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BY W. S. JONES.
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riHIKKEm* • ‘ ■ •
H
Thi half-f ip.tr- for -of M rirc l.t*.k at Savannah,
No. MM. <Uci \--v. 5,1 .'or, \\. j'. Hunter. I usln. r.
> Th** iH half of to .• ! . ‘irut: Hank, No. •♦, dated
Af i. ; i v . •. ‘I • .f ..:r’ „r
K. it ‘cuyler, l*r ?. I 1 -r 1. tv.’ T I a’- ‘ *!!.’ r'.’-iW of f>.u>k
MdJillc H t., :*L .Vi.t* *d, i.c* >i.. :. .. u i.t';>.l .* , ril y, I \
The Other No. I.V‘ J 11. <tuU.l ik >. i U-tli .-i. ne i Is tac
Scott, Ti- i- ‘ic.i ‘ L-r-ii . !' i: j. ~i ,-.uir ih.
Monroeco.,(la., !>♦■.J. ‘ ‘ * Vn*
7,477 WIS £\ ’ LA AII
FOR SALE!
finiE jiu.L.\NIS tyr
84? 1:, IlV* 1 •17* V 1 iI! u.V.m'VV:-, Eariy county. No?’ 151 •
In the 17th diatrid K.uly • .unty, N>*. I4t.
I*m anxious to blithe a, ovc named Lands, and any one
Spring WilkVn’sMU county, Oa. ’ X. J.'BitOWA.
dec,'.
Land or Sale.
| ONI li
fortand hewhari'.* o. k* •m. if n.. o i- t ,-r *,<! new
™VWl°?p rultidr / >.;* “ I .ufr, ’ !’ ;7 ’ i Mi'i! i'll.’
l'EntatUn To’ Is. A ~ ‘u. h
property.lh.d fl ■ -n •••:. pl:t- • ai f
jyS-wtf. . K. CLARK.
NOTICE. T
Old lluch's L;ivj Message Id Vic.
<" ~v ,:i ‘ !
that! have ever s.-■* n Wie. .ex •'•> fiotV on > us In-in
MtViV* I**l * M wr ,U s r *’v i: ‘ V t‘. W! , Vh ‘’ *” i ‘!i V P 7,7 \ U u ' ,, k ; ‘!
ways—st) jooßout, it will le in your .-tu •mc-.t tins* fall or
winter. For uuv information concern I iu: the Flow, address
COCNCIL CL\RK. <-r t> . and. 1. rRKU'ha, Ills lawful
Agent, at Amlers-.mi a,,.Winter c. untv, C.a.
B. TO. V.
N. I. —l .n give anv tvfc-rei ce, hut will not. Any man can
aatiafy hlrmulf iy getting -. the handle and looking at the
Stock—the Flow will t.-iicnmicn. 2-wly
CAtPKTS AMI i I it! ti\X
Lower Prices tliiiu Ever Offered !
J. G. Baiiie & Bro.,
ARB NOW.OFFKIUNB THEIR SUPER!* STOCK OF
VELVET, Hill SSKLS.TIIHKK.PLV
AVI IV(*!M\ CUtPKTs;
FLotm wiitaiu.i: oil i lotiis;
|l.\M\sK WU LACK! I HTM.\s;
WINDOW kIIAOMs. rOILNU-Ks VMM! VMM;
PIAAO WO TAIILK COVMHS ;
t (M ON \NI (WTON MVTTtNO;
WALL PVPEIIs \NII BOHBEIis;
lOtill >1 VTs, Ae„
At a very ; MPiii a u • ,■ •mdl ■’ . 11 •• 1 lc
U * r> * 01,1 J As. lIVILIE & BROTHER.
‘^"4
EVEBY OWNER 1
OF REAL ESTATE
WANTS STAN WOOD A. CO'S
EIRE-PROOP CEMENT,
FOR ROOFS OF BUILDINGS.
EIRE-PROOF PAINTS,
FOR ALL KINDS OF
111 I LI>I\L% IIN< S Ac.
mHiM
WIU rh, 7‘7“i” l '\( a -in uailV t* .(it
The Cement ami Pkntbtdh t * be aDi lnd within a
few days after t(uy *r< miwd. um-Mi’ vvi!l > IT . !, c:tr
lUtiNHltiC** them Ihrem:..ont !. wit h- - ■•n.trv. a--id !• : efit
N>th the nub!v and !\. we ;>f* v to h\ u.all. t,
dvv cents|vr gal!, u fhrtiu Es t.
Fall sat|shK*tnn gnarar u.ti. N.d.s of all paving
S I ANWOmI) A CO..
THE ECLECTIC
WASHING MACHINE.
f|MH
utw—the cK-au-.vg U-mg e':hc(cd hy by frk
tlon. ; ( TANARUS! ** F
- the Male b owned ‘ ■> a native <>.eg. a., ami it i> now otter
♦dtatheemwnxoMio rpa* a* .f r->..vmg u..*.vh:t.e k 4 s u-
K •’ .
)Vr*ms wbhittg to t tain tl . Mu. - nor Countv Rights
forUieMn.u, B v. R.M.BAkhK,Larayvtte.
Walker county, Pi.-; - out tv-s t m..: vt
tai.> '4t _ _
~ Tilt: BKI.t. i A N-A Mill It \\
DIRECT ‘Hitnil COMPANY
XV 111
I
If Irtiiir-. a* tiw ■ ...• j, ‘ •“•
L
sale ready for fospectkr. the tw v j
list of goods.
LINEN (• OPs i
Tvwt s Nark it s, HandtoKlUi* >• -'•* * v ‘ l>
bteadrai. ah kino?.
COTTON GOODS.
TrvstN Giach&ms, Cambric, QusUn Sheila -.•s* Handkerchief, j
Tctveto, Bteitkrl*.
W uOLEN GOOIXf.
TTmWr i 1 ViR-rt Bnwseis
CupcU, Kn<s.
SUNDRIES.
Marbk TV.-. Iv.d . Ku> r Good* H*>ry
Thread. Htn* *x < ‘
tion L*** L v-. M*itK< lu-.n*.,
In>n. Writing !'r. F.; r Lit . c\ \S are. Porcelain. ,
Zinc, Lead ax il 1 t .
Onuei Gon*. 1 . . M .. Loath M. ms t. tur*M Ar
| tcha& Pnnslmw*. UVs Lq • c i. ‘* n wioe> {
•ad ‘ ’ * -ar, I'tfftUhcty.
, —Oil >rv *
for ftotfeer *r>. anr>v t..
V r ; EV KM\ planter** House. tfaeon.
w \m Fl ill
Patronize Southern Manufactures!
* I’HK sutler ? .- : ,i> ‘ ‘ v rfc J,vu * r
JL Augusta ana i- L • *
SI PER 10 11 WAGON'S.
manufactured at Ore* ‘ , ‘ Ja ♦>* *
Theoe WfWh"” 1 A- Mait a’
ft ”
made, and any wuenpw® 01
‘\v K ‘ • id*,? eii > aadaSS
Th< *>**£*- Mk.tELM.cn-
Or ' orat;tatk-t.a ;4 cOl! • ’ ; _ v * >l ! ; ’ __
SALT AND JNATLS.
3,000 cta of SALT;
000 keg, of NAILS.
in store and for able by CUABLtS SAtLER.
jaaStHltdrwlt
(Lljronidr A- Sentinel.
A U OKI) TO THE AOBTH.
: T/u
a 7:>..JnMrnctir,o PoJsihti^—The
We begir. with saving that the dimolvlion of the
Union, it a fixed filet. It is not a thing threaten
ed—not a thing that may take place; but it is
something already done. ‘ The Union i* diuolved.
The Confederacy of States, known in history as
the United States of America, lives only in'the
part. Six Slates have dissolved their connection
with the Federal Government—‘the separation is
cet tain, complete, and eternal.”
Again we remark, it is the duty of the Sort/, to
regard the dissolution of the Union as a fixed fact,
and to shape its whole policy accordingly. Unless
ted. No matter what may be your theory of the
Federal Government, wfiat your notions as to l/o
now'before us! P Wbatei-eMmeii may #ay about the
statesmanship V ‘“what'iL the only tlong worthy
it, name ? Isit to ignore a great Get, and insist
And deal with facts as you find'them. It msites
re volution, rebellion -call them what you may,
these acts hare disnolved the connection between
them and the Government at Washington. To
ignore this; to treat it as though the deed was
not done, as though the separation was not com
plete, is consummate folly. And all acts of North
ern Legislatures, or of Congress, not based upon
this fact, are wanting in true wisdom and sound
statesmanship.
Suppose some Navigator should adopt a theory
that, upon a certain ocean, no storms ever rage,
no winds ever roll the great waves to the shore.
But after launching his bark upon such a deep,
instead of seas always calm, and breezes always
favorable, he encounters the fierce storm cloud,
and the wild raging of the tempest. How ought
he now to act? shall he madly cling to his theo
ry t- shall he rashly carry the same sails that were
spread to the gentle zephyr? To act thus in the
face of raging blasts, and waves running moun
tain high, w<Hd not he more foolish, than the
acts of those who are dealing with the South, as
though no separation had taken place.
HV axk ;,,n % Aotr the Xorth ovoid to act toward*
the tending State* f We sav tl< Xorth , because
v.,u have the control of the federal Government
There are but two ways left you to pursue. The
one look* to coercion ; the other i< peaceable se
paration. The first is ruinous to both sections;
the second is the best and wisest policy. Coercion
U im v o**ihle. And, by coercion, wo mean not the
men >t*e of force, but the *ucc,.**jal use ot it ; not
the attempt to whip us buck into the L'nion, but
tlo doing of it. To compel by force of arms so
many million of freemen to remain in the Union
against their will, is a dream -a delusion. 1 call
in question the courage and prowess of neither
party. These are admitted. They have been
signally proved on many battle fields of the past.
After rivers of the best blond of both sections
have been spilled ; after a sacrifice of untold trea
sure, after incalculable injury to the cause of
God and religion, what would be gained by the
contest? Nothing—but, oh,how much would be
forever lost! Thetratucidal war would end where
it begun, so far as any real advantage gained by
cither party is concerned. But on the other hand,
the breach would be wider between the North and
South. Ail impassible gulf would he fixed be
tween the two sections—feelings embittered, • as
sions enraged, and nil kindly emotions turned into
bitter and implacable hate. Oh, Almighty God,
in whose hands are the hearts of the children ol
men, save us from counsels so rash, from a war
so unnatural and suicidal! Do not think of coer
cion—of any means even squinting at the preser
vation of the Union, by force of whatever kind.—
Again we beg you to regard the separation be
tween us as a fixed fact. Any attempt at coer
cion wilt result in a war such as the world has
not seen. If you at tempt it, the South is aroused
as one man; we all will fitjht , young and old,
bond and free. The minister of the altar will
attend tRe soldier to the battle with benisons and
his prayer, and, if need be, will gird himself to j
the contest. And the mothers of the sunny South
—and, oh, what mothers we have—w ill send their
sons to the light, with (lie charge, return-with
you shields, or on your shield*. You can have no
idea of the feeling at the South. Georgia has sail
she sha// be free; even her women will make it
good with their blood. This is no idle saying, wc
are neither mad nor filled with new wine—we are
As coercion is impossible, what remains to be
done? what, but to let us go peaceably? Sav to
us as Abraham said to Lot: “Ztl tim ebe no strife,
th Z’ “in
f pray thee, from ineX Do this, and we part friends
—we part in peace; we part under such cove
nants, and with such kindly feelings towards each
othe**, that should any foreign foe make war on
either of us, ami spoil us of our goods, the other
will be ready, like Abraham, to gird on the sword,
and uveuge his in jured kinsman.
I know how hard it is to admit the necessity for
a dissolution of the Union. You love it: so have
we loved it. It was to us a passion, au idol. How
painful to us has been the aot of separation ! The
number of disunionists perse in the South has
never becu large. We have been driven by ne
cessity to disunion, having accepted it us our only
defence against degradation in a government in
nv hieh we once had a place as equal confederates.
But why is it so hard to give up the Union ? It is
because, having always looked upon it as the no
blest and grandest experiment of self-government
the world has seen, we have been taught to believe
that experiment a failure, in case the Union should
bo dissolved. But does this follow ? As the new
Confederacy has adopted the old Constitution,
and has continued in force the old laws, the only
difference is, there will be, on the same continent,
two great Republics instead of but mu\ carrying
on the same noble experiment of self-government.
Thus we do not see how the dissolution of the
Union proves of necessity that self-government is
a faihire.
In 1544, the Methodist Church was divided.
The vexed question of slavery impelled to the
separation. But did Methodism prove a failure?
Ate not both branches of the divided Church
still? Are not both governed by the
Pfiue discipline? Do not. both held the same arti
cles of faitn? And arte not both equally engaged
in preaching the doctrine of free grace, and in
spreading scriptural holiness over all these lands ?
A dissolution of the Union, therefore, no more
proves that self-government is a failure than the
division ot the Methodist Church proves that
Methodism is a failure. On the contrary, Method
ism everywhere received anew impulse ; she en
larged her borders in both sections, and is far
stronger to-day than before the separation. No
doubt God saw a separation was best, and hence
it was brought about. And He may see that it is
best for us to be two people. We may be mista
ken, but the signs of tue times seem to indicate
that an overruling Providence is bringing about a
permanent separation between the North and the
South.
The progress of events has proved one thing to
be true ; and it matters not who was the author
of the saving, or for w hat purpose it was spoken.
The President elect spoke truly when he said :
slant labor to the Cnitul S,'at*s.” Our eyes have
been opened at the South to see this. And it
matters uot whether the irrepressible conflict
outfit so to be, or whether it is a matter of nenx
sify— it is so as a fael of history :at all events, the
Black Republicans have made it so. For iCis their
~ frt labi tri . hs in >l tht >■ IU . All their
professions about not interfering with slavery in
States where it already exists, are intended only
to deceive us. The doctrine carried to its only
legitimate conclusion gives the plainest denial to
the sincerity of such professions. This conflict i*
| irrcpr<.oidt, say they, the Stat,s cannot <j U half
And yet from such premises, they tell us that they
do not intend to interfere with slavery where it
! now exists. And to prove their honesty of pur
pose. they tell us that they are willing, so to alter
the Constitution, that the slave property of the
scut of the slave States themselves. Now . we ask,
what is such a pledge worth, when we consider
the irrepressible conflict, in connection with the
doctrine of the higher law ? Put this and that
together, and what are pledges worth ? What are
constitutional obligations worth? What are oaths
worth? Those who bold the two doctrines can
make and break pledges with equal facility.
We admit then the irrepressible conflict. as a
fact of the times. A great party has, or will soon
have coutrol of the Government, that is commit- !
ted to carry on this conflict to the bitter end. Mr.
Lincoln may have been right in saying that a
Government divided against itself cannot stand— !
that it cannot exist half slave and half free. But j
he was egregirously mistaken when he imagined
himself possessed of the spirit of prophecy , and
predicted that the howwohm notfaV % hut ceasing
to b< >UeidJ 9 would stand. By withdrawing from
the Union, we have proved the prophecy to have ;
been a false prediction. For the ho”*; hatfallcn j
— fh r Goi tx'nnu nt is -/. Nor has the house {
become ail free : the act of separation has pre- j
served to the South her own social system. We I
have torn away from the embrace of the serpent, j
which, covering us with its slime, and winding it
self about us in main* a fold, has sought to crush i
out our social life. We thank God tliat our eyes
Lave been opened to see our danger, and that,
thus timely warned, he has graciously opened t
up to us a way of escape.
We think we see the band of God in the pro
sent great revolution. He is our trust. “ The
• Lord or hosts * with us ; the God of J*,ob is our |
r- fuj< He will neither leave us ; nor forsake |
us. He has com mtted to us a great and respon- j
ble charge. He has entrusted to us the African ,
race in America, with the command, “occupy till j
l come.” We are the guardians of this people; !
we are their best friends. By bringing about a
separation between the North and it may
be that lied is leaving us to solve the great pro- j
bleni of African slavery. We alone can solve it;
aud c can do it better and sooner by being 1 -ft
to ourselves. Our connection with Northern
Abolitionists has resulted in incalculable mischief
to the slaves of the South. Had it not been for
their intermeddling, our law> would be less stria- j
gent, and the social status of the negro would be i
vastly improved. Oh, who can teil the injury
which the unceasing agitation of the slavery
question has caused to our slaves: When left
alone, we will turn onr attention more to their
improvement. May God help us in this gTeat
work ! For we love our servants; we are bound
closely to them bv many sacred ties; hence we
i desire, in the fear*of God, aud actuated by true
love to this dependent race, to discharge our
whole duty towards them. We shall be able to
do it. when no longer troubled by those inter
meddlers whom St. Paul thus most truthfully
I and graphically describes : “ H u proud, i notnuff
| nothi!**. hot iloiing atout qwr.'Uo ■> and .drift* of
Permit me now to suggest a few of the many
benefits to yourselves by separation over
coercion. By it you win yourselves escape the
; horrors of war, aud all itt temble concomitants.
By it you will be freed frifll all connection with
slavery. You tell us that your consciences are
| involved, and that you are bound by a higher law
| than the Constitution. But when *we are sepa
rated. your consciences need trouble you no more.
\ on will be no more responsible for slavery in the
South than are the Governments of France aud
England. \ our consciences we ought to respect.
\N e think mistaken, but we .are w illing to
i ure . sincere. The Union men of the
Border Slave States are calling upon the Black
Republicans to back down from their platform,
j We would not have them do so, if they are hon
j eat; aud, if they are honest, we think they will
not. The Union men of the South would have
these men confess themselves to he the greatest
hypocrites in the world. Because we hold them
sincere and conscientious, we kuow that we can
not obtain from.the North those guarantees in the
Union which are absolutely necessary to its pre
serration. Hence we have regarded dissolution
as our only remedy. Give us what we ask ; grant
us a peaceable separation, and your conscience is
at rest. Again: by peaceable dissolution you will
secure your own best material interests. You
will then continue to be our carriers—our manu
facturers. You will secure our trade. We may
even discriminate iu your favor. All this, and
much more, may be secured now ; but, if you
blindly and madly rush upon the execrable doc
trine of coercion, all these material interests will
b* lost to the Northern people forever. The South
will seek other channels of trade which now stand
invitingly open to us. To avoid this inevitable
diversion ot our trade, adopt a peaceable policy to
wards the seceding States; let us go iu peace—
One point more, and we are done. Is theie any
chance for a re-union iu the future ? for a recon
struction of the government? for all the States
again to be united under the same constitution
and laws ? We answer, if the North expects such
re-union, consent now to a peaceable dissolution
of the old Union, and trust lo the future to bring
about the reconstruction desired. One thing is
certain: coercion now will make the disintegration
et- rnal. A re-uuion at present is utterly hopeless.
The Confederate Stale* of A in ’ rica, the new nation
just born at Montgomery, do not now entertain
the remotest thought of entering again into a
union with liie government at Washington. The
day for compromise has passed away. Never
were a people more loyal to their government
than were the Southern people. Os late, when
the old flag was lowered, and the colonial flag of
Georgia was flung to the breeze, there was scarce
iv a man in all the vast crowd of w itnesses who
did not believe that u must and ought to be done,
and scarcely one who was Dot sorry in liis heart
that it had to be done. Indeed, it was through
the loyalty of the Southern people to the Union of
their fathers, that the evils of w hich they now* so
justly complain have been brought upon them.—
Our Yankee brethren, coolly calculating upon
Southern loyalty and devotion to the Union, have
driven us to compromise after compromise until,
for its sake, we have compromised away all our
rights. As the aborigines of New England com
plained of the grasping spirit of their fathers, so
have we justly complaiued of the same in their
descendants. And, like the old Indian, whose
lands their fathers stole, whose hatchets they
broke, whose bows they snapped, and whose fires
they extinguished, we too may say, “We are
dr ice n back until we can retreat no farther.”
Be uot deceived—we tell you plainly the day
for compromises has passed. Re-union is not to
be had by compromises ; no repeal of Personal
Liberty bills, or other obnoxious law's, can effect
it . It cannot be brought about by any peace con
vention, by any compact, or agreement written on
paper, and sanctioned by the most stringent aud
solemn oaths. These are necessary, but there is
something else to be done first; afterwards, we
may talk of compromises and changes in our or
ganic la\v. There is but one courseHiafc can poa
sibly t -nd to a reconstruction of the Union. The
North, and the North alone, can preserve the
Union of all the States : and there is hut one way
in which the North can effect it, and that is, by
lo eolation —by revolution at the North. We will
now tell you what wc mean.
Such is the genius of our institutions, that no
*eutionul man can be President and the Union be
preserved. No sectional man can be the Presi
dent of all the Stati v, whether that sectional man
come from the North or the South, from the East
or the West. Suppos** the South had been the
stronger part)’ in the United States ; suppose that
Southern party were slavery propagandists, pro
claiming an irrepressible conflict between slave
labor and free labor, and determined to overthrow
the social system of the North, and introduce
slavery in States now free. Would the North
submit to such a sectional party? to the domina
tion of a President elected upon such a platform?
Well knowing the temper ol your people, we un
hesitatingly answer for you—you ought uot, and
you would, not. No. The last man of you w ould
die in the ditch, before you would basely submit
to such tyranny.
Now this is what you have done the South.
You have elected to rule over us a sectional man,
upon a platform, inimical to the dearest rights
and inserests of the Southern people. To submit
would be degradation. So patriot son of the
South, in whose veins flows the blood of ’7<s, in
whose breast its hallowed tires are slill burning,
can be so base, as be a slave, or tamely submit his
neck to the galling yoke of Northern fanaticism
and tyranny. No, this man Abruhatn Lincoln
shall not rule over us /ce shall be free.
Since such is the genius of the constitution of
our l athers that no sectional man can be the
Prasident of all the States, lei those at the North,
who desire the Union to be saved from dismem
berment, arise and assert, once for all, that
no sectional man shall be President. This, if once
asserted by you, and successfully maintained,
would go far to make the South believe that you are
the real and true friends of the Union of our Fath-
Hence we tell you plainly, that nothing can
bring about a reunion but such a revolution as the
English revolution of IGSB. The genius of the
English Constitution was found lo be eminently
Prot, stunt. Therefore, the patriots of ’BB asserted
that no Catholic should sit upon the throne of
England. James 11, who was a Catholic, was de
throned ; William of Orange, who was a Pro
testant, was hailed as the nation’s deliverer; and
the principle was adopted as a part of the organic
law of the British Constitution, that, no Catholic
hereafter should be monarch of Great Britain and
Ireland.
What an impressive lessbn does this great, revo
lution teach us ! Witness the conduct of the To
ries—-of the High Church party of that day. All
tluflr theories of government were swept away by
the revolution. For the same High-Churchmen,
who had maintained against all usurpers, like
Cromwell, the doctrines of e obedience, one
of the divine right of Kings’; the same men who
fought for these principles under Protestant
Charles, threw them to the winds in 1788, and de
throned .lames 11, the Catholic, though lie too was
anointed King, and had as much claim to the fic
tion of the divine right as Protestant Elizabeth, or
Protestant Uharles. The conduct of these men is
worthy of imitation now.
Are the people of the North prepared to assert
1 lie principle that no sectional man shall be Presi
dent v If they are, the Union of the fathers may
be preserved. We do not ask this of you—we do
not demand it. We merely show you the only
way of preserving the Union ot the w hole coun
try. Hear this also, and mistake us not. We do
not intend to interfere with the inauguration of
Mr. Lincoln. No seceding State will send a man
to prevent it. Let those States that are willing to
have him for their ruler, inaugurate him, and sub
mit themselves to his government. But as for
the Confederate States of America, he can never
preside over a government which embraces them.
Xever ! never ! never ! Georgia.
The Charleston Courier of the 18th says of
The Southern Tariff.—The particulars agreed
on bv the meeting of importing merchants which
on Friday are in brief the following :
Twenty per cent, on wines, spirits and tobacco.
Ten ter cent, on all manufactured products.
The tree list to include that of the Federal tariff
of 1 > >7, with the addition of all provisions, live
stock, and raw materials.
And from the same paper we clip the subjoined
notice of
The Georgia Reynolds Press. —lt is, we be
lieve, nearly two years since we reported a visit
to from T. S. Reynolds, a printer, who
was a newspaper publisher, and who was engaged
in perfecting the model of a newly invented job
press.
AN e are happy now to report that, after some in
terruptions by sickness and other causes, the
Georgia press lias been completed and tested and
approved, and is now ottered to job and card
printers.
A circular, w hich is also a specimen of this
press, will b furnished on application to T. S.
Reynolds, Atlanta, Georgia, who offers the press
at 1100. The manufactory is also m Atlanta, Ga.
Ml. Lincoln and the Office Holders. —A
Washington letter dated the lGth says :
It is astonishing to what extent the oflice hold
ing Democrats in the various Departments of this
city, are liberalizing their opinions towards the
Republicans as the President elect approaches
the Federal capital. As I announced to you seve
ral days since, Mr. Lincoln will not stop at a hotel
in this city, but will accept the invitation tendered
to him by Mr. Seward, who lias taken Gen. Cass’
house, to become his guest until after his inaugu
ration. Mr. Lincoln will not risk himself at any
hotel in Washington, since Mr. Buchanan came
so near being poisoned at. the National Hotel in
lsv., which i> as liable to occur at any time now
by a sudden rise of the Potomac as then.
Irrepressible Conflict among the Republi
cans.— A rencontre occurred in the National Ho
tel it Washington, Friday* between Mr. Kellogg,
of Illinois, and Mr. Medill, editor of the Chicago
Tribune. Mr. Kellogg declared, in the Honse, a
few days ago, that he had crushed out the big
Tribune of New York, and he w mid do the same
by the little Tribune of Chicago. Th** parties
met in the ball of the hotel, and a few* words led
to blows.—Mr. Medill was floored by a blow from
Kellogg, aud pummelled until the by stand; rs
drew the belligerents asunder. This is the com
mencement of the “irrepressible 0005101” among
the Republicans.
A Negro Vigilance Committee in Cleveland.—
The negro population of Cleveland, Ohio, have
formed themselves iuto an independent inquisito
rial court, tor the trial of certain of tber number,
charged with having informed Mr. Goshorn, of
Wheeling, of the whereabouts of his slave Lucy.
The assemble meets every evening at the Old
Baptist Church. Two have already been
tried, w ithout, however, any definite conclusion
as to the guilt of one of them. Application has
been made to the police by the accused parties
for protection. There is much alarm among j
them, though no one appears to have the faintest j
idea of the penalty, in case the meeting should j
declare them guilty of the charge.
The Last of the Jacksons. —The last k*ewn
blood relation living in this country of the old
statesman and soldier, Gen. Jackson, is dead.—
His name was James Thomas Jackson McCul
lough. He died at Lake Providence, La., on the |
first of January. The deceased was the son ot
James McCullough and Mary Cafl'ery, and was
born near thefHermitage, in Tennessee. His j
father was cousin to Gen. Andrew Jackson, and *
his mother w as the niece of Mrs. Rachael Jackson, j
wife of the General. He is represented to have
been a man of eminent excellence and worth.
The Personal Liberty Law of Massachusetts is
not to be repealed. The Committee on Federal
j Relations will report certain amendments to the
act ; and this is as far as they will consent to go.
]So Gov. Andrew and Wendell Phillips triumph ;
over the conservative men of the Republican par* ;
ty, and the friends of peace and nationality in the <
State. —Boston Courier.
; Fin vnve Crash. —The Washington Star of Satur
day afternoon states that several well-established
business houses in Baltimore, succumbed Friday
10 the financial Treasure One of these houses
supposed itself to have a safe margin of s,lt>O,OoO,
. but found it imposible to meet liabilities.
Fai lures and Suspensions. —The Boston Com
mercial Bulletin s list of changes in business gives
ten failures aud suspensions in New York, five in
Boston, five in Philadelphia, three in Cincinnati,
two in :>t. Louis, two in Baltimore, and twentv
tive in other places—a total of fifty-two.
Corn for the South.— We learn from the New
Albany Ky. Ledger that part es who reside in
South Carolina and Georgia are in the city for the
purpose of buying 10,<X*O bushels of corn. They
offer fifty cents per bushel delivered at the Nash
ville depot in Louisville, which rate is below the
j market.— LouisriUe Journo* .
Patriotic and Liberal. —The Board of Direc
tors of the Memphis and Charleston Railroad
have tendered to the Governor of Mississippi the
use of that Road for the transportation of troops
and munitions of war for the defense of the
j Southern States, free of charge.
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING* FEBRUARY 27. 1861.
Correspondence of the Chronicle Jr Sentinel.
SOUTHERN CONGRESS.
THIRTEENTH DAY.
Montgomery, Feb. 18, lb6l.—Congress met at
noon. Prayer was offered by the Rev. Mr. Shep
i herd, of the Episcopal Church.
The minutes of Saturday were read and con
j firmed.
; Mr. Shorter, the Chairman of the Committee on
j Engrossments, reported that the Constitution lor
i the Provisional Government of the Confederate
i States had been duly enrolled upon parchment,
i and that it was now ready tor the signatures of
i the members. He also stated that the work had
i been handsomely and correctly executed. He
i thought that the Constitution should be signed
! before the inauguration. He, therefore, moved
| that the members proceed forthwith to sign it.
®Tbe President said that the signing of the Con
i stitution would be ordered, unless objection be
| made. No objection was made, and the Presi
[ deut affixed his name to it.
Mr. Shorter stated that the names of the States
| had been entered on the parchment according to
their geographical position.
The President said the same order bad been
observed in the preamble to the Constitution.
The members then signed the Constitution in
the following order : Those from South Carolina
first, Georgia second, Florida third, Alabama
fourth, Mississippi fifth, and Louisiana last.
The President then announced that the Consti
tution had been duly signed by all the members*
present. Those who were not present could affix
their signatures at some other time.
Mr. Brooke, the Chairman of the Committee on
Patents, reported a bill, which was only read by
its title, as follows : “A Bill to establish a Patent
Office aud to provide for the granting and issuing
of patents for new inventions and improvements/’
The bill was ordered to be printed.
On motion, Cojgress then went into secret ses
sion. , .
After the inaugural ceremonies were over, Con
gress again assembled. On the right and left of
the President of the Congress sat the President i
and Vice President of the Confederated States.
Several of the members who were absent at the
previous session came forward and affixed their
names to the Constitution.
On motion, it was ordered that the Inaugural
Address of the President be entered upon the
journals of Congress, and that 5,000 copies of the
same be printed for the use of the members.
Congress then adjourned until Tuesday, twelve
o’clock.
The Inaugural Ceremonies.
Montgomery never presented such a scene as
that witnessed to-day. For several days past,
large crow'ds have been reaching the city by Rail
roads, by steamboats, and by private conveyan
ces, and the trains aud boats to day came loaded
to their utmost capacity with wives, daughters,
sisters, fathers, sons, and it really appeared that
the rest of mankind had been founa, and they
had appeared here. The Exchange Hotel is
crowded, and crowded to such an extent that it is
now difficult to reach the department called “the
Captains office.”
1 am utterly unable to describe the scene be
fore the Exchange this morning when the proces
sion was being formed. A number of military
companies were in line—two or three bauds were
playing—cannons were firing —scores of carriages,
hacks aud omnibuses were tilled—a gorgeous ba
rouche, drawn by six large white horses was in
attendance to convey the President, Vice Presi
dent and suite to the Capitol—and thousands of
people were in the streets, in the windows, on
the porches, and on the tops of houses, to witness
the grand pageant. With much trouble, 1 made
my way from hotel to the street, and for a hun
dred yards or more, I was blocked in by a mass
of soldiers, citizens, ladies of all ages—but by
urging forward I got through the crowd, and
hastened to the Capitol to obtain an eligible posi
tion to hear the Inaugural address.’ When I
reached the Capitol square there appeared to be
about five hundred persons already assembled
there, and it was impossible for me to go nearer
than one hundred feet to the stand where the
President would address the people. I turne
around and looked down the wide avenue below,
and thousands and thousands were moving up to
the Capitol, with about as little chance of hearing
the Inaugural address as they were capab'e of
flying.
1 have no descriptive ability, else I would pour
tray minutely the movements, scenes, incidents,
pleasures, and displays of to-day. There was an
order, propriety, grandeur without attempted dis
play, and completeness about the entire proceed
ings to-dav, which elicited universal admiration.
Not the slightest accident occurred.
When the procession reached the Capitol
Square, and the military were placed in position,
the barouch which conveyed President Davis was
brought up and its occupants alighted amidst the
shouts of thousands. The bands played the Mar
seillais, and its cheering aud stirring notes awa
kened memories of “long time ago,” and sent a
thrill through the vast crowd. The President was
cheered and greeted until he reached the porch at
the Capitol, and then, when he appeared in full
view r to the crow and, one universal shout rent the
air ; ladies waved their handkerchiefs, and many
threw bouquets to testify their appreciation of the
important services now performing, in inaugura
ting the first President of a Southern Republic.
On the right of President Davis sat Vice Presi
dent Stephens, and on his right was the Hon.
Howell Cobb. Prayer w r as offered by the Rev.
Dr. Basil Manley. Mr. Cobb formally announced
that President Davis had arrived, and w r as now
ready to take the oath of office as President of the
Confederate States of America.
[Here follows the Inaugural Adaress which we
already published.]
At the close of President Davis’ speech, he said
he was ready to take the oath of office, which was
accordingly administered to him by Mr. Cobb. In
uttering the words “So help me God,” the Presi
dent directed his eyes to Heaven, and in a most
impressive and solemn manner repeated, “So
help me God,” and kissed the sacred volume.
To-night there is to be a reception at Estelle
Hall, where President Davis will be visited by
thousands. I caunot refer to that, as the mail
that conveys you this will close an hour before
the reception commences. P.
Capitol of Confederate States, |
Montgomery, Ala., Feb. 19, 1861. f
This has been another dull day for the reporto
rial crowd. Added to the general dullness in the
Congressional news market, in consequence of
secret sessions, this day has been cold, rainy and
disagreeable. *
The large crowd which has been here for the
past few* days, has. in a measure, dispersed, but
there is a daily influx almost equal to the number
who go away. The few days before the inaugura
tion the city was crowded with ladies and gentle
men from your State, and the loveliest flowers
were the Georgia girls.
There is not much said about the Cabinet, al
though a rumor will occasionally be started, and
like all unreliable statements will furnish food for
gossip for a while, until a counter current hieets
it, aud then they mingle into one and are consign
ed to forgetfulness.
I do uot believe that any Ministers will be sent
to foreign Courts for the present, but I think it
likely that Commissioners to the powers of Eu
rope will be selected or appointed in a short time.
Who will be the recipients of such appointments,
it is useless to attempt to predict.
Below I hand you the proceedings of to-day.
.Nothing transpired it. the secret session from
which the secrecy was removed.
FOURTEENTH DAY.
Montgomery, Ala., Feb. 19, 1861.—Congress
inet to-day at noon. Prayer was offered by the
Rev. Hooker Cobbs.
The journal of yesterday wa9 read and con
firmed.
Mr. Shorter announced that Mr. Wall, one of
the delegates from Texas, had arrived, and was
now present in the Hall.
The President invited Mr. Wall to a seat.
Mr. Bartow, the Chairman of the Committee on
Military Affairs, said that that Committee had
prepared a report for the consideration of Con
gress, but he thought it best that the report should
bo submitted iu secret session.
Mr. Shorter, the Chairman of the Committee on
Engrossments, reported as duly engrossed and
ready for the signature of the President of Con
gress, the following resolutions :
A resolution for the enforcement of the Reve
nue Laws.
A resolution for the preservation of the Records
of Congress.
A resolution giving certain powers to the Com
mittee on Naval A flairs.
A resolution for the relief of J. M. Walden, a
citizen of Georgia.
Mr. Brooke said that the Committee on the Or
ganization of the Executive Departments was
ready to report, but thought it perhaps best that
the report be made in secret session. He there
fore moved that Congress go into secret session.
Mr. Conrad said that be could see no reason
why the report should not be submitted in open
session. It any debate should result, it would be
necessary that it should be conducted with closed
doors. He also thought there were good reasons
why the report should be submitted and read in
open session.
Mr. Brooke withdrew his motion, in order that
Mr. Conrad’s remarks could be in order, as one of
the rules of Congress prevents debate on the mo
tion to go into secret session.
Mr. Chilton stated that he had received a com
munication from a distinguished Jurist of the
State of Alabama, containing some valuable sug
gestions in reference to a Permanent Constitu
tion, which he simply desired to present, without
reading, to the Committee on the Permanent Con
stitution. The reference was accordingly made.
Mr. Brooke preaented the report from the Com
mittee to Organize the Executive Departments,
which was read.
The first section provides that there shall be an
Executive Department known as the Department
of State, and there shall be a principal officer
known as Secretary of State, who shall discharge
such duties as may be assigned him by the Presi
dent, and in accordance with the Constitution and
Laws of the Confederate States, and receive such
compensation as may be fixed by law.
The second section provides that it shall be the
duty of the Secretary of State to preserve all bills,
resolutions, orders, Ac., and affix to them the
Great Seal of State ; also, to give public notice of
all laws passed by Congress, in at least three pub
lic journals printed within the Confederacy; and,
also, to cause two printed copies of all acts, reso
lutions, Ac., to be sent to each of the Governors
of the States of this Confederacy.
The third section provides that there shall be in
said department a Chief Clerk, and such other
clerks as may be found necessary in the business
of the department, who shali receive such com
pensation and take such oaths as may be regulated
by law.
*On motion of Mr. Xesbit, Congress went into
secret session.
To-day the State of Texas was called in the roll
of States. It is understood that the delegates
have all the privileges of members, with the ex
ception of voting.
FIFTEENTH DAT.
Montgomery. Feb. *20,1561. —Congress met at
noon. Prayer by Rev. Mr. Heard.
The proceedings of the previous day were read
and confirmed.
Mr. Wright, of Ga., said that he had presented
to Congress a few days ago, a communication
from the Hon. Mark A. Cooper in relation to the
establishment of a national armory at Etowah,
Ga., for the Confederate States. He asked leave
now to present another communication from the
same gentleman, and desired that it be read by
the Secretary. It may take perhaps twenty min
utes* to read'it, buthe hoped it would be respect-
J fullv and attentively listened to, because it was
on a matter of grea't importance to the Confede
rate States at this time.
The Secretary was directed to read the Commu
nication, which was as follows :
Etowah, Ga., Feb. 15, 1881.
! To the Member* of tfu Congress of tfu
Confederate States of America:
Perceiving that a communication from the un
dersigned to one of vour honorable body, on the
subject of an armory, has been laid before you, he
respectfully asks the privilege of submitting the
following statement of facts, to wit :
Twice, during a period of twenty-five years,
last paat, the subject of a national armory at this
place has been brought before the Congress of the
late Government of the U. S., at Washington City
—once bv the late Hon. W. C. Dawson, and again
by the late Hon. John H. Lumpkin. At the in
stance of that body, through an appropriate
committee, the necessary examination ana tests
were made before the naval and war departments
of that government, of the metal at Etowah, Ga.,
for the purposes of an armory, and reports there
on were made, showing it to be most satisfactory.
At sundry times, within the last ten years, this
subject has been submitted to the Government of
Georgia, with the advice and recommendation of
the Governor.
Appropriate commutes of the Legislature have
again and again reported upon the facts, showing
them to be all that could be desired. This will
appear, by an extract of a report herewith sub
mitted. The undersigned has repeatedly had the
material at Etowah Jested, both in England and
America, for gunnery and for arms for steel cut
lery. In every instance the result has proved
most satisfactory, as will appear by papers here
with presented. a test made by
Col. SanTl Colt, one of tLepbest, most skillful and
reliable and well known manufacturer of arms in
America or in Europe, is a satisfactory proof that
the metal here is all that can be desired.
In selecting a location for an armory, after find
ing a concurrence of every matter needed, such as
climate, water power, iron ore, fuel, accessibility,
securities from invasion, quick transportation to
to all points, one point must be demonstrated,
without which an armory should uot be created,
to wit: the quality and adaptation of the metal
must be manifest. This umst require time, skill,
science and money.
At Etowah you have this proof furnished to
hand, gotten up during a series ts *2O years expe
rience, at, the cost of one who is a native of one of
the States of your Confederacy, who is here now,
was there before, aud at its beginning, and here
intends to remain.
In addition to this, you )%5e also ‘furnished in
advance every preparation and machinery needed
to make the iron and put it Tn shape for making
arms. This preparation also has cost time anu
money, and must require years to get it up at any
other place in your jurisdiction.
At this place, then, the facts show that you have
in advance all you need for a prompt movement,
and you can avail yourselves of it ou better terms
than elsewhere.
If yon prefer to have an individual to make
your arms, you can have them in process of deliv
ery here iu twelve months from the day you give
us the contract. We can ship them hence by rail
road to any principal town or seaport of the con
federacy—to Charleston, Savannah, or the Grand
Junction, in 24 hours; to Mobile and New Orleans
in 36 hours.
All of which is respectfully submitted by the
undersigned, a citizen of Cass County, Ga.
Mark A. Cooper.
[The extract of the report of the committee of
the Georgia Legislature, referred to in the above
letter, is too long for insertion here, but we make
the annexed extracts from it.]
“The Etowali river and its tributaries furnish
the most ample and never-failing water power for
manufactures of all kinds.
“Between the State lload and Canton, along this
valley, within a distance* of 15 miles, there are
seven blast furnaces for melting iron ore with
charcoal. They have been put in operation in
about 15 years past. They are producing an
aggregate of 4000 to 5000 tons of pig metal and
castings per annum, at a cost of sls or S2O per
ton. These products have, until recently, been
carried by wagons to the State Road, a distance of
4 to 15 miles, aud shipped tb Cincinnaii, Nash
ville, Decatur, Ala., and Knoxville, or to Mont
gomery, Columbus, Macon aud Augusta, and in
termediate points, nearly all of it. iu the form of
pig or bar iron, has been carried on the State
Road.
“At Etowah, 4 miles above, and north of the
State Road, there are two blast furnaces for pig
metal, a rolling mill for merchant iron of all
sizes and shapes, flats, rounds, squares and ovals.
It is now operating and producing from 8 to 10
tons per day. This rolling mill has been in ope
ration about 10 years, but for lack of transporta
tion, has not, until u year past, made over 1000 or
1200 tons per annum.”
“The supply of ore at Etowah is almost inex
haustible.”
The Secretary then read certificates from sever
al competent and experienced gentlemen, in re
ference to the quality of the iron at Etowah.
Col. Colt stated, “This iron evidently possesses
great tenacity, and appears to be as free from
seams aud flaws as any of the brands of Norway
iron which we are now using in the manufacture
of our arms; and we should say, from the test we
have given it, that it compares favorably in every
respect with the best brauds of Norway iron.”
in relation to the adaptibility of Etowah iron in
the manufacture of cutlery, a sample was sent to
Shellield, England, to be made into razor steel.
The manufacturer says in his letter :
“These razors are manufactured of the steel
produced from Etowah iron, sent to me for that
purpose, and the result of this trial cannot but be
gratifying, as the razors produced are of a very
good quality—thus attesting the superior quality
of the steel, which particularly recommends itself
for razors and spring cutlery and tools in general
by reason of its high degree of maleability and
elasticity, a combination of properties which pe
culiarity adapts your steel for the above named
purposes.
Mr. Cooper concludes his communication thus:
“These testimonials establish that the Etowah
iron makes a superior quality of steel and pos
sess the properties of maleability and elasticity in
a high degree. And it is known that these are
the properties in steel most desired in making the
barrels, cones and lock-work of Mr. Colt’s most
reliable arms.
We have, therefore, proven, from the highest
testimonials, that for iron and for steel, we have
now made at Etowah all that the government can
desire in the metal to manufacture the most reli
able arms.
For the manufacture of ordnance and canno
shot, it is also ascertained that we cun make, at
Etowah, metal equal to any. To prove this, refer
ence is here made to the tests made of it, at the
War and Navy Department at Washington City,
and reported to the Congress of the United
States.
Touching the eligibility of this location, it will,
with propriety, be submitted lo Commissioners
appointed for that purpose, whose fidelity and
competency will be unquestioned, providedYurth
er proofs are needed. [Signed by
Mark A. Cooper]
During the reading of the communication from
Hon. Mark A. Cooper—
Mr. Conrad suggested that the reading be sus
pended. The whole matter, involved in the letter
from Mr. Cooper, will be under the control of the
War Department, so soon as it is organized, and
we could only act upon it when that Department
recommends it to our consideration, lie moved
that the communication be referred to the Milita
ry Committee.
The President stated tliat the Secretary bad
nearly concluded the reading of the paper, and as
but one page remains unread, he directed the Sec
retary to proceed. After which—
Mr. Wright said : Mr. President, I am no jobber
for my State, nor for my personal friends, nor yet
for my constituents. If this is not a matter of in
terest to the Congress, I do not know what is. If
I had uot supposed the memorial was important
to be laid before this body, I should not have
urged it; if it were uot a matter second in import
ance to none, I would not have troubled the body
with reading it; but, according to the position I
take, it is a matter of great concern. The proba
bilities are, that within twenty days from this
time w*e may be involved in war. In our present
condition we are not as well prepared, for that
contingency, as we should be. Sir, if war should
occur, the most gallant people on earth can achieve
nothing without arms. We are, I fear, only
measurably armed, and I see no preparation
I for making arms wherewith to more completely
equip ourselves for war. Within the limits of the
Conft deracy there is not a single manufactory of
•■naiis ; if there is, it has escaped my knowledge.
In times of peace it is probable that all arms ne
cessary for any purposes might be purchased at
private establishments, or in a foreign country.
But in times of war they caunot be bought in
either. The only resource we have is to supply
ourselves at home. If the probabilities are such
as I have indicated, and this be the only sure
means by which we can supply ourselves with the
means of defensive warfare, if not of aggression, I
ask if this is not a matter of sufficient importance
to be brought before this body?- It was for that
reason that I introduced the memorial and asked
fqy its reading. I move its reference to the Mili
tary Committee.
Mr. Conrad—ls, Mr. President, the remarks o
the gentleman are intended to apply to the obser
vations and motion I made ho is entirely mis
taken as to my object. It was not my intention,
in the slightest degree, to undervalue the impor
tance of the memorial or the subject of which it
treats. My motiou was simply to dispurse with
the reading, and refer the paper to the military
Committee. I consider that reference the proper
course, and the gentleman himself has taken it.
I only differed with him as to the propriety or
usefulness of having the communication read. I
admit the very great importance of the subject,
and hold that it should be referred to the military
Committee for their advice. The subject should
also be considered by the War Department and
Ordnance Bureau, both of which will be in exis
tence withm a very few days. After such con
sideration has been given to it, I assure the gen
tleman that no one will be more ready than myself
to give the memorial that consideration which it
deserves.
Mr. Wright—l misapprehended the gentlemans
remarks and motion. His explanation is entirely
satisfactory.
Mr. Bartow—l certainly, Mr. President, have
not the slightest objection to the reference of the
communication to the Committee on military af
fairs, and I assure my colleague taat it will re
ceive from that Committee a most respectful at
tention. I agree further with him that the sub
ject is one of the greatest national importance—
but I must beg leave to differ with him in anoth
er observation which he made that in the event of
war, within the period of twenty days, we are
not fully prepared t# meet it, I do not concur with
him in that opinion. We are prepared for any
contingency that may arise, although sir, it occur
within twenty days. We are not, as he appre
hends, unprepared.
Although, it is true, there is no manufactory of
arms or national armory within the limits of the
Confederate States, still, sir, in every State of this
Confederacy there is a sufficient number of arms
and a sufficient number of men, all ready, willing,
trained aDd officered, _to resist any invasion—arid
a sufficient amount of money to enable us to main
tain the honor and independence of this govern
ment, let it be assailed Irom whatever quarter it
mar.
The communication was then referred to the
Military Committee.
Mr. Stephens, chairman of the Committee to
organize Executive Departments, submitted the
following report :
A BILL
To be entitled an Act to authorise the President
to appoint a Private Secretary.
Be it enacted by the Congress of the Confede
rate States of America, and it is hereby enacted
by authority of the same. That the President of
the Confederate States of America, be and he is
hereby authorized to appoint a Private Secretary
through whom he may communicate with the
Congress, and present such business as he mav
desire to offer ; and that the said Secretary shall
discharge such duties as shall be assigned him by
the President, and receive such compensation as
shall be. fixed by law.
The bill was read three times and passed, and
ordered to be engrossed.
On motion of Mr. Stephens, Congress went into
secret session.
The following laws were passed and the injunc
tion of secrecy removed :
AN ACT,
To be entitled An Act to orgonize the Depart
ment of State.
Section 1. Be it enacted by the Confederate
States of America, in Cong Tess assembled, That
there shall be an Executive Department to be de
nominated the Department of State: and there
shall be a principal officer therein to be called the
Secretary of State, who shall perforin and execute
such duties as shall, from time to time, be enjoin
ed on, or entrusted to him, by the President of
the Confederate States, agreeably to the Constitu
tion, relative to correspondences, or instructions
to or with publie Ministers or Consuls from the
Confederate States, or to negotiations with public
Ministers from Foreign States or or to
memorials or other applications from Foreign
public ministers, and other foreigners, or to such
other matters respecting foreign affairs as the
President of the Confederate States shall assign
to the said department; aud furthermore the said
prihcipirl officer shall conduct the business or the
said department in such manner as the President
of the Confederate States shall, from time to time,
order or instruct. Said Secretary shall be ap
pointed by the President, by and with the advice
and consent of the Congress, and shall receive a
compensation to be ascertained and regulated by
law.
Sec. 2, Be it further enacted, It shall be the
.duty of the Secretary of State to keep and pre
serve all bills, and resolutions of the Congress
having been approved or signed by the President
or ortberwise become laws, and he shall carefully
preserve the originals, and shall as soon as con
veniently may be after he shall receive the same,
cause every such law, order and resolution to be
published in at lest three public newspapers, pub
lished within the Confederate States, and shall
also cause two printed copies, duly authenticated,
to be sent to the Executive authority of each
State. It shall be the dujy of the Secretary to
keep the great seal of the Confederate States,
and to make out and record and affix said seal to
all civil commissions to officers of the Confederate
States, to he appointed by the President, by and
with the advice of the Congress, or by the Presi
dent alone: Provided, that said seal shall not be
affixed to any commission before it is signed by
the President, nor to any other instrument or act
without the special warrant of the President
therefor. The said Secretary shall also cause a
seal of office to be made for said department, of
such device as the President shall approve ; and
all copies of records and papers in said etlice au- ,
thenticated under the said seal, shall be evidence
equally as the original record or paper.
Sec. 3. Be it further enacted, That there shall
be in the said department a Chief Clerk to he ap
pointed by the Secretary, and such other Clerks
us from time to time may be found necessary, and
authorized by the Congress, who shall receive a
compensation for their services to be fixed by
law—and the Secretary of State and every other
person to be appointed or employed in said de
partment shall, before he enters ou the execution
of his office or employment, take an oath or af
firmation well and faithfully to execute the trust
committed to him.
Sec. 4. Be it further enacted, There shall be
paid to the Secretary, for the use of the Confede
rate States, the following fees of office by the per
sons requiring the services to be performed, ex
cept when they are performed lor any officer of
the Confederate States iu a matter relating to the
duties of his office, to wit: for making out aud
authenticating copies of records, ten cents for
each hundred words, and for authenticating a copy
of a record or paper, under the seal of oflice, one
dollar.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, This act shall
be in force and take effect from and after its pas
sage.
The Executive Departments were organized to
day in secret session, and the secrecy removed.
NAVY DEPARTMENT.
An Act to establish the Navv Department.
Be it enacted. <fcc., That an Executive Depart
ment be, and the same is hereby established, to
be called the Navy Department.
Sec. 2. Be it further enacted, That the chief
officer of said Department shall be called the Se
cretary of the Navy, and shall, under the direc
tion and control of the President, have charge of
all matters and things connected with the Navy
of the Confederacy ; and shall perform all such
duties appertaining to the Navy, as shall from
time to time be assigned to him by the President.
Sec. 3. Be it further enacted, That said Secre
tary shall be authorized to appoint ’.a chief clerk,
and such other clerks as may be found necessary,
and be authorized by law.
POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT.
An Act to establish the Post Office Department.
Be it enacted, by the Confederate States of
America in Congress assembled, That there shall
be an Executive Department to be denominated
the Post Office Department; and there shall be a
principal officer therein, to be called the Post
master General, who shall perform such duties in
relation to Post Offices and Post Routes as shall
be enjoined upon him by the President of the
Confederate States, agreeably to the Constitution
and the Laws of the land, who shall be paid au
annual salary, to be fixed by law, and have power
to appoint a Chief Clerk and such inferior Clerks
as may be found necessary, who shall receive such
compensation as may be fixed by law.
DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE.
An Act to organize and establish the Department
of Justice.
Section 1. The Congress of the Confederate
States of America, do enact, That from and after
the passage ot this Act, there shall be an Execu
tive Department to be known as the Department
of Justice—the principal officer at the head of
said department, shall be denominated the Attor
ney Genaral who shall be paid an annual salary
to be fixed by law, and who shall have the power
to appoint a Clerk at such compensation as may
be fixed by law.
Sec. 2. It shall be the duty of the Attorney Gen
eral to prosecute and conduct all suits in the Su
preme Court iu which the Confederate States shall
be coneerned, and to give his advice and opinion
upon questions of law when required by the Pre
sident of the Confederated States, or when request
ed by any of the heads of Departments, touching
any of the matters that may concern t heir De
partments on subjects before them. He shall also
have supervisory power over the accounts of the
Marshalls, Clerks, and Officers of all the Courts of
the Confederate States, and all claims against the
Confederate States.
WAR DEPARTMENT.
An Act to establish the War Department.
Sec. 1. Be it enacted, That an Executive Depart
ment be and the same is hereby established under
the name of the War Department, the chief officer
of which shall be called the Secretary of War.
Sec. 2. Be it further enacted, That said Secreta
ry shall, under the direction and control of the
President, have charge of all matters and things
connectdd with the army, and with the Indian
tribes within the limits of the Confederacy, and
shall perform such duties appertaining to the
army, and to said. Indian tribes, as may from time
to time lie assigned to him by the President.
Sec. 3. Be it further enacted, That the Secretary
of said Department is hereby authorized to ap
point a Chief Clerk thereof, and as many inferior
Cicrks as may be found necessary and may be au
thorized by law.
AN ACT.
To be entitled an Act to establish the Treasury
Department.
The Congress of the Confederate States of Ameri
ca do enact That there shall be ah Executive De
partment to be known as the Department of
Treasury, in which shall be the following officers,
namely : a Secretary of the Treasury, to be deemed
the head of the department; a Comptroller, an
Auditor, a Register, a Treasurer, and an Assist
ant to the Secretary of the Treasury, which As
sistant shall be appointed bv the said Secretary;
all of which officers shall receive such salaries
respectively as may he provided by law.
Skc. 2. And be it further enacted. That it shall
be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to
superintend the collection of the public revenue ;
to digest and prepare plans for the improvement
aud management thereof, and for the support of
the public credit; to prepare and report estimates
of the public revenue and the public expenditures;
to decide on the forms ofkeeping and stating ac
counts and making returns, and to grant, under
the limitations herein established or to be here
after provided,-all warrants for moneys to be paid
into the Treasury, and all warrants for moneys to
be issued from the Treasury in. pursuance of ap
propriations by law ; to execute such services
relative to the sale of the public property belong
ing to the Confederate States as by law may be
required of him . to make reports and give infor
mation to the Congress or the President—in per
son or in writiog, as'may be required—concerning
all matters referred to him by the Congress or
the President respectively, and which shall ap
pertain to his office ; and generally to perform all
such services relative to the finances, and all such
other duties, as he may by law be directed to per
form.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the
Secretary of the Treasury shall huve power to
appoint a Chief Clerk, and also such other clerks
from time to time as he may deem necessary and
Congress may authorize by law, which officers
shall respectively receive such compensation us
may he provided by law.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the Sec
retary shall cause to he procured an official seal
for the Department of Treasury, to be approved
by the President; and copies of all official papers
or records in said department, certified under the
seal thereof, shall he received in evidence in all
the courts of the Confederate States in lieu of such
original papers or records.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That it shall
be the duty of the Assistant Secretary of the
Treasury to examine all letters, contracts and
warrants prepared tor the signature of the Secre
tary of the Treasury, and perform such other du
ties as may be devolved on him by law or by the
Secretary of the Treasury.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That it shall
be the duty of the Comptroller to superintend the
adjustment and preservation of the public ac !
counts; to examine all accounts settled hv the
Auditor, and certify the balances arising thereon
to the Register; to countersign all warrants
drawn by the Secretary of the Treasury which
shall be authorized by law ; to report to the Se
cretary the official forms of all papers to be issued
in the different offices for collecting the public
revenue, and the manner and form of keeping
and stating the accounts of the several persons
employed therein. He shall moreover provide
for the” regular and punctual payment of all
moneys which may be collected, aud shall direct
prosecutions for all delinquencies of officers of
the revenue, and for debts that are or shall be due
to the Confederate States. . „
Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That it shall
be the dutv of the Auditor to receive all publie
accounts, and after examination to certify the
balance and transmit the accounts, with the
vouchers and certificate, to the Comptroller for
his decision thereon : Provided, That if any per
son whose account shall be so audited be dissatis
fied therewith, he may appeal to the Comptroller
against such^settlement.
Sec S And be it further enacted, That the Au
ditor of the Public Accounts shall be empowered
to administer oaths or affirmations to witnesses
in any case in which he may deem it necessary or
proper for the due examition of the accounts with
which he may be charged.
Sec. 9. And be it further enacted, That it shall
be tbe duty of the Register to keep all accounts
of the receipts and expenditures of tbe public
money, and of all debts due to or from the Con
federate States ; to receive from the Comptroller
tbe accounts which shall have been finally adjust
ed, and to preserve such accounts, with their
vouchers ana certificates; to reiord all warrants
for the receipt or payment of moneys at the
Treasury, certify the same thereon, and to trans
mit to the Secretary of the Treasury copies of the
certificates of balances of accounts adjusted as
I herein directed.
Sec 10. And be it further enacted, That it shall
be thedutvof the Treasurer to receive and keep the
! moneys of the Confederate States, and to disburse
the same upon warrants drawn by the Secretary
I of the Treasury, countersigned by the Comptrol
i ler, and recorded by the Register, and not other
wise • he shall take receipts for all moneys paid
by him, and all receipts for moneys received by
1 h'm shall be endorsed upon warrants signed by
i the Secretary of the Treasury, without which
i warrant, so signed, no acknowledgment for money
j received into the Public Treasury shall be valid,
j And the said Treasurer shall render his accounts
to the Comptroller quarterly, or oftener it requir
! ed, and shall transmit a copy thereof, when set
tied, to the Secretary of the Treasury. He shall,
j a t all times, submit to the Secretary'of tbe Trea
sury and the Comptroller or either of them, the
inspection of the books and records in his office
and of all moneys in bis hands; and shall, prior
to the entering upon the duties of his office, give
\ bond, with good and sufficient sureties, to b-- ap
proved by the Secretary of the Treasury and
Comptroller, in the sum of $150,000, payable to
the Confederate States of America, with condition
for the faithlul performance of the duties of his
office, aud for the fidelity of the persons to be by
him employed, which bond shall be lodged in the
j office of the Comptroller.
Sec. 11. And be it further enacted, That no per
son appointed to any office instituted by this act,
shall, airectly or indirectly be concerned or inter
ested as owner in whole or in part of any sea
vessel, or purchase by himself, or another in trust
for him, any public property or forfeited goods,
or be concerned in the purchase or disposal of any
public securities of anv State, or of the Confederate
States, or take or apply to his own use any emolu
ment or gain for negotiating or transacting any
business in the said department, other than
What shall be allowed by law ; and if auy
Eerson shall offend against any of the pro
ibitions of this act, he shall be guilty of a high
misdemeauor, and forfeit to the Confederate
States the penalty of three thousand dollars, and
shall, upon conviction, be removed from office,
and forever thereafter be incapable of holding any
office under the Confederate States : Provided,
that if any other person than a public prosecutor
shall give information of any such offence, upon
which a prosecution and conviction shall be had,
one-half the aforesaid penalty of three thousand
dollars, when recovered, shall be for the use of
the person giving such information. m '~ “
SIXTEENTH DAY.
Montgomery, Ala., Feb. 21, 1861. —The Conven
tion met to-day at neon.
The Journals of yesterday were read aud con
firmed.
Mr. Chilton, of Ala., said he had two communi
cations, sent to him by a scientific gentleman—one
iu relation to cast-iron cannon, und the other in
relation to patents. This gentleman has a plan
by which he cau render rifled cast-iron fully equal
to, and perhaps superior, to the Armstrong gun.
He desires to try the experiment, and demon
strate to the committee ou military affairs, the
excellency of his cast iron guns. One of those
communications was referred to the Military Com
mittee, and the other to the Committee on Pa
tents. The references were made.
Mr. Fearn, of Ala., presented a communication
from Mr. Marshal, on the subject of metal cast
ings. which, without reading was referred to the
Military Committee.
Mr. T. R. R. Cobb, of Ga., offered the follow
ing resolution of inquiry into the expediency of
an export duty on cotton ;
Resolved, That the Committee on Finance be
instructed to inquire into the expediency of lay
ing au export duty on all raw cotton which may
be exported from the Confederate States to any
foreign country, by any other channel than
through the seaports of this Confederacy.
Mr. Cobb said—l propose merely, Mr. Presi
dent, to refer that resolution to the Finance Com
mittee. At this time I am not prepared to dis
cuss the policy of levying such a duty. That we
have the power to do so, there can be no doubt.
I apprehend that we are conscious of the power
we hold in our hands, by reason of our producing
that staple so necessary to the world. I doubt
not that power will exert an influence greater and
mightier than armies and navies. We know that
an embargo we could soon place, not only the
United States, but many of the European powers,
under the necessity of electing between such a
a recognition of our independence, as we require,
or domestic convulsions at home. The informa
tion in our possession seems to justify such an en
quiry as the resolution proposes, It is a fact that
some of the cotton new produced iu this Confed
eracy is already seeking anew channel to the sea.
We are informed that at Pittsburg, Pa., more
thun 20,000 bales of cotton have already been
received and conveyed thither up the Mississippi
aud Ohio rivers. We are also informed that more
than twenty thousand bales of cotton, from
Rome, Ga., have been sent by railroad to seek a
port at Norfolk and Alexandria. We are further
informed that the Directors of the railroads com
municating with the principal Hues in our territo
ry, are now concerting schemes for the purpose
of reducing freights on those roads, in order in
that way to entice our cotton to markets in Not th
em ports. The result of such a course; if suc
cessful, would, in the first place, necessarily be to
make the blockade of our ports a matter of no im
portance to foreigu nations; 2d, it would destroy
all commerce with our owu sea-ports; and third
ly, and most important of all, it would compel us
to receive all the imported goods we might, need,
after paying duties on them in New York city.
These considerations have induced me to otter
this resolution of inquiry. Ido not think that
the resolution should elicit discussion at the pre
sent time, but after the Committee on Finance
have made their report, it may become a grave
matter for the consideration of this body.
The resolution was adopted.
Mr. Shorter, of Ala.. Chairman of the Commit
tee on engrossments, reported as duly enrolled
and ready for the signature of the President, the
following acts :
An act to determine the salaries of Vice-Presi
dent and the heads of Departments.
An act to organize the Department of State.
An act to establish the Navy Department.
An act to establish the War Department.
An act to orgauize and establish an Executive
Department to be known as the Department of
Justice.
An act to establish the Post Office Department.
On motion, Cougress went into secret session.
Congress adjourned about 3 o’clock. None of
the business transacted was made public, with the
exception of the confirmations of a portion of the
Cabinet. There were no other nominations made
to Congress, to-day by the President, than the
following:
Secretary of State.—Hon. R. Toombs of Geor
gia.
Secretary of the Treasury.—Hon. C. G. Mem
minger, of South Carolina.
Secretary of War.—Hon. L. Pope Walker, of
Alabama.
The foregoing nominations were confirmed and
Congress adjourned until to-morrow 12 o’clock.
Correspondence, of the. Columbus Times.
From Pensacola.
Fort Bauancas, Feb. 12, 1861. —Last Saturday
another bearer of dispatches arrived from Wash
ington and demanded a passport and conveyance
to Fort Pickens. He was at once sent over by
Col. Lomax, but the character of his dispatches is
not yet known. Some two hours after his arrival,
a signal flag was raised upon the fort and a heavy
gun fired. At intervals through the day the gun
was fired, but for what purpose we could not
learn. The next morning the masts of the Wy
andotte came in sight, aud immediately after an
other gun was fired from the fort, the “stars and
stripes” put at half-mast, and, although daylight,
a rocket sent up. The Wyandotte came secretly
into the harbor, and under a flag of truce, run up
to the Navy Yard* and a little later to the fort,
where she is now lying. Nothing new appears
this morning, except the smoke of several tires
upon Fort Pickens and two extra derricks and
sling carts, for the purpose of mounting heavy
guns. They seem to keep busy over there, and
mount two or three guns a day. Now they have
more than double the number than when we came,
and in addition, two heavy Cocorn mortars.
Fort Barancas, Feb. 13, 1861.—Soon after the
arsival of the Brooklyn, of which I told you in
my last, the other vessels belonging to the Gulf
Squadron came in sight, and sinee have been
cruising outside the bar, never getting entirely
from view. Sunday another bearer of despatches
for Fort Pickens arrived and was passed over to the
fort. His mission must have been a peaceful one,
for since matters have somewhat changed. The
work of mounting guns on Pickens is stopped,
and also the work going on at the Navy Yard,—
Lt. Slemmer sent a note to Col. Forney, who has
succeeded Col. Lomax in command, demanding
that no more guns should be mounted upon the
battery which bears upon bis fort. As the de
mand was made in conformity to the armistice,
which is understood ou both sides, it was regard
ed as right, and the work upon the battery was
suspended. One heavy ten-inch Columbiad was
already upon its carriage, another just ready to
mount, so it will be but little labor now should
occasion require to place it in working order.
Near night the Wyandotte ran up the harbor
and sent a boat ashore to inspect the work. No
of position was offered and they returned, satis
fied probably that the battery was % good one
even if built by volunteers. I learn also that for
two weeks past several men have been busily em
ployed in mounting sea-coast howitzers at Fort
Mcßae, and in other preparations for defence —
this too is now stopped. I have seen no pub
lished account of the reasons why hostilities were
suspended, but presume it has already been made
public, as both parties are acting under truce.
The rumor here is that the fort is to be held until
the 4th of March, and then peaceably delivered
over to the officer who may demand it in the
name of the Confederate States of America. There
may be no truth in this, but it has gained consid
erable credence, and the recent action of the fede
ral officer, as well as some chance expressions,
seetn to confirm it.
East night therewas a very severe storm in the
Gulf, and the rain fell in torrents for several
hours. Several of our men, who unfortunately
lived in leaky tents, had their sleep disturbed by
streams of water. The thunder and lightning
was terrific, and for this season of tbe year, ex
ceeded anything I have ever seen or heard. The
night was intensely dark, and except when a flash
of lightning came to their aid- the sentinels were
unable to see across the ramparts. Upon the
lower battery the sentinel came near being badly
injured by a fall from the parapet to the ground
below, a distance of some thirty feet. He escaped
with a few severe bruises only, which seems al
most a miracle. He was a printer—and this re
minds me to speak of the printers’ squad, of
which vour correspondent has been elected cap
tain. They have the largest gun upon the fort, a
ton inch seacost howitzer, which has been named
“ The Ben Franklin.” Thus far the “Printers’
Squad” has been the most ready and willing of
any in camp, and have won praises from the com
mander of the fort. A few days ago the printers
of Montgomery made up a purse and sent doa n
two boxes of provisions, with the compliments of
the “ Typos of Montgomery.” For my share, 1
here beg leave to tender my sincere thanks.
Special Dispatch to the Charleston Courier.
natters at Washiugton.
Washington, Feb. la.—The Force Bill of Mr.
Stanton, of Ohio, was taken up in the House to
day, causing an earnest debate and intense ex
citement.
Another Bill was introduced, the distinctly
avowed object of which is to place within the
power and reach of the President all the military
forces that can be obtained from the regular army
in sixty days. It is declared by its friends that
the purpose of this Bill is to defend the public
property, resist the march of Southern armies,
and subjugate the revolutionists, and at the same
time blockade the ports of the seceding States.
In reply to a question, Mr. Stanton said he did
not deem it unconstitutional to close the ports in
the manner prescribed by the Bill.
Mr. Bocock of Virginia, styled this Bill an open
declaration of war, and said’ if it was passed, he
wanted the people of the South to prepare for this
issue.
Mr. Burnet, of Kentucky, proposed that the
Democrats should come to a “ dead lock ” on
House business, and sit continuously until the 4tb
of March, resorting to Parliamentary tactics to
defeat the Bill.
Mr. Sickles, of X. Y., said that was unnecessary
as Mr. Lincoln has expressly declared “ there was
do cause for alarm ” and “ nobody was hurt.”
Amid great excitement, confusion and deep
feeling the Bill was carried over to he considered
to-morrow. It is doubtful whether it will pass the
Senate.
The President has given assurance that lie will
sign no such Bill.
In the Peace Conference to-day the committee
report was discussed. Also, the proposition to
establish slavery .South of 36 30’ not including
future acquisitions. No definite conclusion has
been arrived at.
Mr. Rives, of Virginia, implored the Confer
ence to come to a vote on the subject to-day. He
said he believed it would be adopted to-morrow.
The Special Committee of Five have agreed to
report a resolution to the House, censuring tbe
Secretaty of the Navy for accepting the resigna
tions of Officers of the Navy from the seceding
States, when they were in open hostility against
this Government.
Sad Accident.—A Mr. Lee, planter on the St.
John's river, was accidentally lost overboard from
the steamer St. Mary’s, on tbe morning of the
14th iDst., off St. Simon's. Boats were immedi
ately lowered, and every exertion made to effect
bis rescue without ay ail. —Fernandina Floridian,
\ 20th.
VOL. LXXV. —NEW SERIES VOL. XXV. NO. 9.
(COMMUNICATED.)
Educational IScpoNftory and Family
Monthly,
Editor Chron. cf: Sent.: —Will your allow a
word at tins time, when all have a right to speak,
about the demands of the Confederate States of
America ? W e all agree that Fort Sumter, Fort
lickeus, tort Taylor, and all the other forts on
.Southern soil, must be ours for our safely, for our
honor and for our perpetuity. There is someth
mg else needs guarding besides the Southern
coast. Southern innocent-hearted youth need a
sentinel, to guard their educational interests. We
all look to the fanaticism of the North, as the
mother of the disruption of the Union ; the moth
er of fanatism was Puritanism, that worked its
way through books—and other productions of the
Press to the masses. We at the South use books
made at the North, and are likely to continue so
doing for a while at least. Many of these text
books have poison concealed under some innocent
looking leaf, that infuses itself into the breast of
unsuspecting youth. We need a great monster
critic here at the South, that is not afraid to ex
pose the faults, and to commend the merits of all
school books. One that knows no Davies, no
Dodd, no Smith, Ray or Greenleaf ad infinitum in
Arithmetic—no Mitchell, no Smith, nor Maury,
nor Corwell in Geography, but puts each in the
smutting machine, and lei it make just what pure
flour it can. Such is the Educational Repository
and Family Monthly, published at Atlanta, Ga.
at $2.00 per annum, by G. B. 11 ay good, Esq.—
Among other objects set forth in the Constitution
adopted by the Educational Society, of which
this periodical is the organ, the securiug unifor
mity in textbooks and especially the driving out
of inferior und tainted ones are two prominent
ones. These are proposed to be done, uot by
mere annual conventions, and annual reiteration of
resolutions, but bv standing committees who re
port through this organ on different text books,
and commend the good, and condemn the bad.
1 hope no one will iook upon the kind of text
book as a small matter, as a good-book is just as
necessary as a good plow, or any other imple
ment of good husbandry, for good execution. A
few reports have already made a stir among the
publishers of Northern books. When one of our
Southern men acquainted with every quire of the
demon that walks about Chicago and Boston, and
New York, exposes him to the hot sun of the
South, lie shrinks away sun struck, or so awfully
pen struck, that he never returns unless his faith
and temperament are changed.
This periodical is designed for Southern teach
ers especially—all of them should take it and read
it. Its merits are not, we think, equalled by any
similar journal in the South, and surpassed by
none in the Union—no, in the dis-union. Teach
ers here are invited to give their experience.—
The young man who begins teaching may, by
reading the experience of others, learn in an hour
what he would acquire, (if at all) at the expense
of much time and labor, and to the injury of many
promising minds. Let every teacuer take it ;
would it be amiss to ask parents, who like solid
reading to take two dollars worth of interest in
the education of their children ? This periodical,
it is true, is but a year old, but it is full grown.—
It came into existence like Minerva replete with
wisdom. It has begun its second annual round.
It l, a teacher, take the Cultivator, may 1 uot
ask the farmer to take this periodical that is des
tined, in the writer’s opinion, to do more for Ge
orgia Education, than any other production of the
press? If one must practice what he preaches,
should he not be allowed to preach what he prac
tices, viz : a liberal interchange of views, and es
pecially of money among men of all avocations.
The Doctor has his Journal, the Farmer his
Cultivator, the herdsman his Monthly, but the
instructor of youth, set in his ways, absolute
monarch of the school room, with many a tender
plant blooming around him that must be harvest
ed for immorality needs no light! Some of the
best educators South are contributors to this
Monthly, may not all feel heat at the focus?
Primus.
The Peace Congress.
A general debate took place in the Congress ou
Saturday.
Mr. Baldwin, of Connecticut, moved to substi
tute his proposition for a National Convention, in
lieu of Mr. Guthrie’s proposition, reported from
the Committee. He sustained liis motion in an
elaborate speech, in which he reviewed the condi
tion of affairs and the causes which had produced
them. He believed that the only remedy now’
was a National Convention. Any other proposed
remedies would fail to meet the wishes of the two
Houses of Congress.
Mr. Guthrie, of Kentucky, opposed the motion
in a speech of great po\ver, and sustained the re
port of the Committee, of which he was Chair
man. He urged upon the Convention speedy ac
tion. There was no time to be lost. If the Con
vention really intended to adopt measures which
would restore peace and good brotherhood be
tween the States, they ought to do so at once.
Mr. Curtis, of lowa, followed next„but did not
sustain the call ot a National Convention or the
report of the Committee. It was a disquisition
upon political affairs generally, and could be ir.
terpreted to mean everything, or nothing, us the
case might be.
The question next arose as to what the report
of the Committee meant respecting the Territorial
question. It was contended by several, among
whom was Reverdy Johnson, that it riot only ap
plies to onr present Territories, but. to future ac
quisitions also, and with that view he (Mr. John
son) should move an amendment, so as to exclude
territory hereafter acquired.
The debate was kept up to nearly three o’clock,
when they adjourned until Monday at 11 o’clock.
[Special Dispatch to the Daltiifiore American.]
Washington, Feb. 18.—We had a rumor, gene
rally current on the streets here yesterday, that
the Peace Conference broke up on Saturday under
an agreement to disagree. This is wholly un
founded. The proceedings on Saturday gave
hope that the report of the Committee would be
adopted.
To-day was given to debate, and to morrow
there will be an effort to bring the Conference to
a vote, which, from the* demonstrations on Satur
day, will probably stand thus :
ror the Report—Rhode Island, New Jersey,
Pennsylvania, Illinois, Delaware, Maryland, Vir
ginia, North Carolina, Kentucky, Teunessee and
Missouri—ll.
Against the Report—Maine, New Hampshire,
Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York,
Ohio, Indiana, lowa and Wisconsin—lo.
This vote would carry the report of the Com
mittee by one majority, hut there will he only
four out of fourteen free States voting for it.
’lhe vote ot Ohio would have heeu for the re
port had Judge Wright lived. He held the cast
ing vote of his State, and advocated Mr. Guthrie’s
proposition. His place has been tilled by the ap
pointment of Mr. Walcott, a notorious Abolition
ist, who moved the adjournment of his court in
honor of John Brown, on theoccasiou ofhis being
hung.
Ttie t irginia Commissioners desire to leave no
thing to construction, and in this they are sus
tained by Maryland and the other States. Hence
efforts will he made to clear up all ambiguities by
amendments before a direct vote he taken oil the
report.
Mr. Tyler has also proposed amendments to the
effect that the President shall appoint all Territo
rial officers for Southern Territories upon the
recommendation of two-thirds of the Southern
Senators, and those for the Northern Territories
upon a similar recommendation from two-thirds
oi the Northern Senators. This is designed to
guard the Southern territory from anti-slavery
propagandists in the way of Federal officers.
The States ol Rhode Island, New Jersey and
Peunsylvaniiwire anxious aud determined to have
a satisfactory .settlement, and expTTss a perfect
willingness to support any and every proposition
looking to that end, and their Commissioners
threaten the Republican party, if they do not
come forward and prevent a dissolution of the
Union, that their States will go with the South.
t The extremists of the Republican members of
Congress express a determination to do all thev
can to defeat any movements for a settlement
which the Conference may-make, alleging as a
reason therefor that as the next Administration
is to be responsible for the settlement or non
settlement of the difficulty, the matter should be
left to the management of Mr. Lincoln and his
Cabinet.
The debate in the Conference to-day has been
quite spirited, and as the Hon. Francis Granger
arrived here this evening to take his seat as a
Commissioner from New York, hopes are enter
tained that the vote of that State will he cast for
the report. 1 here is also some hopes entertained
this evening that Ohio will vote in the affirmative.
Tiie Plan oe Compromise.—The report of the
Committee, although acceptable to the Southern
States, lias some features that are objected to.
The first article premises as follows :
Article 1. In all the territory of the United
States not embraced within the'limits of the Cher
okee treaty grant, north of a line from east to
west, on the parallel of 36 deg. 30 min. north lati
tude, involuntary punishment, except in punish
ment of crime, is prohibited whilst it shall be un
der a Territorial Governmant; and in all the ter
ritory south of said line the status of persons ow
ing service or labor as it now exists shall not be
changed by law while such Territory shall be un
der a Territorial Government; and neither Con
gress nor the Territorial Government shall have
power to hinder or prevent the taking to said
Territory of persons held to labor or involuntary
service within the United States, according to the
laws or usages of any State from which such per
sons may be taken, nortoimpairt.be rights arising
out of said relations, which shall he subject to
judicial cognizance in the Federal Courts accord
ing to the common law ; and when any territory
north or south of said line, within such boundary
as Congress may prescribe, shall contain a popu
lation required for a member of Congress, ac
cording to the then Federal ratio of representa
lion, it shall, if its form of government he repub
lican, be admitted into the Union on an equal
footing with the original States, with or without
involuntary service or labor, as the Constitution
of such new State may provide.
It is contended that this provision is vague and
uncertain in several particulars. While it ex
eludes the Cherokee grant, nearly a degree which
lies north of the line from the operation of its
provisions, it is silent as to this grant south of the
line, although it covers an immense extent of tbe
finest Territory in the southwest. Should the
Indian title to this Territory be extinguished by
the United States what would be its status’!
would it fall under the operation of this provi
sion ?
The general interpretation is that it would not,
but that the whole territorial difficulty wo ild be
again revived. But should the Cherokee Indians
desire to be admitted as a State into the Union,
which’ is more likely to he the case, would the
State be admitted “with or without^voluntary
servitude,” as she might desire, according to the
provisions of this report? Many say not. It
might be a doubtful question, and the Virginia
Commissioners have endeavored to have these
doubts removed by clear and explicit language.
Again the article provides that “ the rights
arising out of said relations (slavery) shal
be protected by the Federal courts according to
the common law.”
Query—What protection does the common law
give to slavery ?
One distinguished English jurist says it affords
no protection. Another, equally eminent, says it
does. Mr. Benjamin gave it as his opinion in ihe
Senate that the common law protected slave pro
perty in the Territories. Senators Fessenden and
Coliamer, both able lawyers, say it does not.
The Pelican Flag Repudiated.—The Louisiana
Legislature, on the 13th inst., discarded tbe Peli
can flag, the bird being pronounced “ungainly in
sight, filthy in habit and cowardly in nature.”
The following flag was adopted amidst the enthu
siastic plaudits of the spectators :
The flag is composed of thirteen stripes, blue,
white ana red, alternate, so as to represent the
thirteen old colonies, as well as the tri-color flag
of France. The Union is composed of a pale yel
low star in a square field of red, to represent the
national colors of the flag of Spain—thus group
ing together three uationalties, emblematic of the
origin of the State.
Price Advanced.—We learn from a gentleman
extensively engaged in the anction business, that
the price of negroes has advanced considerably,
and that their are now very few in this market
for sale. —Richmond Dispttch.
Maryland.
An informal convention, unauthorized by the
Governor, is in session at Baltimore. The aims
and sentiments of the Convention are, perhaps,
best set forth in the address ot Judge Chambers,
its President. He said:
This Convention, as 1 understand it, is called
for the purpose of ascertaining—so far as could
be ascertained by consultation with the represen
tatives of all sections of the State—the course
which is best for Maryland to pursue in the pre
sent crisis. Its honest, avowed purpose is of
doing as best we may all that lies within our dele
gated power to promore the peace ot the natiou
and the interests of Maryland. 1 know there are
those who entertain a very mistaken idea of the
character of this body, and motives and purposes
as false as they are uncharitable and unjust have
been attributed to it. But errors of that class are
unavoidable in periods of high excitement, and
therefore it is that in our own deliberations we
should carefully guard against irritating, intem
perate expressions which shall impugn the inte
grity ot those entertaining different views from
ourselves. The men who unjustly ascribe to this
t onvention any purpose of secession have most
gravely misconceived the object of the assemblage.
I Applause, chiefly in the galleries.] If any man
las aided in placing me in the Chair under the
impression that I favor the doctrine or the net of
secession, I take occasion to say he has not Paid
me a compliment.
I regard secession as the greatest curse which
has ever alien upon the nation [applause in the
galleries,] and So man can begin to conceive the
ment W m “ St reSult IVom Il “-’ secession move-
I am for the Union ns long as there is a pros
pect tor maintaining it. lam tor the Union just
so long as it can be maintained consistently with
the honor and dfgmty of Maryland.. [Great and
continued applause.] Is there a man who would
wish to go further? Is there n man who in private
relations would consent to bold communion -nth
those who have constantly violated his rights and
outraged his dignity and honor? [Applause.] Is
there a right thinking man who can consent upon
questions of honor to control his actions by pecu
niary considerations ; or is there a nation which
would consent to fill in the eyes of the world a
position a* once dishonorable and cowardly for
the sake ot tilling its treasury with gold and silver;
and if. not, is there a State in this Union which
would agree to its own degradation ? No. There
tore, while I say that I consider secession to be
the accumulation of all the evils which have af
-I!icted us, yet. 1 hold that it must be submitted to
when the only remaining alternative is dishonor
and degradation. [Vehement applause.]
E\en those who have opposed the course we
have thought proper to pursue declare that they
will resign all the blessings which llow Irmii
union, and eucounter all the dangers of secession
rather than to purchase the privilege of peace with
shame und dishonor.
Montgomery coneep&t, deuce o/ Charhdon Mercury.
The ConstUuili ■■—tii. Imperfections---
Tori Slimier, Ac.
Montgombhv, February 14, 1801.
Upon one point there appears to be a lived de
termination and straightforward action here lie
construction is dead. A Southern Confederation
is established ; and the Southern Confederacy isa
*' x °d thing. Hut what sort of a Confederacy ?
Here the Convention is at sea ; and vague dreads
ot the future, and terrors of the people, and in
some degree a want of statesmanship, paralyze all
useful and essential reform, and weaken men inn.
inaction. Let your people prepare their minds
tor a failure in the tuture Permanent Houtberu
Constitution. For South Carolina is about'to be
saddled with almost every grievance except
Abolition, for which she has long struggled, and
just withdrawn from the lute United States Gov
ernment. Surely McDuffie lived in vain, and Cul
houn taught for nought, if vve are again to he
plundered, and our commerce crippled, destroyed,
by tariffs—even discriminating tariffs. Vet this
is the almost inevitable prospect. The fruit of
the labors of thirty odd long years, in strife and
bitterness, is shout to slip through our lingers.
But is this all wo arc* about to be called on to
enact und bear ? it is only the beginning.
Ihe three-tilths rule ot representation forslaves
was one of the many Yankee swindles put upon
us in the formation of the old Constitution. It is
a radicaj wrong. It most unfairly dwarfs the pow
er ofsoine of the States in any federal representa
tion. The proportion of her black to ttiu white
population, is very much larger than that, ot any
other slave State. By the old swindle, her fair
proportion of representation was cut down upon
all her slaves in proportion, as if is to f>. The
black population, being in a majority in our State,
two tittles of more than one halt of the people of
the State are entirely unrepresented. And in just
the degree that the proportion of the black popula
tion in South Carolina predominates over the pro
portion of the blacks to the whites in any other
State, is the swindle augmented and aggravated.
South Carolina is small enough without again
flinging away what legitimate power she possesses.
That povvoer is in her slaves—socially,politically,
economically. The proportion of the three-fifths
rule calls upon her not only to stultify herself, hut
to dwarf her powers.
Is this all ? It is not. She is probably to be
called upon to brand herself and her institutions.
The old Constitution of the United States mere
ly grants to the Congress the power to prohibit by
law the further introduction of slaves from Africa
or elsewhere outside of the United States. Ter
rorism here is about to make its perpetual pro-’
hibition a fundamental provision of the Constitu
tion itself. A stigma is thus broadly stumped
upon the whole institution before the whole world
and sealed by ourselves. That Congress should
have power to prohibit the trade is a legitimate
provision. I should not object to such a provision.
It is a matter of trade, business and general econo
my. There may, or there may not, be a sufficient
supply of African labor uosv in America. Os
this it is for the peoples of the several States to
decide, through their representatives in the general
Congress. But to brand it by a fundamental
article of thfe Constitution itself, is to cast an in
famous slur upon the whole institution—the lives
and the properties of every slaveholder in the
land.
For what have we cast off* the North as a rot
ten incubus, if we are thus to re-enact all of their
swindles, outrages, and insolences upon our
,selves ? To he plundered and manacled with
discriminating tariftWto stultify ourselves with
half-way representation—and to endorse all the
slanders and insolence of the Northern States ?
All this is not eucouragiug to our hopes. Hut
there rematns two methods of retrieving our
selves. The first is, in our Convention. W e may
have to follow the example of 1788. The second
is, by providing in the Constitution, for the pre
sent, an easy way of amendment; and South
Carolina may'insist upon amendments upon
these points being made. Doubtless public spirit
will advance. Many men here want information.
They are ignorant and unpracticed in this mat
tei. There is still room for much hope in the
end—with the exercise on our part of much firm
ness.
It is greatly to be regretted that the debates
upon the Constitution will propahly not be public.
It seems to me that they will be very imporiant
as guides in the future, whereby we may he ena
bled to comprehend its meaning—the proper in
terpretation oi its language.
To change the subject,—a nice pickle South Ca
rolina has beeu placed in with regard to Fort
Sumter. Three weeks ago it was feared by many
that any assault upon that, fort was to be post
poned to tbe 4th February, and then to be turned
over to the action of the Southern Congress.
Such has proved the fact. What has been gained?
President Davis will not be inaugurated until
Saturday evening, the 16th February. This is the
earliest period possible. Circumstances may still
further delay it. The Monday two weeks follow
ing Lincoln is to be inaugurated at Washington.
What opportunity is there between these two
dates for Mr. Davis to make preparations for
attack—to make his demand upon Mr. Buchanan
for its surrender, and to receive u, answer before
the 4th March ? None whatever. We will have
to light, and we will have to tight Lincoln instead
of Buchanan. And who are to do the lighting V
South Carolinians, and none but South Caroli
nians. Tbe fort will, of course, be reiuforcud if
it is in the power of mail to do it. Will anybody
tell me how lives have been saved by this poli
cy. ? The attitude of our State has been in a large
measnre demoralized—l will net say disgraced—
by the course pursued ; the political attitude of
the whole Southern Confederation has been em
barrassed and complicated ; and what is gained ?
-Nothing that I can see, but the spilling of much
more valuable blood than was at ail necessary.
However, people look upon matters in very
different ways. My view's may be all quite incor
rect. Reviewer.
Federal Reinforcement* at Hand.
The special dispatches of the Mercury, an
nouncing that a stealthy reinforcement of Fort
Suuiter had been determined on, and that Federal
troops, in boats, might be expected at any mo
ment that circumstances should happen to favor
their attempt to reach the fort, were confirmed
about uiue o’clock last night, by telegrams re
ceived by tbe Governor. Shortly afterwards, dis
patches came up front Fort Moultrie, stating that
the Lieutenant in charge of the harbor watch had
reported that he was informed by a pilot that the
steamship Daniel Webster had been seen by him
off (Jape Ro.uaui at noon. Notice was immedi
ately given to the different posts. General Dun
novant and Capt. Hamilton proceeded immediate
ly to Fort Moultrie. Major Stevens repaired to
the Morris Island batteries. Everything was got
in readiness for the expected visitors.
Up to the hour at which we go to press, (haif
past 4 o’clock,) there has been nothing seen either
of the Dauiel Webster, or her boats.
We are very sure that the gallant troops on
Morris and Sullivan’s Islands will keep a bright
lookout for ooth.— Charleston Mercury of Friday.
The following is the dispatch referred to :
Washington, Feb. 21.—There is the best reason
for believing that Holt designs reinforcing Fort
Sumter secretly by boats at night. The reinforce
ments have already been sent. You may look
out for them at any moment.
Tbe programme is also to surround Fort Dick
ens with ships-of-war. That post is considered
impregnable to the Southern forces. The whole
anxiety of Scott and the coercionists centres now
in Fort Sumter. There the Cabinet lias deter
mined that Lincoln shall find everything ready to
his hand.
Another Seizure of New York Arm*.
TUp to the present time the arms seized by tbe
New York Police, have failed to come to hand, or
even to be delivered into the possession of the
agent of the State in New York. There is no
prcspect of their recovery, according to present
appearances, and the Governor has determined to
resort to other means for reimbursing our citizens
for their loss. Under his order Col. Lawton seiz
ed yesterday, the following vessels now* in port,
belonging to citizens of New \ ork, and placed
them under a military guard :
Ship Martha S. \\ ard, 106 tons, Capt. Hinckley,
consigned to Brigham, Baldwin k Cos., and loading
for Liverpool.
Bark Adjusta, 410 tons,. Capt. Enell, consigned
to Muller k Michels, and loadiug for Queenstown
and a market.
Brig Harald, consigned to W. B. Giles k Cos.,
and loading with lumber for Sunderland.
These vessels are of sufficient value to make up
a good portion of the loss, and we presume the
Governor will forthwith advertise them for sale at
the expiration of thirty days, unless the aims
shall be laid down in Savannah in the meantime.
[Savannah Jiepublican i 2 ‘2d.
Merchants’ Meeting in Macon.— At a meeting
of the merchants of Macon, held a few days since 9
it was resolved, in view of the present condition
of things, to organize a Chamber of Commerce.
Among the resolutions adopted were the follow
ing :
Resolved, That we pledge ourselves, at the ear
liest practicable period, to purchase our supplies
from the European markets, and such others as
offer to us the greatest inducements ; and that
we may furnish goods at this place on the most
favorable terms possible.
Resolved, That the Banks of Georgia are re
spectfully invited to furnish the meichants of
Georgia with the facilities to carry out this noble
enterprise, aDd we doubt not it will be both their
interest and pleasure to aid in extending the com
mercial business ot the “Empire State of the
South/’