyond our
borders. And, of all people, we stand confessed
ly the most shamefully negligent ot the soil which
has done so much for us.
Within tho last twenty-five years we have wit
nessed great changes in the business of Georgia,
wrought mainly by steam, ana by the building o
railroads. And yet very many people seem never
to reflect, in the management of their agricultural
affairs, upou these changes. Building railroads,
building up cities and villages along their line,
and increasing largely the permanent population
of those towns which previously existed, have
necessarily much increased the ratio of consumers
and carriers, as compared to producers. This, of
itself, ought to have induced our farmers loug ago
to have directed their attention more and more
each year to the production of food—of grain
and stock. But strangely enough they have
paid little attention to these changes iu our cir
cumstances, and still continue the same old bea
ten track, plauting each year all the cotton they
cau cultivate, and just euough corn and small
grain to make out with, by economy, even on tho
supposition that the season should prove propi
tious.
We have long thought that this was a bad sys
tem, especially for old Middle Georgia, where year
by year the soil was becoming less capable of
yielding rich harvests, and year by year increased
the mouths to feed, with less increase of workers.
It surely must be a mistaken notion for farmers
to continue their precarious niodo of living, when
food might be produced in abundance, were
enough land and labor devoted to it. But all the
homilies men could write seem hitherto to have
had little effect upon practical agriculturists.
They planted for tho most money they could
make—their necessities in many cases requiring
it—and they planted cotton for the money they
could make by it. But at preseut it strikes us
that every farmer should plant largely of corn—
even make, it to a great extent his money crop.
Tho probability is that we shah have war be
tween the South and the Federal Government, in
which case of course the demand for provisions
must bo large. But, even if war can be averted,
as wc hope it may, and as it ought, and as it cer
taiuly will be, if the North be governed by reason,
and a duo regard for its own material interests,
present and prospective, still the troubles and un
certainties of the times must necessarily interfere
with trade and business, and to some extent affect
the price of cotton. Theso considerations should
induce our farmers to plant largo crops of corn.
Besides, war or no war, it is well known that very
large crops of corn in this section, aud <pr three
consecutive years, will bring good prices; and in
fact it would require three good crops, even with
out any unusual demand, to put the country in
good condition.
Therefore, by all means, let our farmers turn
their attention to corn, and reduce the amount of
land usually planted iu cotton. Wo are glad to
know that large crops of wheat and oats were
sown last fall, sown early, and the land well pre
pared, aud that the prospect of these is very
good. But let not this prevent an increased
amount of land being devoted to corn. Too much
of this staff of life can not well be made amoug
us. And February is the month in which to
make preparations. The recent rains have done
much injury to the productive powers of the soil
for the preseut yeai ; but still, with a good freez
ing early this month, and then dry, open weather
for thirty days, farmers may hope for good re
turns, if they employ the .time judiciously, even
though tho summer be not all they may desire.
Above all thiigs, plant corn largely, and on all
thir upland, in this section, the sooner it is plant
ed, after the 22nd February, the better. Then
speed the plow, prepare the land well, and, war
or no war, cotton or no cotton, let us five inde
pendently and.plentifully at home y as every people
ought. We can make as many sacrifices, we
hope, as our ancestors did in the revolution—We
can give up many things we have come to think
necessaries—we can do without trade measurably
for a while, but let us have plenty to eat, and that
tho production of our own generous soil.
Need the re be War.
We cannot too strongly press upon all parties
in the present juncture, the necessity of using
every effort for the preservation of peace, and as
far as we can perceive there is no necessity for
its breach. All parties in the seceding States
have acquiesced iu the decision of their Conven
tions, and though some are in the situation of
those who are “convinced against their will,” no
idea seems to be entertained of resisting by force
the decree of their rulers—they are willing to ac
cept secession as an “accomplished fact.” There
is no danger of civil war among the Southern
people.
Thero seems to be nothing to be gained by
cither party in a collision with the Federal Gov
ernment, and moderation, on both sides can avert
the dangox. Throughout the seceding States, the
Federal Government has but two or three foot
holds. It has been conquered and humiliated
without the loss of a drop of blood. Major Ander
son iu Fort Sumter is as much a prisoner as if he
were shut up in a dungeon, and his prospect of
relief is more gloomy. He is, or will soon be, as
much at tho mercy of the Carolinans as if already
under their guard. He is shut in by something
stronger than iron bolts and bars, with, before
him, tbe pleasant prospect of starvation. His
presence in Charleston hnrbor is, we believe, con
sidered a stigma ou tbe honor of Carolina; but it
appears to us that his forlorn situation is rather
a dishonor on the Government which is too weak
or irresolute to relieve him.
The Florida affair is nearly a parallel The
State has obtained all that it had a use for. The
barren honor of taking’tho fort is not worth the
first drop of blood which would be shed in its as
sault, aud as tho Federal administration seemed
disposed to pursue its course of masterly inac
tivity in regard to it, we see nothing to prevent
the State authorities following its example.
The determination of Mr. Buchanan now seems
to be to let every thiug remain in statu quo, aud
to leave the fight for Lincoln. Certainly, the so
ceding States, whoso President and prime pet
Mr. Buchanan most especially has been, and by
whose votes he was elected, should have no ob
ection to second him in his object. They have
no quarrel with him, but are only threatening his
government, because the State governments, for
whoso actions he was not accountable, have done
them wrong. They have nothing against the
“Old Public Functionary.”
The press has a duty to perform towards keep
ing the peace between the sections. Crimination
and recrimination only tend to exasperate feelings
already on the point of breaking out into actual
violence. If, now that we are separated from the
North, the same discussion of the slavery ques
tion is to go on as heretofore, if it is to be inter
minable, what have we gained by disunion ? Let
the Northern abolitionists continue their abusive
slaDg to any extent they please, what advantage
is it to us to reply ? We only spread their insult
ing arguments faster and farther by noticing
them. Let the press do its duty in endeavoring
to prevent useless exasperation.
Our belief is, that the evils of war can be avoid
ed or postponed by prudence on the part of our
people—if the North chooses to inaugurate it by
attempting to use force against us, our cause will
be justified in the eyes of tho world, and we shall
obtain the sympathy, and what is better, the ma
terial support of those nations, whose sympathy
and support will be of the utmost valne to us.
Lieut. Slemmer. —The statement that the gal
lant commandant of Fort. Pickens, Pensacola Har
bor, is a native of New England, and his wife of
Charleston, South Carolina, is pronounced erro
neous by his father, Mr. Adam Slemmer; of Nor
ristown, Penn.-, who, in a communication to the
Philadelphia Pennsylvanian, says that both his son
and the wife of the latter are natives of Mont
gomery county, in that State.
Scorbutic diseases are the parent stock from
which arises a large proportion of the fatal mala
dies that afflict mankind. They are as it were a
species of potato rot in tbe human constitution,
which undermines and corrupts all the sources of
its vitality and hastens its decay. They are the
germ from which springs, Consumption, Rheu
matism, Heart Disease, Liver Complaints, and
Eruptive Diseases which will be recognized as
among those most fatal and destructive to the
races of men. Ho dreadful are its consequences
to human life, that it is hardly possible to over
estimate the importance of an actual, reliable
remedy, that can sweep out this Scrofulous con
tamination. We krow teen wo shall proclaim
welcome news to our readers, of one from such
a quarter as will leave little doubt of its efficacy—
and still more welcome, when we tell them that it
surely does accomplish the en. desired. We
mean Ayer’s Sarsaparilla, and it is certainly
worthy the attention of those who are afflicted
with Scrofula or Scrofulous complaints.—Regis
ter, Albany, N. y.
Mothbrs! Mothers! —You are all nurses, in
one sense of the word, yet can you determine and
treat the diseases of your children ? or do you not
call in a physician when they are ailing ? Accept,
then, the aid Dr. Eaton brings you in his Infan
tile Cordial. He is a regular physician, and from
much experience in Infantile Complaints, has
compounded this preparation—without paregoric
or opiate of any kind—so as to he a sure relief to
your suffering little ones in all the ills attending
their teething ; and for coughs, or croup, or con
vulsions, and also for summer complaints, it is a
certain cure. You may rely on it with perfect
confidence, that Dr. Eaton’a Infantile Cordial could
never have attained the celebrity it has in tbe
United States, if it were not the very best article
for Infantile Complaints that is put up. It is fast
superseding all others. t
IJr. Bronson’s Blood Food, advertised with the
Cordial, is the most invaluable necessity to every
Mother as well as every unmarried lady. Buy it
and read the circular euveloping the bottle, and
you will get the particular information you want.
See advertisement.
Among the many apparent trifles continually
being brought to the surface from the ideal under
world of the unknown, there are occasional!!*
simple articles costing but little iu detail, but
whose combined benefits, usefulness and economy
of time and money, aggregate ou the basis of
millions. Such an article is Spalding's Prepared
Clue. Its uses are innumerable, and as its cost
is next to nothing, the demand for it is universal.
It is prepared with chemicals, and used cold—re
quiring but little skill or time for its application.
[Home Journal.
Coercion, or War.
The policy of Mr. Buchanan’s Administration
(now rapidly nearing its end,) so far as we can
make it out, seems to us judicious, because peace
ful. The President has, perhaps unexpectedly,
found himself in a rather awkward position. He
seems to feel that he has neither any rightful au-’
thority to acknowledge the independence of the
Seceded States, nor to make absolute war upon
them, while at the same time ho declares that his
duty is simply to enforce the laws, so far as he is
ttnpowered, and to protect the property of his
Government, in obedience to his oath of office,
lhat property he has failed to protect, in several
nstances, simply because of inability. How he
o enforce the laws of the Federal Government ,
against Seceding States and the citizens thereof,
< epeuds upon Congress, and to that body the Pre
sident refers the whole matter. Congress has not
yet empowered him to do anvthing morc thau he
has done, and possibly will not. The President is
for peace, wisely so, and s„ U he feels it his dut
so far as in h.s power lies, as the last President of
the United States, to hand over the Government
to his successor on the 4th of March-aud hence
bis desire for peace, and for maintaining the statu
quo.
Hut what is to bo the condition of affairs after
President Lincoln’s inauguration, supposing that
he is ever to be inaugurated ? Six States are
already out of the Union, by the action of the Su
preme authority therein, and Texas will probably
be out also iu a few dnys-and then there will be
seven States at least nominally free from Black
Republican rule. If the Crittknden proposition,
or something similar, be not adopted by Congress
seven more States will shortly be out.’ But, ad
mitting that such proposition be adopted, of
which we see little prospect, and admitting that
Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Missouri, Ken
tucky, North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas,
continue their connection with the body of death,
what (hen is to be done ? In the Union, or out of
it, these last mentioned States, excepting possibly
Delaware, will never consent to have the power
of the General Government exercised for the co
ercion, the invasion, the subjugation of the Cot
ton States.
By the declarations of tho leading presses and
men ol the Republican party, including tho Tri
b’tnc, limes, Past, ct id omne genus, and the great
Iremirr that is to be, and perhaps the incoming
Kxecutivo Chief himself, there is to be no backing
down, no surrender of the claim of tho late United
States to exercise dominion and authority over
the Secediug States. There is to be attempted co
ercion in fact, under the plea of collecting tho
revenue and protecting the public property,
though there be no actual invasion. Very glibly
these people talk of rebellion on our part, and co
ercion, or enforcement of the laws, on theirs. But
it strikes ns that it would be well for them to re
flect a little, before they proceed to extremities
to reflect first upon tho impossibility of successful
war against us, and upon the cost of war to them.
What are they to gain ? What good can arise
to them from a war with us ? They surely must
know they can never conquer us, aud never again
exercise dominion over us. Wo have solemnly
declared our independence, and while we may
wait long, for the purpose, and in the hope, of
a peaceful settlement of all outstanding difficul
ties, the north may rest well assured that wo in
tend to be independent, cost what it may. Away
then with this vile gasconade, this idle babbling,
that we are to come again under your control.—
Do not entertain it for a moment, but act like rea
sonable people. We are perfectly aware that the
coercive policy of the iucomiug Administration—
a blockado instead ot an invasiou—will put us at a
disadvantage for a time, because wo havo neither
ships nor sailors, nor naval officers. But we shall
surely overcome this difficulty all in good time,
either by ourselves, or by the aid of others, (on
which latter we have not much reliance, and be
lieve our people ought not to have,) for rest satis
fied that we intend to be, as we have declared,
absolutely free forevermore from the lute Union.
What do you, Republicans of the old Union, ex
pect to accomplish ? Suppose you subjugate us,
which we put out of the question, what sort of
government would you have then ? Would it be
the Union of yourfathers aDd.ours, would it bo de
sirable, would it bo advantageous ? In fact, could
von make it pay— could you make any money out
of it? It seems to us that, i( you could accom
plish this, you would simply have caught a Tar
tar —that it would be unprofitable to you. But, in
the meantime, while the war progresses, while your
blockade continues, admitting you can make it ef
fectual, and admitting that we did not meet yon on
your own soil and in the common Territories, with
an armed soldiery, that we did not send outourpri
vatcerg, as a legitimate mode of warfare, to attack
your commerce iu every sea, what harm cau you
do ns that will not react upon you ? What ad
vantage can you gain by successfully stopping our
commerce ? Reflect that wo buy of you fifteen or
twenty or thirty millions every year, of prints,
long-cloths, delaines, satinets, shoes, boots, hats,
axes, plows, hoes, apples, onions, butter, cheese,
Ac., Ac., Ac., besides buying, through you, millions
upon millions of wines, brandies, silks, velvets,
laces, Ac., Ac. If you make no war these rela
tions may continue. But let us engage in the
strife, and then, lor generations, perhaps forever ,
you must lose your be i customers. Are you mad.,
are you given over to work out your own damna
tion, are you determined, wilfully and in the face
of day, to cut your own throats, to forego the ad
vantages of the present, and tho promised frui
tion of the future, just for the sake of passion, or
for the pleasure of attempting to show- that what
you call a government is no longer a government
for us, even it be for you? Reflect upon these
things. We know war will injure us—but we are
prepared to make sacrifices. llow is it with you?
Our lruturo Form of Government,
Our esteemed correspondent “Georgia,” we
feur, mistakes the position taken in our article on
Saturday last. We by no means intended to ad
vocate the establishment of a Monarchy in lieu
of a Republic, unless it were proved beyond cavil!
that tbe experiment of Democratic institutions
had wholly failed. Wo distinctly said that we are
in favor of a continuance of the experiment until
its tuilure or success shall be fully demonstrated.
The necessity for a modification of our political
institutions has been fully demonstrated. Call it
by what name you please, some stronger and more
efficient government must be adopted. By tbe
confession of its own chief magistrate, ours is not
a government, but merely a voluntary association
of States, having no power to enforce its decrees
or to defend itself. We shall not discuss whether
the claim to the right of accession is well or Ill
founded—all such discussion is empty and una
vailing, for wrongly or rightly, a sovereign State
can and will secede when she chooses and has tlm
power— might makes right, in this and in most
other transactions between States.
That our Constitution, perfect as it was thought
to have been, lias proved a failure—that it was.
incompetent to protect tbe rights of the citizen—
that the laws made in accordance with it could not
be enforced, and consequently that the Union
formed under it was a feeble bond, broken at the
first strain, has been undeniably proved by tlm
events of the last few weeks—what assurance
have we that another formed on the samo basis
will be stronger or more permanent ? Already
some of those who have guided tbe secession
movement have perceived, if thoy have’ not de
clared openly, tbe necessity for a more perfect
bond by which to hold together the new Confede
racy. They have proposed the total obliteration
of State lines—the absorption of one State by her
neighboring States—both steps towards a more
consolidated, therefore a more powerful govern
ment, and it matters little what the chief magis
trate of such a government is called, whether
President, Governor, Dictator or King, so long as
it ceases to be purely Republican. *
Even in this early stage of our independent ex
istence, we arc a Republic only iu name. Consti
tutions are 3et aside with little scruple when they
stand in the wuy of the projects of our rulers, or
when the exigencies of the times demand. Go
vernors of States, without authority of law, have
exercised more power than any British King of
modern times would have dared to have done.
We find them wielding the sword and the public
purse, at their discretion, organizing armies and
making war, in direct violation of tbe Constitu
tion, and without tbe concurrence of the co-ordi
nate branches of tbe government. We find con
ventions, called for certain specified objects, as
suming powers beyond those expressly delegated
to them—infringing upon tbe constitutional pre
rogatives ol tbe Legislature, and without the con
sent of tbe people, enacting laws—even such us
extend to the deprivation of life, liberty and prop
erty ; and we have become in a short time so
accustomed to such usurpations of power that
they scarcely excite comment —never reproba
tion—yet we are told we live in a Republic, and
have rights guaranteed by a Constitution 1
A Congress is soon to meet in Montgomery, to
organize a government for the seceding States—
what voice will the people of Georgia, and more
especially tbe people of the States expected to
secede, have in that organization ? A President
is to be elected in a manner unknown to the Con
stitution, the principles of which, we are
to govern in the new Confederacy. What differ
ence does it make to the masses, whether their
chief magistrate is thus placed ever them by
delegates of delegates, not elected for that pur
pose, or is assigned them by birthright, and
the dispensation of Providence ?
We do not enumerate these extraordinary pro
ceedings in the spirit of fault-finding ; the neces
sities of the times may have required them. They
serve to elucidate the point we desire to make—
that a Democratic government is essentially weak,
and that in a crisis like the present, as well as in
profound peace, Kepublicau institutions are not
always sufficient for the safety of the people. We
have met with some contumely for daring to dis
cuss the form in which the government shall be
reorganized. If the oxpreesion of a desire that
such a form should be adopted, as shall ensure ua
against any more disastrous convulsions, and
strong enough to afford full protection to our
rights, if it is treason to wish to stop short iu our
course, towards anarchy or despotism, then those
who think so may make the must of it.
The failure of the house of Messrs. Pierce &
Brothers, in Boston, Mass., dry goods dealers, is
announced. Liabilities $780,000.
Gov. Pettus, of Mississippi, announces to the
Legislature that Jeffersou Davis and ex-Secretary
Thompson bare guaranteed the payment in May
or June of twenty-four tkousuu/1 dollars for a
purchase of arms for the State.
A dispatch dated Norfolx, Va., Jau. 26th, saya:
A large force is busily engaged at Fortress Mon
roe in mounting large guns on the ramparts point
ng inland.