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Cjjnmtcie k jseittiud.!
GirrospomUnet of Ik’ CironicU <t ikntinfl.
MVTHEIK (OVGKKSS.
this r ris*t day.
Mb: -Cotijfress met tO'fluT I
*• l<t M. Pray?: w.s offered bv Rer. Biel j
Tlit I’reni ‘ ’ * Congress tbe follow- j
ing communication :
Sa’ o— >.h, Gi., March 8,1561.
To Bon. Bouell Col , /'< -lUnt.dx., Montgomery,
Ala.
.>*>•• Code; autbot itr of tbe Contention of
Georgia, lam ioetrur s to Ist before tbe Proris
tousl CongreßS tbe enclosed resolution. I hare
the honor to be. tour übedient servant,
A. K. I.amas, Pec’.r.
Cos’ atiox or Geosoia, 1
SAVAMlfiii, <i March 8,1841. f
ReAolveu. *f£iattlie jn-opie Georgia in Conven
tion assembled, n,*--‘ heartily approve tbe elec
tion by tbe Outgrew at Montgomery, of the Hon. .
Jefferson iHiria to tbe Presidency and tbe Hon.
Alesander 11. Step ns to the Vice Presidency or
ibe Provisional Government of tbe Confederate ■
States ol America, the duties of which position j
their distinguished public services and actaowl- ,
edged abilities eminently qualify them to ,
charge.
A true extracts from the minutes.
Attest A. R. Lamae, Sec y.
Mr Wriuht of Ga moved that tbe commum
eaDon and Elution i .s. read, be spread on the |
minutes ofCougrees. PrM ide n t, I have
Mr. Kenner, >j and , ire t 0 C(l ]i the at
no rewlut.on
tention or bw - £ .... Ordinance pasted by the]
<- r .i, Vof the Sta’is of Louisiana, and which
8 “t'T ed'thc deliwat ~f that State with pleasure, >
■ \h‘-v consider tbi ordinance au evidence of ‘
t ’•’ > al'v'ot tiiart-’ te to the Confederacy, and I
iV e air,oii'ii* • • K* people. We desire to call
“l ,i. i **nofth’ < ngress to it, believing that
, ~ji ua nce wnl l> received with as much *
‘‘", j,, bv C n,:*-s, as it has been by the •
■“, . dial- delegat; ,nos that State on this floor.
X n-ov proceed to read the ordinance:
AN ORDINANCE
To transfer certain funds to tbe Government of
the Confederate States of America.
,~i/\ 1. It is hereby ordained, That tbe sum of
tbr*oi hundred and eighty nine thousand two hun
tl-ed and Maty-seven dollars and forty-six cents,
Guirot -’ate Dewstta..
’ u Known as the Bullion Fund, be transferred
‘.',’ti.e Government of the Confederated States of
a, and that said State Depositary be and
is is hereby authorized and instructed to pay
.id sum upon the order of the Secretary the
Treasury ot said Confederate States.
Srr- i. It is further ordained,“That tbe sum of
* one hundred a .*1 forty ‘even thousand five hun
dred and nineteen dollars and sixty-six cents,
being the balance received by said State Deposi
tary froui the Custom House, the 81st of January
, “ t he ransferred to said Government, and
hr said Depo.-.itary upon the order of eaidSecre-
f make no motion, with regard to tbe ordi
nance I bare read, bu: *:ily desired to call atten-!
t.., 0 f i -ress to t!*- diet of its passage.
Mr. Witners, of South Carolina, oiftred tbe fol- >
lowing resolution : J
Kejolved, That Congress accepts with a high ‘
sense of the patriotic liberally of the State of l
Louisiana, the fund* so generously tendered to the |
treasury of t-be Confederate States, specified in j
the Ordinance of her < invention.
Tli” resolution was adopted.
Mr. Harrison, of Mi issippi, presented a com
munication, which wa not read. On motion it
•vas referred to tbe Finance Committee.
Mr. Ochiltree, of Te’ .offered the following:
That tbe Committee oa Finance ne
* instructed to inquire i: * the expediency of cx
r-mpting from duties .ill railroad cars, tenders,
; r .. cLau-*:, spikes, ai- I, geDerady, all thefixrures
~-*- * rv to the b'i’M nd equipping of rail
• „ j, t*.e (oaft talcs, prior to the 28tb
dsv of February, A. D. 1861.
The resolution w s idopted.
Mi O* hiltrr-e, ot i exas. saw that one ot his col
•, tbe Hon. J bn Hemphill, was present,
and he and red to en I his uime.
Upon i.-Citation of tlm President, Mr. Ilcmphilt
•ve-.t forward a id r* ti -'ered his name.
Congress then w. i.t into secret session.
Title IV -KCOgD DAY.
Mo .Tuogßliv, fil'in -i 12.—Congress met to day
at *.a a. Prayer by I.W Hooker Cobbs.
,1 -in n’als of Tester*’ , read and confirmed.
Mr. Wright, of tin id be held in his band a ,
i, 11 i,..-it ;..11 frcti! ntleman in Washington ;
C. v, w ho is a meiiil” r of an incorporated cotupa- |
iv’known or ui-tingi -bed by the name of the ‘
v.. y Mexican Rulin'.*.’ Company. The Lcgisla- i
t ir ,. ot Mexico, m 18(10, incorporated u corn
j, that **, .me, I if the purpose of construct
ing a railroad acrose the entire country, to the
astern extremity of California. The gentleman
has forwarded to me by mail the charter of that j
. ompany, together with a rough draft and plat of i
a donation of laud, for that purpose, aDd requests |
ns to lav them before this Congress, iu some way,
for the purpose of promoting the interests of the
company which he represents. I conceive it to be
my duty, as well as a courtesy to the gentleman,
•vith whom f am acquainted, to lay the communi
cation before Congress, and ask its reference to
•he committee on territories. Hut, sir, tdatl may
•jot be misunderstood, I desire to make one or two
remarks before I take my seat. When I had the
honor of living a member of the Ok S. Congress, I
took occasion to express my disapprobation of
grants of land to railroad and other compantes.--
M v opinion then was, and ia now, that the best
lossihle disposition that can be made of such
’ansiy is their gratuitous distribution amougactual
:ittlei a. The material wealth of a country, and
its power, are thus increased.
One word more, as to the right of thisC'ongress
to legislate upon this subject, Tbe apphretioo of
this Comnano to Congress brings up the question
and our right to legislate with reference to the
inil, in New Mexico, and also the question as to
<mr right in the territories of the lute United
States. If the theory of secession be true, upon
which we have acted and put this government in
motion, we have not lost our rights In the public
lands of the United States. And, sir, never, with,
tny consent, while this Confederacy has unarm
to defend its lights, shall the Confederate States
give up their interest in the public dornaiu.
Never, sir, and more especially, as a Southern
man, will 1 consent to relinquish those rights.
They were emphatically the purchase of S.outheru
treasure and Southern blood. It is true, sir, that
the expenses of the Mexican war were borne oui
of the national treasury, but, if we are correct in
our opinion, the greatest amount of revenue re
ceived bv that government is, directly and indi
rectly, contributed by the South. Upon the other
point there can be no doubt. So far as the sacri
fice of human life i- concerned, the largest por
tion of thoso lands belongs to us. It was South
ern blood and valor that won that territory, and
won the principal laurels iu the Mexican war.
Nor, sir, does it port with my sense of jus
tice, nor of the rights aud honor of tbe Confed
erate States, to relinquiab our claims to that ter
.itorv, ami at the ‘ t v time when the man who
urned the tide of hollo when hope ot success
vus nearly gone, is now at the helm of our nation
al :flail£.” ’Sir, it was the Mississippi regiment,
led bv it- allant commander at linen i Viata, that
wrung victory from : • very grasp of defeat.
I make tln-.-e obse v i.ons, sir, that 1 may not
be misunderstood 1’ may opt bo wise aud pru
dent now to touch awcli question* until all means
have been exhausted by uc"otiaticu, so settle all
question relative to our rights in the territories.
I, therefore, tun. ‘ .*.*k the reference ot the cotp
mnnication to t ** committee on territories, and
they cun take such it as they deem tie
#e.**nry.
Mr. Withers, of r C.—(whin the State of South
Carolina was called for resolutions, bills, memo
rials, Ac..) said : Mr. President, tlui o*ilv thiug I
have been able to produce oat of tuv brains, in
behalf of my State, i* the following resolution .
Kevolved. That when the printers to Congress
shaH have prepared au edition of the laws aud
re.-olufious directed • 1 e published, the Secreta
ry of Congress do transmit one copy of the same
to each member of tin bodv.
By this means, sui.i Mr. Withers, I wiil be able
know ‘A hat I have . en doing since 1 have beeu 1
iu re, tor 1 cannot vec Ilect it all without such as-
Mstaace. I shall also have an opportunity to re- !
pent of my sins and iniquities, if I have commit
ted any*.
Cougaecs then went into secret session.
THIRTY-THIRD.
Montgomery, Ala. March 13.—Congress met
to day at 10 A. M. Prayer was offered by Rev.
Mr. Davis.
The journals of Tuesday were read aud ap- ,
proved.
Mr. Chilton, of Ala., stated that he ©.e-’es- j
M*r.ly absent from the city when the Permanent-
Constitution was adopted, aud he asked to be •
iIL wed to record his vote in favor of its adop
tion. Leave was granted.
C >u. of Miss., raid lie had a letter which ;
r r ‘ s.r. 1 tl.e Secretary to read.
The 1 uer was as follow*;
Samlen, Mias , March 9, 1851.
J- _e Clayton I noticed that the Montgomery
Congress had authorized a loan, but have seen
nothing further on the subject.
I have just tenderer to Gov. Pettus five ihous
:i\d dollars for the use of our Btare. and have
about c e same amount in the hands of E. Apper
.. a v .of Memphis, which is at the service of
‘.‘it Confederate Slates of America, if needed.
Yours truly, F. T. Leaks.
Asa 6i appreciation, said Mr. Clayton, of the
pan -, itisui of that gentleman, I ask that his letter
be spread upon the journals of Congress. It was
so ordered.
Mr. Barry, of Miss., offered the following :
Resolved, Thu*, the Committee on fiuance be
instructed to inquire into the expediency of im
posing au adr.i ivm dutv on all negro slaves im
ported nit-- tr e Confederacy from the slaves
holding Spates of the United States; ami tore
port oo early a- convenient by bill or otherwise.
Mr. Barry s ;ui he proposed the resolution far j
the purpose of obtaining revenue from that source.
Our Constitution gives to Congress ‘‘power to j
prohibit the introduction of slaves from any State i
not a meui! ?r of this Confederacy.” It may not
be expedient, at the present time, to exercise that
pewer, but sir, it is entirely proper that sc large a .
branch of importations into this country, and ;
w hich is destiued, in a year or two, on eccount of I
the circumstances by which the border States are !
surrouuded, to be largely increased, should be !
made to contribute its full share to the revenues j
of our government. It is not intended that Con- *
gross, by such duties, should exercise any coer- J
cion towards thv. se States, to induce them to join !
this Confederacy, but the measure, as I before
.-aid, is simply intended by me as one of revenue.
A trade that*iuvolves, perhaps, fittv millions of j
dollars per year, should contribute its proportion
to tee revenues of our government. Whilst New
England manufactures and Pennsylvania iron are 1
taxed, those States, as far as nationality ta con
cerned, are placed on the same footing as other
lore gr nations, there is no reason why the trade 1
from be border States should be exempt. It is
v.rue we havt exempted some articles from duty, |
but it was * .ere from regard to our own nt cess
tie’ than f.-oui auv regard to the States from
Whew ; - c . o odnues were obtained. Some j
pvrbous may regard a tax on slaves imported from •
it - border States as a measure of coercion ora j
pwivev to induce or compel those States to join
t ..> V onu-vieracT—others may believe that the re- j
>uk of Uii> p (icy will lie ter those Siate> from j
iciQiagus. luo mn thiik that we are justified in
looking a: either of those consequences, or that
we arc responsible fur them, should they occur.
Our object at present is to raise revenue, and ;
we should not reject auv legitimate means to ef
t-'Ct it. iue time may come when it will be expe
dient for Congress to prohibit entirely the im
portation of slaves from any of the slave States of
the late L nou, “not a meo.ber of this Confedera
cy-.” There is no rea*ou why we should continue
to be the recipient of their surplus slave popula
tion. whilst they, preferring a connection with aa
h. government, would soon transport
tha’r slaves lather, swelling our slave population
M v*ral millions, and thus bringing abolition rule <
Ww ,, borders. The border States should
not be .!.* wed to find a market, for their slaves,
m Confederate State*, without taxation. It
should be ouV inexorable policy, ir those border
&tate> tuouid prebar a black republican union to
a nr va with us to exclude their slaves or obtain
a revenue for their introduction.
If we eto import x few millions more of
slaves, u would be better U> import them from I
Africa, at $s * each, thau to obtain them from the |
bordi r Stales at each ; for, although there j
m. y be measurable danger iu African importa
,.k. to mut ow m frees, rf* H there is apolitical
consiogrrati r.dt-s and out-weigbs, en
tirety, suCh dsi tigers, aud that le, f& .at we should
i. permit Jhoae states to bring rts*** negroes
( Li l .i'.v ?*. thereby doubling v^V r negro
population and freeing them of that
aud causing them. Th time, to become the e*6<-
miM of the slave Stated.
I iruel then the resolution be adopted.
• ;
Mr. Clayton, of Miss., said “be did not rise to :
throw any obstacle in tbe way of the object of hi*
oolleagur’ but simply to aav that a resolution of a
similar character was introduced a few days ago
aud referred to the Judiciary Committee. That
Committee baa not yet made a report on it. I
ask that the resolution be withdrawn from the
’ .1 udiciarv Committee and be referred to the fi
, nance Committee, as it involves the same PT‘ DC ‘,
j pie that is embodied in the resolution just otlerea
sMrTßan7 5 Mr T ßan7—Mr. President, with ailduedeffer
ence to mi colleague, I do not thmk that both
! resolutions are similar in character. The one to
which wv colleague refers is in regard to the pro
prietj of^Congress interdicting the importation of
K from the border States into this Confede
raev, whilst mine regards revenue
Tbe President—ls the Chair is correct, this is a
question which should be discussed is secret scs- |
5 °Mr Rbett, of South Carolina. Mr. President,
I have no particular objection to offer to the re- j
i sere nee of the resolution. The matter involved is 1
not properly before Congress at this time, and j
anv discussion on the subject is exceedingly im
r roper. Virginia and the frontier States are now
In a changing condition. They do not know
I themselves what they will do, and I do not think
that we should do anything to/dienate or exaspe
rate or in any way disturb their minds whilst they
’ are in this condition. This resolution, I think
’ ought not to be entertained. Our respect to the
i fronting States should prevent us trom action on
J it now.
Tbe discussion was here arrested by the motion
| of Mr. Perkins for Congress to go into secret
’ session.
THIRTT-FO vrRTH.
| Mon'toomebt, Ala., March 14.—Congress met
; to-day at 10 A-M. Prayer was offered by tbe
Hev. Mr. Blue.
Tbe journals of yesterday were read and con
-1 firmed.
Mr. Clayton, of Miss., reported a bill establish
ing a court of admiralty and maritime jurisdic
‘ tion iD the State of Mississippi. He said it was
the same bill as that which established a similar
court at Key West in the State of Florida, there
being no other change in the bill than what was
; rendered necessary by the change of names in
the locality.
) After some discussion as to the necessity of the
measure, the bill was finally placed on the public
| calendar and ordered to be printed.
The President laid b .fore Congress a communi
cation from the Secretary of the Treasury, con
taining the estimates of the Post Office frepart
j ment, and asked that it be referred to lhe Com
mittee on Fnance. The reference was made.
Mr. \\ all, of Texas, presented a communication
i from Mr. Cox, of .San Antonio, which without
; reading, was referred to the Committee on Mill
; tary Affairs.
Mr. Sparrow, of La.—Mr. President, the Com
mittee on Military Affairs, has received from Mr.
A. J. Gerrick, of La., a communication iu rela
tion to friction caps for firing cannon, accompanied
with a box of those caps. I offer the lolfowmg
j resolution :
Resolved, That the communication of A. J.
Gerrick, of Louisiana, in relation to friction caps
for firing cannon, be referred to the Secretary of
War, with instructions to have said caps’ tried,
j and to report thereon.
The resolution was adopted.
; Congress then went into secret session.
THIP.TV-FIFTH DAY.
Montgomery, Ala., March 15, 1861.—Congress
met to-day at 12 M. Prayer was offered.
The Journals of yesterday were read and ap
proved.
Mr. Wright, of Ga., presented a communication
on the subject of the Tariff, from Mr. B. F. Jones,
of the firm of E. M. & E. A. Whitlock, importers
in the city of New York. This gentleman was
! formerly a citizen of tbe State of Georgia, and a
resident of the town in which I reside. This com
munication is on a subject that I do not consider
myself skilled at all. i move its reference to the
Committee on Finance. The communication I
know is in good faith, and contuins what appears
to me, to be good, practical common sense. The
writer is oue of those old and chronic cases of
fire-eaters, that has devoted much study to the
tariff question, and his mind, at present, is much
exercised upon the subject.
The communication was referred to the Com-
mittee on Finance.
Mr. Waul, of Texas, sent to the Secretary’s
desk a communication from the President of tbe
State Convention of Texas, and also a certified
copy of an Ordinance adopted by that Conven
tion. The communication referred to the vote in j
that .State by the people on the ratification of the
Ordinance of Secession. The vote stood for se
cession 86,450. and against secession 11,268—ma
; jority for secession in the counties heard from
25,182. The President announced that the ordi
j nance had been ratified, aud that “the State of
! Texas was, and hud been since March 2, 1861, u
free, sovereg: i aud independent nation of the
earth, and that her citizens were absolved from
all other allegiance thun to her as such.” Dated
Austin, March 4,1861.
The ordinance is in relation to a Union of the
j State of Terfas with the Confederate States of
! America—declares that it is expedient and proper
j that Texas should join such Confederacy and
share its destinies—the delegates to the Mont
gomery Congress are instructed to apply for the
admission of Texas into the Confederacy—the
Convention approves of the Provisional Constitu |
tion, aud instructs her deputies to co-operate as
members of the Congress and iu making a per
manent Constitution, Ac.
Mr. Waul addressed the Congress at some
length, and moved that tbe communication be
placed upon the journals, which was done.
Mr. Curry, of Ala., introduced the following,
which were adopted :
Resolved, That the disbursement of tbe con
tingent fund of Congress be placed under the di
rection and control of the Secretary, subject to
the approval of the committee on accounts.
Resolved further, That estimates shall regularly
be submitted by the Secretary and no disburse
ments of tbe contingent fund shall hereafter be
audited by the committee on accounts except in
accordance with such estimates.
Resolved further, That the Secretary at the
next meeting of this Cougress shall submit a de
tailed statement of the payments made and au
thorized by him from the contingent fund of Con
gress.
Congress then went into secret session.
During the secret session several acts, as well
as President Davis’ veto message on the African
Slave Trade Act were made public.
THIRTY-SIYTH DAY.
Montgomery, Ala., March 16 1861.
Congress met to day at 12 a. m. Prayer was
offered by Rev. Mr. Henderson.
Mr. Hale, of Ala., introduced a bill supplement
al to “an uci to define and fix the pay of the offi
cers of Congress.” It provides that the salaries
fixed by said act shall be payable by any of the
heads of Departments, ana that the receipts of all
parties shall be a sufficient voucher t,o the proper
officer of the Treasury.
The bill was read three times aud passed.
Mr. Hale, of Alabama, introduced the following
resolution
Resolved , By the Congress of the Confederate
States of America, that the llou. Win. P. Chilton,
the resident member of the Committee on accounts,
together with the Secretary of Cougress, be au
thorized to audit and allow the accounts against
Congress; and claims thus audited aud allowed
shall be paid upon the order of said W. I’. Chil
ton, couutersigued by said Secretary—and this
resolutioe only to operate during the recess of
Congress.
Mr. Ilale said the only object of the resolution
is that there are a number of outstanding claims
agaiust Congress not audited and allowed. The
parties want their money, aud desire to obtain it
during the recess.
Mr. Chilton—Mr. President, the adoption of the
j reaoigifon will place considerable responsibility
| upon myself £na the Secretary. Although I shall
! not decline to acoep.t it ; I only desire to say that
| it is not of my seeking.
; The resolution was then adopi*<i
Mr. Rhett, of S. C\, offered the following, jyhicli \
U’jfS adopted :
’ Resolved, That as soon as the signatures of the
members of ibia Congress are placed on the eu
rolled Constitution of the Confederate States, the
Presuieut of this Congress shall cause the same
to be lithographed, and copies thereof to be seut
i to each of The Confederate Stetes.
Mr. Clayton, of Miss., from the Committee on i
i the Judiciary, reported a bill to prohibit the iu- *
troduction of slaves from any State not a member j
of this Confederacy. The bill was read by its title !
only, when Mr. Clayton said, Mr. President, out of ’
deffereuce to the opinion of many members here I 1
do not propose to put the bill ou its passage now, ‘
although l am iu favor of immediate passage. The j
object of the bill is to put a stop to the iutroduc- |
turn of slaves into any of the Confederate States,
from auv other State*. This bill is to be followed ;
up by a somewhat similar bill iu relation to the •
introduction of slaves from Africa. Now, whilst
we have adopted this policy—this emphatic policy !
—to protect our own slave property, other States ;
or governments must take care of theia own iute- j
rests in saeja property. We intend to prevent the
people of other Suies from selling their slaves to i
| our people, when such p alley will only result in j
makiug them iuimical to us aud friendly to an !
anti-slavery government. I simply ask that the !
; bill he read bv its title a second time, aud placed j
upon the public calendar.
! The bill was accordingly so disposed of.
Congress then went into secret session.
During the secret session Congress resolved ■
itself law Executive session, and “confirmed the I
following urinations made by the President. J
FOR DISTRICT JUDGES.
A. G. Magratb. Judge District Court of South
Carolina.
Uenrv R. Jackson, Judge District of Georgia.
Win. G. Jones, for District of Alabama.
Wm. Lanier Harris, for District of Mississippi.
Thomas J. Semmes, lor District of Louisiana.
| Johu Hemphill, for District of Texas.
Jesse J. Finley, for District of Florida.
XDMZBX.LJT COURT.
I McQueen Mclutosb, to be Judgeoftbe Admi
raltv Court at Key West.
COMMISSIONER OF AFFAIRS,
i David Huboard, of Alabama, to be Comrnis-
I sioaer of ludian Affairs.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT.
Alexander B. Ciuherall, of Alabama, to be Re- j
! gister of the Treasury Department of the Con- j
( tecierate States.
i Boiling Baker, of Georgia, to be Auditor of the •
! Treasury.
COLLECTOR OF CUSTOMS.
! James Sorley, of Texas, to be Collector of Cus
| toms at Galveston.
Secrecy has been removed from the following
i resolutions, in reference to forts, dock-yards, re
servations, Ac., and property ceded to’the Cod
federate States :
Resolved, That the Congress do recommend to j
the respective States to cede the forts, arsenals,
uavy yards, dock yards and other public estab :
i iishments within their respective limits, to the j
; Confederate States, and -moreover to cede so j
much of the lands reserved heretofore by the g c-
I vernment ot the United States or other public l
vacant loads in their respective limits as may be :
necessary for timber or lumber tor naval or otcer |
purposes of public concern, and that the President ;
ot Congress be requested to communicate this re- 1
solutiou to the Gove *uors of the respective States. 1
Resolved turther, That iu case of such cession j
the President be aud he is hereby authorized ]
aud empowered to take charge of any property i
ceded.
Secrecy was also removed from the following:
AN ACT
To authorize the transit of merchandize through j
the Confederate States.
The Congress enacts that goods, wares and ’
merchandize imported from any foreign country j
into the Confederate States destined for any for
eign country, mav be entered and have transit
through the* Confederate States free of duty, sub
ject to such regulations as the Secretary of the
Treasury from time to time shall make, and the j
said Secretary of the Treasury shall have power
to make such regulatioas as ne may deem expe
dient for the safety of the revenue and for the j
public convenience, which regulations may be
enforced in the manner prescribed by law as to
other regulations relative to the revenue.
Passed March 16, 1861.
Georgia Connection.—We learn from Presi- =
dsnt Hougtoun that there is no doubt of the speed- |
-of a connection between the Pensa- 1
cola A Railroad aud the Savannah. Al
• j U< * f* a lt Road. The points of divergence
agreed upon are at Houstoun on the Peu. A Geo. .
iiU?. W \ OU Xo - 12 ’ on the Savannah road.-
* ki-.k 08 between the two points 47 miles, 22 of j
’tr it * are lB *, or ’ da and 25 in Georgia. The con- j
r r *^ Ln ß-Ac.have been given out by
companies. The Florida contractors have t
a.ready graded some two miles of their contract j
are to complete the whole by the first of No- *
* eotcr payment to be iu the stock of the com- j
paisy. i ti* grading of the Georgia end is to be j
fimsbed by iheiu-c* of January. This settles the
*g*;ter of this long.t&lLg of and important coo-
It is inn !tablv Fior
idtaM ;*.V
’ Reported for the tiavantuih Ktp*ibUcanf
GEORGIA STATE CONVICTION.
SEVENTH DAY.
Savannah, Mrrch 15,1851.
The Convention met this morning parsuant to
tbe adjournment of Wednesday.
In their seats to-day, whose arrival I have not
before mentioned, I noticed tha Vice-President
of the Confederate States, Hon. A. H. Steph
ens, Hons. T. R. K. Cobb, B. IL Hill and Judge
Nisbet.
During the reading of the Journal, Mr. Hill of
Troup, gave notice that he would move to re con
sider ail matters in relation to reduction.
A message to the Convention, from His Ex
cellency the Governor, was announced and hand- !
I ed to the President by his Secretary, Mr. Waters, j
Tbe President stated that the permanent Con- >l
j stitolion would probably be in by
Mr. Hill, of Troup, said that he Wped when
the Constitution did come in, that all other mat- !
j ters would be postponed for the time and that :
! acted on, and in making the motion to reconsider \
j he di(Hk> with this object in view.
Mr. Hill’s reasons for moving to reconsider was, !
that the plan proposed in relation to the Senate, !
! purposed to fix the Senatorial districts in the Con
stitution, and in a few years, this might beeome
unjust. That the Constitution should settle the
principles and not details of Government with our
counties as they at present stood. The House
had to represent territory, and the Senate there
fore should be made to represent population,
! which could not be done in the plan adopted. In
short, Mr Hill wished to change the basis of rep
resentation.
31 r. Kenan, rose to a point of order, that the
Ordinance, as amended, had not been adopted ou
Wednesday, consequently there was nothing to
re-consider.
The Chair held that the Convention agreed to
take up the ordinance, section by section, Ac.,
that tbe section as amended had been adopted,
and that therefore the first section in relation to
the Senate, had been adopted, and the motion to
reconsider was in order.
31r. Kenan admitted the adoption of the sec
tion, but contended that there could be no motion
to reconsider untill the ordinance, complete, had i
been acted on.
The Chair held to its former opinion, but
would take the sense of the House on the matter
Mr Chastain agreed with the Chair, and thought =
that the point made by Mr. Kenan was not in or- !
der
Mr. Bartow, thought if we had to meet this !
question again we had better go at once to the j
vote, aud settle the matter.
Mr. Hull agreed with the Chair.
Mr. Martin, of Lumpkin, with the consent of 1
bis friend from Troup, would move to lay the mo
tion to reconsider on the table for the present.
Mr. Styles, made the point that the motion to
lay on the table for the present was not debata
ble.
The Chair held otherwise, and said that the j
gentleman from Lumpkin was iu order.
Mr. Martin, then continued for a few moments :
opposed to Mr. Hill.
lhe motion to lay upon the table for the present
was lost.
The Chair then said the gentleman from Lump
kin, was entitled to the floor, on the motion to re- i
consider.
i Mr. Martin was in favor of reconsideration,
I but differed with Mr. Hill as to the plan. The j
j motion to reconsider was then put—lost ou the j
| sound ; a division was called, yeas 198, nays 139.
i Mr. Cobb, of Clara, was in favor of the reduc
j tion, but could not vote fora plan in which the
j Senate and House, both represented territory,
j and would call for the yeas and nays ; it would in
| his opinion settle the question definitely, and he
wished to have this matter of reduction knpt w’ith
in the control of the House. Mr. Cobb conclu
ded by saying he would take another division,
and if it were decided not to reconsider, be would
be satisfied.
Mr Chastain and Mr. Cobb curried on a little
debate on the questiou for a few moments.
The second division stood—yeas 118 nays 121.
So the motion to reconsider was lost.
Mr. Bartow, moved that the communication from
the Governor be reserved for secret session which
motiou was adopted.
A letter from 3lr. Cobb, President of the Con
vention at 3lontgomery, accompanying the au
thenticated copy of the Constitution” w as read.
The communication from Mr. Vason, Commis
sioner to Lousiana, was read. It was accompa
nied by a number of documents and the whole or
dered printed in the appendix to the proceedings
of the Convention.
Also, the communication from Mr. Samuel
Hall, the Commissioner to North Carolina, was
read.
j Mr. Kenan moved to suspend the regular order
: and lake up the Constitution.
Mr. llood, hoped that the motion would not be
pressed, as be wished, and so did others, to have
time to look over it.
Mr. Kenan w ithdrew’ his motiou.
Judge Nisbet offered a resolution which was
adopted, that the Constituion be made the special
order for to-morrow at ten o’clock, in seoret ses
sion.
The Secretary then read the communication
trom Hon. A. K. Wright, of Richmond, Commis
sioner to the State ot Marpland.
The two lust mentioned communications were
directed to be dispoed of as was the first one.
Mr. Hawkins offered a resolution that a com
mittee ot sixteen, two from each Congressional
District,be appoited to apportion the State into
| ten Cou-gressional Districts, as provided for the
new representation under tbe new Government.
Mr. Logan offered a resolution, authorizing the
Committee ou the Constitution and Law’s to re
port an Ordinance consenting to the location of
the Capital of the Confederate States within the
limits of Georgia, uud granting jurisdiction, Ac.,
within certain limits.
Ou motion, the resolution was taken up and
adopted.
Mr Poe, offered the following:
That when any case shall be called for
trial in any ot the Courts in this State, if it shall
be made to appear that either party is unprepared
to proceed to trial by reason of the party or his
counsel being or having been engaged in the
military service of this State, or of any of the States
of this Confederacy, then and in that case, it shall
be the duty of the presiding Judge or Justices to
continue said case generally.
A motion was made, uud the resolution re
ferred to the committee on the Constitution and
laws.
Mr. Varnadoe moved, and it w'as carried, that
the Convention go into secret session to receive
the report of the committee of seven on defences
and fortifications.
Not being expected to stay and participate in
the proceedings of the secret sessios, I left.
I w’ould here tender my acknowledgements to
Messrs. Lamar and Steele, Secretaries ot the Con
vention, for their many kindness and courtesies in
furnishing me the facilities iu very many instances
for laying the resolutions, ordinances, Ac., offer
ed in the Convention, entirely before your readers.
P. S.—-Nothing trauspired in the secret session
from which the injunction of secrecy has been re
moved.
EIGHTH DAY.
Savannah, 3larch 16,1861.
The Convention came to order at 10 o’clock,
and was opened with prayer by Rev. W. S. Baker,
of Wesley Chapel iu this city.
The journal of yesterday, except so much as
related to tbe secret session, w’as read.
Judge Nisbet then moved that the Convention
go into secret session, ou the special order of the
day, to-wit: the consideration of tbe Constitution
of the Confederate States es America.
The motion was put aud carried, aud the Hall
cleared of visitors, Ac., uud the doors closed.
At tbe suggestion of the Chair, the Constitution
was taken up and read, the same being open for
remark, as the several clauses were read and also
at the conclusion of the reading.
There was apparently no objection to any of the
provisions of the instrument—at least there was
uo discussian whatever.
Whereupon, Mr. Alexander, of Upson, offered
the following resolution :
Resolved, That the Constitution adopted by
the Cougress at Montgomery, en the 11th day of
March, 1861, for the permanent Government of
j the Confederate States of America, be refer:ed to
: u committee of seven, with instructions to frame
and report, during the morning session, au ordi
j nance to accept and ratify the same for the State !
! of Georgia.
Mr. Ramsay, of Muscogee, objected to the reso
lution. He wanted no delay, but an immediate
vote. Tue reference to a committee would only
! coutume tune.
, Mr. of Taliaferro, thought the resolu
; tion u very proper one, and that the course indi
i cated therein was the right course. He would
; amend the resolution, however, by requesting
| the committee to report during the morning ses
! sion.
Mr. Alexander, of Upson, accepted the amend
; meat, and further stated that he was as much dis
; posed to act promptly as any member of the Con
vention,
1 Other gentlemen expressed similar views, when
j Mr. Ramsey withdrew his objections, as the re
port was to be made during the morning ses
siou. The resolution was adopted unauimously.
The chuir appointed the following gentlemen
j ou the committee, to wit :
I Mr. Alexander, of Upson, Judge Fleming, Judge
! Rice, Mr. Crawford, of Greene, Judge Warner.
I Mr. Clark aud Mi. Reese.
j Amoug the other proceediugs of the Convention,
before s he doors were opened, or rather previous
! to adjournment, fhu following Resolutions, Ordi
j nances, Ac., Ac . were .utroduced and disposed of
! as follows :
| Resolved, That the members of this Convention
| be allowed mileage to aud from this Convention
! its second session, the distance to be computed
S to Milledgßyilie. Adopted, yeas 150—nays 106.
Mr. Cobb :
! Resolved, That the Committee on the Constitu
-1 tion aud the Laws, be instructed to revise the**
Constitution ot the State of Georgia, aud report
; the same to this Convention, with such altera
: tions aud amendments as thev mav recommend
I for adoption.
Mr. Clarke,, of Dougherty amended, as follows
—but the subject of reduction being now before
the Convention, is not submitted Commit- j
tee until after the final action of this Convention 1
ou ?Lat subject.
The amendment was accepted by Mr. Cobb, and 1
the resolution as amended was adopted.
Mr. Stephens, of Taliaferro :
AN ORDINANCE
In addition to a previous Ordinance of this Coa
! vention, on the subject of citizenship,
i Be it ordained, Ac., That ail white persons re
sident in this State, at the time of the secession of
| this State from the United States, with the bona
ijpdf intention of making it the place of their per
il: ioeu; abode, shad be considered as citizens of
this State, without reference to their place 6f
birth : Provided, that ipv person not boru in this
State can except him or nersejf from the opera
tion of this Ordinance, by a declaration in any
court of record iu this State, within three months
from this date, that he or she does not want to
be considered a citizen of this St*te. Adopted.
Mr. Alexander, of Upson, Chairman of the Se
i lect Committee, appointed to draft an Ordinance
I to adopt and ratiiv the permanent Constitution of
j the Confederate States, reported the following
Ordinance :
AN ORDINANCE
! To adopt and ratify the Constitution of the Con
federate State# of America.
Be it ordained by the people of Georgia, in
j Convention assembled, and i; is hereby ordained
I by authority of the same, That the Constitution
j adopted by the Congress at Montgomery, iu the
i Slate of Alabama, in the year of our Lord one
i thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, for the
• “permanent” Federal Government” of tbe Con
; federate States of America, be and the same is I
i hereby adopted and ratified by tbe State of Geor- !
\ gia, “acting iu its sovereign and independent
character.”*’
Mr. Alexander moved that the Ordinance be
read a second time and put upon its passage, which
was done—and the Ordinance teas passed by the
’unanimous or the Convention. The announce
ment of the vote by the Chair was greeted with
rounds of applause.
Mr. Nisbet—
Resolved, That the President of this Conven
tion transmit to the President of the Congress of
the Confederate States a copy, duly certified,
when enrolled and signed, of the Ordinance tfiis
day parsed, ratifying and adopting the permanent
Constitution. Adopted
Mr. Hood offered*
AN ORDINANCE
To authorize the Governor to raise and expend
money for the defence of this State.
Be it “ordaioed by the people of Georgia, in
Sovereign CQDvention assembled, and it is hereby
ordained by the authority of tne same. That his
Excellency the Governor of this Slate, be and be
is hereby authorized to raise and expend such
sums of money as may be necessary to carry oat
all ordinances of this Convention, and all acts of
the Legislature which provide for tbe public de
fence of ibis State; and for that purpose, he is
hereby autoorized to issue and sell bonus of this
State, having such time as be may designate, with
interest coupons attached, payable at snch place
or places as he may think proper, until he shall
have raised such sums of money as the exigencies
of the State may require; said bonds to be for
one thousand dollars or sucti lees eum as the Gov
ernor may find to be most saleable.
And be i r further ordained; Tha't the faith and
; credit of this State are hereby solemnly pledged j
for the redemption of all such bonds, and interest ‘
coupons as the Governor may issue and dispose of |
under this ordinance.
And be it further ordained, That in case tbe
Governor shall be unable to raise, by the sale of j
bonds, a sufficient sum for the defence of the State,
he is hereby authorized to issue and dispose of
treasury notes in sums of twenty-five, fifty and j
one hundred dollars, each, for that purpose ; said
uotes to bear such interest as may be prescribed
by the Governor, not to exceed seven per cent per
annum.
This ordinance was referred to* the Committee
on 3iilitary Affairs.
3lr. Strickland, of Forsyth, offered a resolution
j instructing or requesting the Governor to turn
I over the Army of Georgia to th#President ot the
j Confederate States ; Provided, that the President
will accept both men and officers for the term of
their enlistment. The second section approves
S the action of the Governor in relation to having
j and holding in readiness, the volunteer forces of
j this State, authorizing the arming and equipping
i of companies as soon as raised, Ac. Referred to
I ihe Committee on Military Affairs.
The Committee to whom Mr. Poe’s resolution
j fas reported yesterday) in relation to the con
j tinuing of casi* in Court, was referred, reported
j the same back to the House, with the recominen
! daticu that no action be taken on the matter by ;
the Convention.
Mr. Foucbe offered, ‘‘An Enunciation of Funda
mental Principles.” which is connected with the j
Bill of Rights, aud was referred to the Committee j
on the Constitution and the Laws.
Mr. Chastain-
Resolved, That the injunction of secrecy be re- j
moved from the proceedings to-day, except the !
action of this Convention on the Ordinance sub- j
mitted by the delegate from Scriveu count}’, j
Adopted
It will be seen from the amount of work, that j
the Convention has laid out, that it will be im- :
possible for them to conclude their business be- {
fore next Saturday, and indeed the prevailing im- j
pression seems to be that they will not adjourn *
till Tuesday or Wednesday of the week after.
From the Boston Courier ; March 12.
Tlie Supply of C otton.
j Recent events in this country have startled the
I cottoD-consuming world, from the easy trustfulness
| with which it “waited on Providence and the
j United States ” for a supply of cotton, which had
j kept singularly even step with the demand for its
j use. British statesmen, journalists, merchants,
| spinners, philanthropists and associations have
1 been aroused to unusual energy of expression
| upon the peril of their position of dependence,
1 and to the discussion ot schemes and plans by
which to escape froui it. Writers on the other
| side of the Channel have thought enough of it,
j for an occasional paper, to the neglect even of
Imperial policy aud Italy, and a host of our scrib
j biers have taken the cue from English writers uud
’ wasted much time for themselves and readers, in
fancy sketches of the quick ruin of the Cotton
.States, by reason of the new enterprises for cot
ton planting, to be undertaken in various parts of
the world.
No one has overstated the fact of England’s de- !
peudence upon our country for Cottou—nor over
drawn the picture of cousequeuces if it should
fail them. If it be possible to obtain relief from
this position, by creating new and enlarging old
sources of supply, they will now accomplish it*.
But is it possible ?
So long us the Cotton States were reposing
quietiy iu the Union, devoted mainly to the pro
duction of the great staple, aud manifesting a
capacity to produce any quantity that the world
called for—so long as the Union held its protect
ing arm over the compelled labor that produced
it—there was no fear that the supply would fail,
because no danger of disturbance to thut labor.
That there is danger of its disturbance, aud noth
ing else, is the ground of alarm now.
Whatever the fluctuation of price, such was the
effective organization of conditions, labor, cli
mate, skill, favorable to the growth of cotton,
that each aud every year brought an ample crop.
! High prices stimulated an enlarged planting, but
low prices caused no abandonment of the busi
ness. It was a speciality to which the planters
and their labor were trained; they bad uo sub
stitute to which they could change ; aud their
labor was owned, not hired; could not be dis
charged to starve for lack of employment, aud,
however unprofitable for the time, must be both
fed aud employed. Hence the crop was made,
however low the price, and the stocks were al
lowed to accumulate at home and abroad, the
market value falling with the increase of surplus,
uutil the very low prices induced an extended
consumption, which gradually reduced the sur
plus, increased the demand to equal the supply,
aud restored prices to a range highly profitable
to the producer. In the quoted fluctuations of
the last twenty years, it has a few times happened
that prices reached, high enough to draw to Eng
land larger imports f r oin the East, but generally
the average ot prices has been so low as to forbid
such extension of this culture as would seriously
compete with the United States in supplying
Europe with cotton. Great efforts had been made
by governments, associations aud individuals to
encourage and extend it elsewhere, but all had
failed. Above a certain point of price they could
make some progress, but this point was above
the ruling average, at and below which these
States alone could and would continue the requi-
site supply.
Will it be otherwise now V
It has come to be an axiom of English political
economy, that whatever business will not even
tually be self-sustaining is not worth attempting.
Hence their rejection of the protective policy—in
theory at least. The question arises, can the cul
ture of cotton be so established in East or West
Indies, in South America, Australia, Algeria,
South Africa, or elsewhere, by any extent of pa
tronage, bounty or protection, as to be able to
compete with our Cotton States in the markets of
the w’orld, when that aid is withdrawn ?
Yes, if slave labor can be abolished in our
States, thus establishing permanently high prices
for cotton —not otherwise ; and the civilized world
is not yet ready for all the suffering and horrors
of such a course—a suffering which would not oe
limited by Mason and Dixon’s line, nor by the
Atlantic. Our own people, North and South, not
only do not desire any interference with it, but
they have said emphatically there shall be none,
Aud since the consequences of a cessation of Ame
rican slave labor have come home to the people
of England, touching their labor aud their labo
rers’ bread, their commerce and even their na
tion’s grandeur, a more reasonable view is there
taken of our relation to slavery, its benefits and
its necessary evils, and the duties it devolves.
There as here this subject has assumed anew as
pect, and is discussed rather as a recognition of
what exists, than what might be desired by theo
rists.
So long as the feeling aud interest of the North
ern States ure identified with those of the South,
as now they are , the preservation and protection
of American slave labor are secured indefinitely,
or until it yields to economical reasons voluntarily
adopted by the States in which slavery exists. It
has been thought possible that vicious counsel,
leading to madness of action, in tbe cottou States,
may •force upon the free States a contest they
would avoid—au issue in which they have do in
terest, except as it interests their countrymen
whose welfare is identical with their own. Let
it be held impossible ; retain Northern interest in
Southern welfare—then slave labor will continue
to supply the world with cotton.
The crop of 1859-’6U was 4,675,000 bales. The
planting for 1860-’CI was for 5,000,000 bales, but
an unfavorable season has reduced it to about
3,600,000 or 3,700,000 bales ; aud the severe and
almost unparalleled drought which so injured the
cotton, caused even greater failure in the corn
crop. It will be necessary to plant even a greater
breadth of land than usual in corn, and which,
this season, may somewhat reduce the planting of
cotton, yet amply provides for a crop of 4,
to 4,500,000 bales.
Tbe present capacity of labor applicable to cot
ton growing, and the land now open, aie equal to
the annual production of 5,000,000 bales. Os the
rich lands witoin the borders of the cotton States,
not one-fourth have yet beeu cultivated. They
cau be made to yield any supply of cotton that
the consumption of the world shall demand, up
to 20,000,000 bales, of 500 pounds each, annually.
Nor will labor be wanting adequate to auv pro
gressive increase of demand for cottou. Five
years ago it was held to be impossible to obtain
labor to handle and pick a crop of 4,000,u00 bales,
yet last year a cron of 4,G75,000 bales was pre
pared aud marketed. Labor now is more effect
ive than was twenty years ago. The sum of
SIBOO, invested iu one good “field hand,” pays a
better interest than the same sum invested iu
three of them did iu 1840, even with cotton at the
same price. Such are the improvements, relieving
slave with animal labor,—substituting the mvle
and plow for man and hoe in field work,—and in
better implements aud processes, that the pro
duce of one man's labor is nearly equal to that of
three men twenty years ago, and his labor is more
easily performed ; and the planter feeds, clothes,
and insures but one instead of three. The crop
in the field is more even iu growth and in the
opening of the bolls, so that each hand can pick
much mope cottou in a given time than formerly.
The produce per acre has increased everywhere—
iu the fertile lands of Mississippi, and in the worn
lauds of Georgia aud the Caroliuas ; the latter bj
use of guano and more thorough cultivation of
the land.
Nor has improvement ceased. It will continue,
as well iu the manuel operations and applications
of and more fertilizers to the
soil, asiu more skill and more intelligence in the
laborers of each successive geuerauon, and all
more systematised. Planters of the present day
are a very different class of men from those of
twenty-five or thirty years ago, a large portion of
them now having capitnl and education, which
then was rare, except in Middle Georgia and South
Caroliua.
This being the positiou of cotton planters in the
United States, having all the conditions necessary
to success—climate, cheap labor, cheap access to
market, and ability to sustain themselves in
j growing cotton at six cents per pound—what part
. of the w’orld can offer to compete with them v
| Suppose a succession of unfavorable seasons,
I like the last, shall cut down the American crop,
I and prices so advance as to encourage cotton
j planting in various other quarters. These, aided
i by high prices, prosper a few years, and con*ri
j bute sensibly to the supply from India and the
j United States. The latter, also eojoyiug tbe high
I prices, extend their culture—good seasous ensue—
| they make large crops, 5,000,000 or 6,000,000
I bales. Suddenly tfie woj*ld is overstocked—has
on hand stock for a year or two in advance. In
j evitably prices would fall to a range ruinously low
! —not enough to pay the cost of preparation for
; market and freight from distant points. The
: United States planters would still go ou, and wait
| for a turn of prices in their favor. But the planting
j elsewhere would die out, as it has before, except
where sustained by a local market, as in India
and China.
In the U. S. Senate, on Thursday and Friday
last, Mr. Douglas’ resolution, (published a few
days since in the Chronicle ,) was debated, but no
vote taken. On Friday. Mr Douglas said :
He wished to know from the Administration if
they mean peace or war. Are they going to ask
for military force, not only to recapture the forts,
but to subjugate all the people who have seceded,
or who may ciaim the right to secede * Rumor i
says that estimates Jiave been made as to how •
large an army will be necessary. It is estimated j
that 5,000 men will be uecessary to keep this capi
tal, and 260,fluff to take the field a for field opera |
lions. It is estimated that it will require over
three hundred millions of dollars to maintain
these forces and do the required work. Bui
where is the money to come trooi ? if you get
fiity millions out of the tariff it will be doing very
well; but he believed no tariff could be devised
that would yield one nundred millions a year. Is
it not your purpose to hurl this country blindly 1
into war, and then say to the people, you are in it
now and must fight it out? Whenever the ques
tion becomes cue of peace or war, it will be eigh- j
teen States agamst fifteen, for then every South
trn State would be on the same side. We have
a right to know what is intended. Silence is a
crime. It is time the country knew what the
policy is to be.
There are three lines of policy which are possi
ble. The first ia the restoration and preservation
ot the Union by such amendments of the Consti
tution as will restore peace, give equality, and en
sure domestic tranquility ; the second is” a peace
ful dissolution, by acknowledging the independ
ence ot the Southern States, and making treaties
with tfiem of commerce and amity; the last is
war, and the military subjugation of those States.
The first method he believed to be the best plan,
the UsyThe worst. Why cannot we arrive at
some amicable adjustment of these disputes? He
thought the President was right in saying that
the troubles we suffer arise from the absence of a
provision in the Constitution defining the powers
cf Congress in reference to slavery. This calla
for an amendment to the Constitution which
would put au end to the controversy.
A Monster Cargo. —The American ship Sam
Duuning, Capt. Skofield, master, cleared at the i
Custom House yesterday for Liverpool, by M. S.
Charlock A Cos., with 5,620 bales cotton,’weigh
ing 2,902,158 lbs., valued at $286,049-32 ; also 182
sacks cotton seed, valued at $196. Total value of
oergo, $288,247.32. —Mobile Register, 14M.
Special Dispatches to the Charleston Couriir.
The Slave Trade BUl—Veto andMessge
of President Davis.
Montgomery, March 15.—The following is the
Message of President Davis, communicating to
Congress his reason for vetoing the Slave Trade
Bill . _ ,
Executive Department, )
February 28, 1361. )
Gentlemen of Conaress:—' With sincere deference
to the judgment of Congress, I have carefully
considered the Bill in relation to the Slave Trade,
and to punish persons •Rending therein, but have
not been able to approve it, and, therefore, do
return it with a statement of my objections.
The Constitution—Section seven, Article one—
provides that the importation of African negroes
frem anv foreign country other than slaveholding ;
States of the United States is hereby forbidden, ;
and Congress is required to pass such laws as ;
shall effectually prevent the saefte. The rule here- 1
in given is emphatic, and distinctly directs the j
legislation which shall effectually prevent the im
portation of African negroes. The Bill before me j
denounces as high misdemeanor the importation !
of African negroes, or other persons of color, ]
either to be sold as slaves or to be held to service j
or labor, affixing heavy, degrading penalties on j
the act if done with such intent. To that extent
it accords with the requirements of the Constitu
tion, but in the sixth section of the Bill provision
is made for the transfer of persons who may have
been illegally imported into the Confederate States
to the custody es loreign States or societies, upon
[ condition of deportation and future freedom, and
| if the proposition thus to surrender them shall not
j be accepted, it is then made the duty of the Presi-
J dent to cause said negroes to be sold at outcry to
the highest bidder in any one of the States where
! such sale shall not be inconsistent with the laws
Ithereof. This provision seems to mein opposi
; lion to the policy declared in tbe Constitution.—
! The prohibition of the importation of African ne
! groes, and iu derogation of its mandate to legis
i late for the effectuation of that object, wherefore
| the Bill is returned to you for your further con
! sideration, aud, together with the objectious,
most respectfully submitted.
(Signed) JEFFERSON DAVIS,
j A vote was ordered on the passage of the Slave
Trade Bill over the President’s veto—yeas 15,
nays 24 :
Yeas —Messrs. Curry and Chilton, of Alabama ;
Morton aud Owens, of Florida; Toombs, li. Cobb,
T. R. R. Cobb, Bartow, Nisbet and Kenan, of
Georgia ; Rhett, Barnwell, Keitt and 3liles, of
South Carolina ; Ochiltree, of Texas—ls.
Nays. —Messrs. Mu,th, llale, Shorter and Dean,
of Alabama ; Wright nd Stephens, of Georgia ;
DeClouet, Conrad, Kenner, Sparrow and Marshall,
of Louisiana , Harris, L/ooke, Wilson, Clayton,
Barry and Harrison, of Mississippi; Chesnut,
Withers and Boyce, of South Carolina ; Reagan,
Waul, Gregg and Oldham, of Texas—24.
Evacuation of Fort Sumter.
The Charleston Courier of Saturday says The ’
latest intelligence from Washington seems to leave !
this matter m a state of uncertainty. Nothing
positive has reached us, and preseut appearances 1
| lud.cate further delay of any decisive action on 1
tlie part of the Administration at Washington.— j
The dispatches to ihe Northern and Southern j
pros, and their comments on this subject, have 1
confirmed us in the opinion that they originated ‘
from the fountain head. Due thing is certain,
however, that they have only led to increased ac
i ivity on the part of Gen. Beauregard and Gov.
Pickens, in adopting measures of vigilance. The
Coast Guard has been doubled and the forces at
the various fortifications along the coast almost
trebled. We repeat again, that with the extensive
preparations already completed, any attempt to
reinforce Fort Sumter will prove a hopeless and
disastrous undertaking.
Private dispatches yesterday were of the most j
conflict mg nature. The following dispatch was
received by one of the authorities from a promi
nent gentleman of New York, who received it
from Washington, ou the 13th :
“The steamer Crusader, Mohawk, Harriet Lane,
Bibb, and tbe brig Perry, with the store ship Star
of the West, will leave port to-night for Charles
lon, S. C. They received orders this morning to
! be ready at 1 o’clock.”
Il was almost rumored that another dispatch
had been received iu high quarters, from oue of
i the Commissioners of the Confederate States, to
j the effect that a messenger had been dispatched
; to Charleston w itii tbe orders for evacuation.—
Later iu the evening, contradictory information
was received staling that the Cabinet had been in
session, and that the final consideration of the
question was postponed until to-morrow.
The Mcrcunj of the same date says :
A rumor was current, yesterday that Mr. For
syth had sent despatches to the Governor posi
tively assuring him that the garrison would be
withdrawn from Fort Sumter. This is incorrect.
In his despatch, Mr. Forsyth merely gave it as
his impression that Lincoln would pursue the
course indicated.
Per contra , the following indicated despatch,
from a reliable source in Washington, was re- i
ccived yesterday :
“ Great efforts are being made to reconsider
the withdrawal of the troops from Fort Sumter.
I think they will fail. A fiual consultation is to
be held to-morrow.”
So that the matter is still iu doubt.
V Washington dispatch to the Charleston Cou
rier, dated the loth, says : Tbe Senate had a long
Executive Session to-day. Ger.. Scoft (a most
unusual thing") was admitted and consulted iu re
gard to the status of all the Southern forts. Im
portant military movements were considered.—
Gen. Scott reiterated his opinion that Maj. An
derson must be withdrrwn. Questions were put
to him and the matter discussed minutely all its
bearings.
Another and third determination lias been ar
rived at, that there is no other alternative, that
Anderson must be withdraw n. A final decision
was thus had.
It, is generally understood and strongly intima
ted in the best quarters that can be approached,
that n messenger has been sent to Major Ander
son. Positive answer is refused at official sources,
but none here out side doubt the fact.
Senator Douglas’ Resolution. —The following
is tlie resolution offered by Mr. Douglas in the U.
S. Senate on Wednesday :
Resolved, That the Secretary of War be request
ed to inform the Senate what forts, arsenals, navy
yards, and other public works within the limits
of the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Florida,
Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana and Texas, are
now’ within the actual possession and occupation
of the United States; and by wbat number of
men each is garrisoned aud held ; and whether
reinforcements are necessary to retain the same,
and if so, whether the Government has the power
and means, under existing laws, to supply such
reinforcements w ithin such time as the exigencies
and necessities of the case may demand ; and
whether the defence and protection of the United
States and their interests make it necessary and
wise to retain military possession of such forts,
places and other property, except at Key West
and Tortugas, and to recapture aud reoccupy
such others as the United States have been de
prived of by seizure or surrender any other
purpose, and with a view to any otner end than
the subjugation and occupation of those States
which have assumed the right to secede from the
Union; and within whose limits such ferts and
other public property, what military force, includ
ing regulars and volunteers, would be necessary
to enable the United States to reduce the States
aforesaid, aud such others us are supposed to
sympathise with them, to subjection and obe
dience to the laws of the Union, aud to protect
the Federal Capital.
Mr. Wilson said he hoped the resolution would
not be consid red to-day.
Mr. Douglas said he would call up the resolu
tion to-morrow.
Mr. Mason objected, for the present, to its con
sideration, not being satisfied that the Senate had
power to act upon it.
From the Savannah News, 1 Qth.
iTlojor-Gcueral of tlie First Division of
tlic Georgia Volunteer*.
We publish to-day the letter of Col. lienry R.
Jackson, resigning the position of Major-General
of the rirdt Division of Geoigia Volunteers. The
letter is characteristic of tbe man. lie resigns
not because he ia unwilling to serve Georgia in
the high position assigned him by Gov. Brown,
but acting from that lofty spirit of patriotism, and
what he conceives a sense of right and justice to
that distinguished Georgian aud soldier, Col. Wm.
11. T. Walker. The letter speaks for itself, and
gives an early example which we trust will be
followed by those who are to control the destinies
of the Confederate States. Col. Jackson is in the
vigor of life aud manhood ; we presume ambitious,
for ambition in its higher sense, in which we use
it, is au element and essential of greatness, yet he
declines a position, for which he is so eminently
qualified, from that nobler impulse of patriotism
and sense ot justice which has ever marked the
man.
We trust that Col. Walker will at once accept;
and only regret that Georgia could not have had
the services of both her distinguished sons. We
have beeu informed, however, that in the event
there should be a collision between the Confede
rate States and the United, that Col. Jackson will
raise a regiment of volunteers, or will in some
other way conueet himself with the defence of the
State, wheu his services may be most needed.
Savannah, March 14,186 L.
Ilia Excellency Gov. Brown :
My Dear Sir—When, some days ago, J-accepted
the position of Major General of the Ist Division
of Georgia Volunteers, which you dia me the high
honor to tender to me, the name of Gen. W. Jl. T.
Walker was not in the mind of either of us dis
connected from the regular service. It is Deed
less to say that he is, in many respects tho most
marked military man in Georgia. Educated at
West Point, and for twenty years a soldier by
profession, the world will recognize the fact that,
iu the nature of things, he roust be far more com
petent than I to organize aud prepare for the field
a large body of troops. In addition to this be is
distinguished above*all men by the scars he bears
upon his person, in proud appreciation of which
his State, years ago, presented him the sword
which he now so proudly wears.
I feel profoundly that I cannot continue to hold
a position which legitimately belongs to another.
J am awar“, however, that the same generosity
which led Gen. Walker to accept a place, which
he knew to be subordinate to mine, will induce
him to insist upon my not relinquishing the latter
in his behalf. I beg, therefore, to say in advance,
that should he decline it, so will I.
To yourself allow me to return you my sincere
acknowledgments for the honor conferred upon
me. Very respectfully,
Your ob't servant,
Henry R. Jackson.
The Southern Commissioners.— The secrecy of
the new Administration would seem to put the
telegraphic correspondents ot the press at fault.
For instance, it is announced that ;he Southern
Commissioners wifi be received; next follows a
dispatch that Mr. Seward decliues an interview ;
and lastly, it is positively asserted that a demand
for an interview is made, and time for considera
tion by the Government is asked. Nevertheless,
in spite of the apparent contradiction, all these re
ports are true. Mr. Seward did intimate notoniy
; his willingness, but his anxiety tc givo an audi
j ence to the Commissioners from the “Confede
| rated states.*’
With this intimation, Messrs. Crawford and
; Forsyth remained quiet, awaiting for a partial
I abatement of the fearful pressure which is being
! made upon the Administration for office. They
were, then, not a little surprised on Wednesday
morning at the reception ol a note from Secre
tary Seward, declining altogether the proposed
interview, from “ motives of high public consid
eration.” This fact was duly announced exclu
sivelv in the columns of the American, and the
note forwarded to Fresident Davis. The Com
missioners immediately addressed a note to Mr.
Seward, demanding peremptorily 10 he heard, and
saying a messenger would call the following day
yesterday, for an answer. A messenger did call, i
but Mr. Seward’s response was not ready, as he
asked time for the proper consideration of a ques
tion of such grave importance. Thus matters
stand to-dav.— Washington Correspondence BoM.
American , 1 5th. *
Seixureof a Vessel at New Toer.—The New |
York Herald of vesterday says :
The first seizure at this port, growing out of tbe j
resignation of United States Collecters at South
ern ports took place vesterday. Ou or about 2d ;
January last the schooner Restless, of Great Egg
Harbor, N J.. sailed from Philadelphia to Mobile
under the usual coastiog license. At Mobile she 1
got a cargo tor Havana. Her CaptaiD, as usual, ;
surrendered his license and applied to the Collec- ;
tor at Mobile for a register. The Collector replied
that he had ceased to be a United States officer, j
and that he could cot furnish a United States
register. Tne captain entered his protest, had i
it countersigned o\ the Spanish Consul at Mobile, j
and sailed for HavVi; whence, after discharging !
and reloading, be sailed for this port, arriving
here yesterday morning On his arrival the
schooner was instantly seized ny Mr. Schell, under
the 6th section of the'“Act for enrolling and li
censiug snips,” £c., dated 20xh February, 1798.
We believe that this ia tbe first case of the kind
which has arisen at thi* port since tht secession of
the Southern States.
Opinions of Hie Republican Press on the
Evaluation of Port Sumter.
The opinions of the Black Republican press on
the proposal to surrender Fort Sumter may be of
interest to our readers, and we subjoin some ex
tracts :
The Tribune accepts the evacuation as a neces
sity, but grumbles bitterly—
It is not for us to judge of the justification the
Government may have for surrendering—or aban
doning, for there is no difference in the two acts
a post of so much importance, for the circum
stances by which they are influenced are not yet
fully known to us. But we may, at least, express
the wish that no determination to take so import
ant and irrevocable a step be come to through any
hasty counsel. War, and the consequences of
war, are a possible near future from which few )
shrink with more instinctive dread than we do; !
but there are worse sacrifices in the conduct of j
i human affairs than human life.
For four months the Federal Government has |
1 succumbed to rebelliou, because i’ wanted, not ;
’ material, but moral strength. If the cost of reiu
! forcing Sumter be so great in blood and treasure ■
■ that its surrender or abandonment may seem ad- \
I visable, there can, at least, be no immediate haste j
I for such a step, and Mr. Lincoln may divide the
! responsibility with Congress by appealing to them I
i for aid. For the surrender of a post by the new
; Administration, before it has been a fortnight in
] power, which the outgoing Administration, with
i all its imbecility and pusillanimity, persistedJn
; holding, is an act which cannot fail to have mwt
j important consequences. It is, to begin with, an
acknowledgement of the defeat of the Federal
Government, and that the doctrine announced in j
Mr. Lincoln’s Inaugural is found to be untenable j
on the very first trial.
It is acknowledgment that the I'nion is utterly j
dissolved past all possibility of reconstruction, j
except by the most abject concessions. It is,
moreover, a question whether these acknowledg- j
ments will not so demoralize the North, and so
j strengthen the South, that the hideous front of |
i Compromise may be again raised with renewed
I hopes and renewed strength, and whether the j
! vigor which has hitherto opposed it may not, by j
! this act, lmve gone put from us forever. As we
| said before, we cannot judge of the wisdom of this
j or that step, without a better knowledge of all the
circumstances than we now possess; but we can
j not help thinking, that if we are to accept the
} terms of disunion which tilt Confederate States
offer us, we may begin with some act less hnmili
| ating than the surrender of Fort Sumter.
The N. Vork Commercial Advectiser thinks the
abandonment ot tlio fort tantamount to an ae
knowledgmeut of the Southern Confederacy :
It is possible, Lardy possjble, therefore, that
yielding to the i.ci essities ol the case, the Presi j
dent purposes the surrender of Fort Sumter to I
the Soutiiern Confederacy. If so, the controversy j
is at an end. The revolution in the South is sue- I
cessfui. The Southern Confederacy is a rival j
sovereign Republic on this Continent. The Uni- j
‘ted States has lost tens of thousands of miles of !
territory, two thousand miles of coast, with its j
harbors and fortifications, and thus curtailed I
largely of the means of defence and commerce I
will lie at the mercy of a foreign power on its j
Southern as well as its Northern border. We 1
use this language because Sumter will never be .
retaken or restored. Its tenure by the Federal i
Government, with that of Forts Pickens, is the j
only check upon the revolutionists. Let them
once have possession of all the forts upon the
Gult coast, as they will then have, and the South
ern Confederacy is a Government de facto thence
forth.
The surrender is made on the presumption that
no blood must be shed to retain it. Fort Pickens
must be surrendered also on the same principle,
and on the same principle a gun can never be
fired or a sword drawn lor the recovery of them,
| or either of them, by the Federal Government,
j Say we not rightly, then, that if Fort Sumter is
j to be given up, the whole question is virtually
j settled and the American Union irrecoverably
| destroyed for lack of power to maintain it ?
; The New \ ork Evening Post places the blame
on Mr. Buchanan, and calls the evacuation the last
fruits of treason :
We do not know that it is yet wholly impossible
to save the honor of the nation—the military ad
visers of the Cabinet, who are competent to’ form
an opinion will decide upon that point; but we
do know that it Major Anderson is ordered to beat
an ignominious retreat, the act will produce a
general howl of indignation. No real American,
I we care not what his politics, will consent to see the
j nation degraded and dishonored without a vehe-
I ment protest. True, it is said that the withdrawal
j of t.ie garrison from Fort Sumter will have a good
I effect in the Border States ; that it will deprive
j the Secessionists there of their principal means of
inflaming the popular passions ; but such pleas
j are both useless and cowardly. The Border
j States do not mean to leave the Union; their peo
j pic have given evidence enough of that fact, and
j it is but a poor compliment to their patriotism or
! their honor to say that their adherence can only
be purchased by sacrifices which involve the last
ing disgrace ot the Union. Let it be ouce under
stood that the Union can only bo sived by vaca
ting the General Government of all.its functions,
and the question will aiise whether it is worth
saving at all.
The Times, on the other hand, approves of the
abandonment of the fort:
In these circumstances, what is tiie duty ol the
Government at Washington V Shall it persist in
an attempt to retain a position, the untenableness
of which is demonstrated by every military ad
viser, by every fact within its knowledge, and by
the unwilling testimony of the Commander him
self? In this utterly hopeless enterprise, shall it
precipitate a civil conflict, the deplorable results
of which will be not only the industrial and social
ruin of this generation, but an inheritance of feud
and bloodshed to its successors? When the Bor
der States, with patriotic moderation, have with
drawn all other conditions of their abiding loyalty
to the Union, save abstinence from coercion, shall
we alienate them forever by this wanton and crim
inal pursuit of an impracticable point of honor,
the off'spring of sectional or partisan pride ? These
are the questions which engage the anxious atten
tion of the new Cabinet, and engross its delibera
tions. Upon the determination, the immediate
and remote future of the people are dependent.
The World also accepts the determination of
the Administration ns a necessity :
The Administration cannot reasonably be
blamed lor not undertaking to accomplish impos
sibilities/!: is not to blame for the faults, failures,
and imbecile mismanagement of its predecessor
in power, nor for the shortcomings ol’ Congress.
Mr. Lincoln’s administration is not tc be blamed
because it cannot turn back the hands on the dial
plate, and deal with this question as i.t might and
ought to have been dealt with four months ago.—
The late Administration failed to reinforce the
forts of Charleston harbor, in disregard of the
advice of Gen. Scott, and the urgent entreaties of
Gen. Wool, at a time when reinforcement was
both easy and would have been a powerful check
on the progress of secession.
Reinforcements have been rendered more diffi
cult and less valuable by every day’s delay since,
till at length the holding of Fort Sumter has ceas
ed to be of much value, except for its moral effect
on the country. Not, by auy means, that it is a
light thing for the country to be disgraced and
humiliated, and made to blush for the imbecility
of its Government. But if Buchanan had streng
thened the Charleston forts when Gen. Seott first
advised it, he would not only have saved the na
tional honor, but have retained strongholds of
great strategic value. But we fear all is now lost,
because Mr. Lincoln’s administration did not
commence till the 4tji of March. ‘May God avert
the disgrace, if it be possible; audit not, enable
the country to profit by the discipline of humilia
tion.
The Permanent Constitution.
While we coincide with those who hold that it
was a usurpation of power for the Provisional
Congress at Montgomery to adopt a permanent
Constitution for the Confederate States, we find
in the instrument which it has adopted but few
provisions that we cannot approve, and these pro
visions are objectionable because they ignore or
violate the great principle which we think the
founders of the new republic ought to have kept
steadily in view—the vindication and strengthen- I
ing of the institution of African slavery on this
continent, and the recognition of the master’s or !
white citizen’s “divine right” to rule in our whole ;
economy.
The stern and arbitrary prohibition of the Afri
can slave trade cannot be otherwise regarded
throughout the world than as an admission of the
wrong or evil of African slavery. It cannot be
justified on the score of expediency merely, be
cause that is manifestly a question which each
State ought to be allowed to decide for itself. For
the Congress to say that it is inexpedient for
Texas, in view of her own industrial economy, to
import African slaves, would certainly he an un
warrantable dictation and interference with State
sovereignty. The motive of the prohibition must
have reference to the character of the trade itself,
and will be so regarded throughout Christendom.
Wc do not insist that Texas or any other State
ought to permit the re-opening of the trade, but
we hold that the right of importing or inviting la
borers for the development ci its resources or the
prosperity of its industrial pursuits is one of the
i great prerogatives of a State, which cannot be
surrendered consistently with her sovereignty. ‘
The provision apportioning representation in |
the Congress according to the old “ Federal
basis,” has, in our opinion, no sound principle to
recommend it in our confederacy. In the old
Union, this basis was a compromise between the
North and South—between States that had abol
ished or contemplated abolishing slavery, and
those that cherished and desired to perpetuate
the institution. They compromised by permitting
representation for three filths of the slaves. But
iu our confederacy, in which no such conflict or
necessity for compromise exists, slaves should be
either nil counted or all regarded as property
merely. We think thut the constitution would
best vindicate the supremacy of the white race,
and most certainly reconcile all sections and class
es, by treating slaves consistently as mere proper
ty and apportioning representation, asmo.stof the
States do in their systems, without computing
them.
Again, why are free negroes fully counted in
making up the representative basis 'i They are
not citizens—have no vote or other political rights;
and yet they are ail taken into the count in ap
portioning representation, is there any consis
tency in this V
We have no doubt that these provisions met
with strong opposition in the secret sessions of
the Congress, and were adopted as a compromise.
Hut we submit that it would have been better to j
settle these questions consistently and most ad- i
vantageouslv to the institution peculiar io our
confederacy, rather than to compromise principle
for the sake of temporary harmony.— Columbus
Enquire*.
How Douglas held Mb. Lincoln’s Hat.—A j
Cincinnati paper gives the following incident of j
the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln :
“One of the representatives of this State in Con- |
gress reports an interesting and rather funny iu- j
cident of the inauguration, which, not having “seen i
in print, we record. On approaching the plat
form where he was to take his oath and be induct
ed into the office of Chief Executive, Mr. Lmcoin
removed his hat and held it in his hand as he took
the seat aassigned him. Th% article seemed to be a
burden. He changed it awkwardly from one hand 1
to the other, and finally, despairing of finding for it j
any other e&3y position,* deposited it upon the
I platform beside him. Again it was dauaied un- J
i easily, md as Senator Baker adproached to intro- j
duce him to the audience be made a motion as if
I to replace the tile on the stage under the seat, j
when Douglas, who had been looking on quietly, j
and apparently with some apprehensions of a ca- j
tastrophe tD the hat said, ‘Permit me, sir,’ and j
gallantly took the vexatious article and held it ;
during the entire reading of the Inaugural. Dug. :
must have reflected pretty seriously duripg that j
half hour, that instead of delivering an inaugural i
address from that portico, he was holding the hat I
of the man who was doing it.”
j Erection or a Battery—Laborers Wanted.—
! Two 32 pounders have been obtained from St.
j Augustine, which are to be placed in a battery at
| some proper point below St. Marks, for the pro
| tection of the port and harbor from the incursions
| of “old Abs’%” water craft or other unwelcome
i visitors. These guns were procured by a requi.-i
i non of the Governor upon Col. Jos. John Wil
j liams, who executed the order with great pr&mpt
; itude, and at a small expense. They are expected
i here to-day by raiU'rom Jacksonville. Col. Wil
j liams is aLo charged with the duty ofplaciag them
i in battery, and needs a large number of laborers—
-1 probably a hundred. Will not the Planters of
Leon and the surrounding neighborhood furnish
j them ? All who are willing to aid towards making
i up this necessary force are requested to notify
j CoL W. as soca as poasible. The battery in ques
| tioc may prove of great consequence to Middle
! Florida, as it certainly will so prove in the event
’ of an effort being iua_e to blockade the Gulf
j ports. —Tallahassee Floridian <t Journal , \tth %
The shipment of corn South by the Mississippi
1 river appears to be as large as by the railroad
routes. Immense stores of it have accumulated
j at New Orleans.
Cjrtmiick £ HratindL
AUGUSTA. GA..
WEDNESDAY MORNING, MARCH So, 1861.
OUK TERMS. —Single copies, $2 per annum;
three copies $5 : six copies £10; ten conies sls.
Invariably in advance. No name will be enter
ed on our subscription books unless the money
accompanies the order. The notes of all specie
payin'; banks taken at par. We employ no
travelling agents.
WE ALWAYS stop the Chronicle & Senti
nel at the end of the year, or the time fr which
it is paid, of which each subscriber will receive
due notice by letter, so that if you wish to con
tinue it, it would be wclito renew your subscrip
tion at least two weeks before the time expires.
WE CANNOT change the address of a sub
scriber unless he gives us his former as well as
his present address.
Snow.-—To the intense disgust of every reason,
able person, the cold rain of Monday intensified
its disagrceableuess, by changing into a regular
snow-storm at night about 7 o’clock. The snow
came down in a manner which would have done
no dishonor to New England or Canada, but on
account of the dampness of the earth melted al
most as soon as it fell. Our Congress consider
j ately propose to place a duty of two dollars per
i ton fin ice—we hope they will totally prohibit its
kindred Northern institution, snow, whose coming
at this untimely season.
Tuesday morning, the ground was covered with
I snow to the depth of five or six inches. We
j should suppose at least twelve inches of snow
must have fallen, as the ground was very wet,
| and it melted rapidly. Ice was formed to the
| thickness of an eighth of an inch.
Bobbin-Turners Wanted. —The attention of
those familiar with the business, and who are out
of employment, is directed to an advertisement in
to-day’s paper, headed “Wanted.”
We think the determination of the Southern
Congress to discontinue some of the little Post
offices wise, if not carried too far. Some of
i them are merely Post offices in name. For in
! stance, we find that for the year ending Septem
i ber 30th, 1850, the net proceeds of each of five
oflices in Florida was under ten Three of
. them received four cents each, and one of them
\ three cents. Certainly, these offices could be
| lopped off without any great harm.
I Patent Office Seeds. —Tbe Agricultural Divis- j
i of the U. S. Patent Office has distributed
‘no. : ino members of Congress a largo quantity
j of seeds selected in Europe, which are said to be
of much superior quality to those heretofore dis
tributed. The members who seceded from the
last Congress have been furnished with their
quotas of seeds, and it is to be hoped they will
distribute them among their constituents, as it is
| probably the last favor of the kind wo shall ever
! receive from tbe U. S. Government.
Knickerbocker.— The April number of this
j excellent magazine is on our table, filloa, as usual,
with its select and tasteful assortment of reading.
| We again say to those of our friends who wish a
literary magazine of character, taste and interest,
send §3 to J. R. Gilmore, Nov 5 Beekman at., N.
Y., and we venture to assert you will be well
pleased with the investment.
Ratification of the Permanent Constitution.
—The Savannah Republican of Monday says :
“The Constitution of the Confederate States was
taken up by our Convention, in secret session,
Saturday last, and, after a brief consideration,
ratified by the unaSiimous vote of the body. Im
mense applause followed the vote, and s@on after
| a large concourse, many of whom were delegates,
assembled in Wright Square, where the Chatham
Artillery fired a salute of seven guns in honor of
the event.”
Georgia Volunteers, Get Ready. —The Colum
bus Times of Thursday, says: “We learn from a
gentleman direct from Montgomery, that President
Davis will issue an order for five thousand volun
teers, for Pensacola. Os this number, Georgia
will furnish, perhaps, two thousand. We consider
the information reliable, and believe that the or
der will be issued to the Governors of tho Con
federate States immediately. President Davis
does not regard the withdrawal of the troops from
Sumter, (as it is a caso of life and death with the
Government troops,) as any indication of peace.”
President Davis’ Veto.
The veto of the African Slave Trade bill by
President Davis, brings into force the law of the
United States, making the slave trade piracy,
punishable with death. That law was a nullity
on account of the severity of tbe penalty—even
Northern juries would not convict under it. The
practical effect of the veto will be to allow the
trade, for the law of the United States can never
be enforced here.
We have no doubt, however, that our Congress,
as required by the Constitution, will soon frame
a law more iu accordance with the views of the
President.
The Tariff.
We were under a wrong impression when we
announced the new Tariff Act had been passed by
the Montgomery Congress. Our only excuse is,
that under the secret session system, it is not only
impossible to tell what is doing, hut what has
beon done. The United States tariff of 1857, con
tinues in force.
The following dispatch to the Chronicle & Sen
tinel explains tho state of the case :
Montgomery, March 18.—The tariff bill was
published for information, and has not passed.
Another act has passed, lowering duties on a few
articles, which will be published immediately.
C. G. Mehmingbr.
Homicide. —A young man, mimed Michael
Gleason, son of Patrick Gleason, who is in the
employ of W. H. Salisbury & Cos., was found
dead about sundown near Hawk’s Gully bridge,
on Sunday. Subsequently Coroner Barer held
an inquest on the deceased, and the following ver
dict was rendered : “That he came to his death
by a knife or some sharp-pointed instrument in
the hands of cue Robert Poole, stabbing him in
the right side, and taking effect in the right lung,
and causing almost immediate death.”
Poole was arrested and put in jail. He will
have liis examination before tho Magistrates, at
tbe City Hall, at 10 o’clock this morning. Wo
learn that there had been a previous difficulty be
tween Gleason and Poole, of the nature of which,
however, we are unadvised.
Death of Mr. Paul ltosnignol.
Our community have cause to regret the death
J of that old citizen and worthy man, Mr. Paul
| Rossignol, who died yesterday about 6 P. M.—
Mr. Rossignol had held offices of great trust and
responsibility, and in all of them was distinguished
j for his faithfulness, uprightness and ability. Dur
ing a very long residence among us no breath of
detraction sullied the purity of his good name,
and we should mourn his departure, if we did not
know he had gone to reap the eternal rewards of
a well spent life.
London Art Journal.
Os all the publications which have been brought
to our notice, in any manner connected with Art,
the magazine named at the head of this article
stands first and foremost. Its illustrations, se
lected from pitucres, in the Royal Gallery and
public and private* collections of Great Britain,
are in the very highest style of steel engraving;
j and the publishers are not niggardly in the'fium
her which they give each month. For instance,
in the January and February nnmbera for 1861,
now B before us, there'are six’full-page engravings,
while there are quantity of superior wood
engravings interspersed. Os the latter, the
articles of Mr. Benson J. Lossing, of this country,
entitled “The Hudson, from the Wilderness to the
Sea,” with exquisite illustrations from the author’s
own drawings, are a marked feature. The letter
press is always of the liveliest interest to lovers
of Art, no matter of what country they may be.—
As to the typographicnl execution of the whole,
it is as near perfection, it would seem, as human
skill can reach. Nothing in the book-making
line can rival a volume of the London Art Jour
nal, with ull its valuable engravings and choice
reading.
This beautiful magazine enters upou its twenty
third annual volume w ith 1861, with new and in
creased attractions. It is worthy a place in every
home of taste and refinement. And us Art—the
Art that strives to create 3 love for the Beautiful
t —is not narrow or sectional, but appeals to the
j better natures of all people, in all lands, w’e take
! on interest in its progress in the “mother isle,” as
ev.nced in the London Art Journal. May its suc
ess always be commensurate with its merits—in
that case, we have no fear of its continued pros
perity and usefulness.
We refer our readers to the advertisement of
j. Messrs. Virtue A Cos., in another column.
j The Montgomery correspondent of the Colum
; bus Sun, under date of the 14tb, says :—lt is said
that Congress would have adjourned to-day until
the Ist May, but for certain dispatches received
from Washington, which were read in secret ses
sion—the contents of which have not been made
public.
Gen. Bragg.— Gen. Braxton Bragg arrived at
j Pen icola on Saturday, the Dth inst., and assumed
! the direction ot aflairs at the Navy Yard. The
j Observer says that he was greeted on hi 9 arrival
\ with the most vociferous demonstrations of ap
| plause by officers and soldiers. His headquarters
! will be at Warrington.
Supen Conversions.- -A Washington letter
! says that there is a general surprise at the num
: ber of “gentlemen in office” who are ardent Re
| publicans. But that one knows better, it might
| be supposed that the new Administration waa of
the Republican faith. The suddenness of their
i conversion and warmth of their zeal make their
sincerity doubtful. They will have to go, though
! it is estimated that nine-tenths of Buchanan’s ap
pointees are now strong Lincoln men.
North Carolina Election—No Convention.—
A dispatch to the Charleston Courier, dated Wil
mington, N. C., March 18th, says: The official
vote of this State, except Davie and Haywood
counties, and these have been partially heard
from, and supposed to be correctly given, has
been ascertained. The result is summed up thus :
For the Convention, 46,672; against the Conven
tion, 47,322. The majority against holding a Con*
vention, therefore, is 650. The vote ot the State
is smaller by about 20,000 than at the election last
August. -
President Lincoln has nominated Col. Sumner
as Brigadier General, vice Oen. Twiggs, in accord
ance with the regular order of promotion.^
The Permanent Conatltutton.
We published entire in our afternoon edition
yesterday, tbe permanent Constitution adopted at
at Montgomery, which will be found on our first
page this morning. There are a few points dif
ferent from the Constitution of the United States
but there is a very great family likeness, and as
a whole, we highly approve it. We design here
after, when we have more leisure, and the press
upon our columns is not so great as it is this
morning, to review the Constitution at length.
We have only time and space now to call atten
tion to a few points.
In the first place, the preamble recognises the
existence of a Supreme Being, and squints strong
ly at future peaceable secession, declaring each
State as acting now in framing the Constitution,
in its Sovereign and independent character. There
are to be forty-six Representatives in Congress
and fourteen Senators, from the seven States of
the present Cenfederacy, aud sixty Presidential
Electors Georgia having the largest number,
Alabama next, and Mississippi third.
Congresses authorized, by .law, to allow Cabi
Ministers seats on the tloor, and the privilege
of discussing matters pertaining to their depart
ments, but without voting—this assimilating the
British Parliament.
The old kingly power of the veto is continued, ’
and the President is authorized to veto any par
ticular item in an appropaiation bill, without ve
toing the bill—thus preventing that corrupt, log
rolling system, so long a disgrace to the Union,
by which lobbyists.and their friends got through
improper appropriations, which the President
could not prevent without stopping the wheels of
government. This is a decided improvement.
In levying aud collecting taxes, Ac., Congress
is forbid by this means to foster any branch of in
dustry, and forbid paying any bounty from the
common treasury. As to paying bounties directly,
of course that can be prevented, but very possibly a
majority might foster domestic industry by a reve
nue tariff, so called in spite of the letter of the Con
stitution, in this particular. The Constitution also
prohibits Congress from appropriating money for
internal improvements, except for lights, buoys,
Ac., and for the improvement of coasts, harbors,
and for removing obstructions in rivers, and
money for such objects is not to eome from the
general treasury, but to be raised by duties levied
on the commerce facilitated by sucti improve
ments. 80, a long farewell to President Davis’s
idea of a Pacific Railroad.
The importation of African negroes, except
\ from the United States, is forever prohibited, aud
j Congress required to pass such laws as may be
necessary to carry this provision into effect—while
Congress may also, at its direction, prohibit the
slave trade from the United States. .Congress is
forbid to levy an export duty on anything ex
ported from any State, except by a two-thirds
vote of both Houses—so we may expoct the first
Congress to übolish the present (or prospective)
duty on cotton—which is well.
No money shall be appropriated, unless esti
mated and called for by heads of departments,
except by a two-thirds vote—saving only paying
the necessary expenses of Congress, and adjudi
cated claims against the Confederate States—
and no contractor is to be allowed extras.
The Presidential term is extended to six years
the President ineligible for a second term ; and we
should have been glad to have bad it even longer,
provided also the ministry should bo forced to
resign, when defeated on an important matter, or
given the option of dissolving the House and or
dering anew election. There is an omission in
this, as in the old Constitution, in relation to va
cancy of the Presidential office; for while, in case
of the removal, death, resignation, or inability to
discharge the duties of the office by the President
the Vice-President succeeds, and in the came cases,
in regard to tho Vice-President, acting as Presi
dent, Congress may determine who shull exercise
the office of President till anew election can be
bad, there is no provision for Congress to declare
who shall exercise the office in case there be no
election of President by the Colleges or the
House, mid no election of Vice-President by the
Colleges or tho Senato, before the expiration o*’
the term ol the former occupants—and such a
case as this might occur.
The President shall nppoint all civil officers,
not otherwise provided for, and shall remove
heads o( departments at his discretion, but subor
dinate officers shall only be removed for cause,
aud that stated in writing by the President to the
Senate. And this is a most, excellent provision,
if we oan only be sure of tho right sort of men to
begin with.
Slaves or apprentices, escaping from one State
or Territory to another, shall not be discharged
from service, but delivered up ; but it is not spe
cified whether the Federal or Stato Governments
are charged with this duty—an omission which
may breed trouble hereafter.
Other Stntes may be admitted into the Confede
racy by a two thirds vote ol both Houses—tbe
Senate voting.by States—and Congress may ac
quire Territory, in which it shall recognize and
piotect slavery, as shall also the Territorial Gov
ernment, and whatever is property in any State
or Territory shall be protected as such in all Ter
ritory-Congress having the power to make need
ful rules only concerning the Territory as land—
proporty.
Congress only shall naturalize aliens, and no
Stato shall grant suffrago Without citizenship—a
good idea. The most objectionable feature of the
whole is the declaration that, after March, IBW,
the expenses of the Post Office Department shall
be paid solely by its own revenues. But take it
altogether, it is a good work, and we say to its
framers, well done, good and faithful servants.
A Conflict of Tariffs.
Our Congress, in their new Tariff bill, though
in our opinion, not discriminating sufficiently in
favor of our infant manufactures, have judiciously
adopted a scale of duties much lower than those
of tho United States in their recently enacted tariff
law, and the effect of this moderation must bo to
draw trade to the Southern ports at the ex
pense of the North. Whether the independence
of the Southern Confederacy is recognized (and
sooner or later it must be,) or the old government
persists in its empty theory that the Union is yet
intact, under our new Tariff and the powerless
ness of the administration at Washington to en
force its revenue laws, trade will seek its chan
nels, and the North and Northwest their supplies,
through the South. If the North persist in their
tariff, now in force, they may bid udieu to much
of their commercial prosperity, and their con
temptuous boastings of superiority will bo hushed.
The result of any great diversity in tariff
charges between the two Confederacies, must be
free trade at last. If the scale of duties is higher
in one, goods will be imported through the other,
and the result must be that to preserve commer
cial advantages, the highest must como to the
level of the other. The expense of collecting tho
revenue along an open boundary line of fifteen
hundred miles, where it is impossible to prevent
free transit, would consume the excess of revenue
accruing to the Confederacy having tbe highest
tariff, upon which the expense of an inland custom
house organization would fall.
We may expeot, as a consequence, a highly in
teresting competition between the Confederacies.*
When one reduces its tariff, the other from tbe
necessity of the case must also reduce to the
same, or if it wishes to obtain commercial advan
tages, to a still lower standard. Such a contest
will finally result in absolute free trade in both.
We fear that this finally would be most detri
mental to the South, for the North, with the great
advantages it has in manufacturing capital and
skill, wfuld be, as it has been heretofore, the
workshop of the South, and we should remain tri
butary to a nation, from which we have separated
jn enmity, for articles manufactured from staples
growing at our very doors. It would be better,
therefore, as we think, instead of entering into
such a suicidal contest, to enter into same com
pact, such for instance, as has been in force be
tween the States of Germany. Their Zoll- Verein
or treaty of commerce, ras instituted under cir
cumstances and necessities, similar to those which
will soon press upon the two American Confede
racies. That treaty has been in force nearly twenty
years, and its effect in abrogating numerous and
vexatious restrictions, and putting an end to smug
gling, and the irritating controversies which had
been continually occurring among the numerous
German sovereignties, have rendered it very ac
ceptable to merchants and people. The substance
of the arrangement is, that along the whole of
the exterior frontier of the German States, the
same tariff of duties is enforced, and the necessity
of interior Custom Houses exists no longer.—
The revenue collected is proportionably divided
among tbe different governments. Such a plan
or a similar one, to suit circumstances, might be
adopted here,‘and we prophecy, when two the sec
tions have got into a better humor by living apart
for a time, and no further causes of exasperation
occur, such an arrangement will be adopted. The
necessity for it will become every year more ap
parent.
We notice that influential Northern papers are
already urging an extra session of the U. 3. Con
gress to repeal the Morrill tariff and return to
that of 1857 or even to a lower scale of duties—
so the competition for low duties has already com
menced. When they are informed of the provi
sions of our new tariff act, the call for a reduction
will become yet more urgent. Wbat could bav*
induced the U. 3. Congress to have sanctioned so
heavy an increase of duties at the present junc
tion with the absolute certainty before them thai
the Southern Confederacy would greatly out bid
them for trade we cannot understand. Even the
pressing necessities of their Government ought
not to excuse them to their people—and if the
conflict of tariff's comes, as we anticipate, the
South has an important advantage in having gain
ed the first move on tbe board.
“Burke Share Shooters.” —The Savannah lit
publican says : Our military corps are under ob
ligations to this company. The Waynesboro’
A ’ews publishes a coirespondence In which “the
Sharp Shooters wishing to relieve, as far as in
the possible, the citizen so Jdiery of Savannah ol
toe very heavy duty of garrisoning Fort Pulaski,
tendered, some time since, their services to t tbe
Governor for that purpose.” Their offer was de
clined, on the ground that the Savannah military
would soon be relieved by & regular force.
Cotton Spinner’s Convention. —The adjourned
meeting of the Cotton Spinner’s Convention will
be held at Atlanta, on the 19th instant, instead of
the 10th, as erroneously printed by us in a recent
issue.
Hon. John E. Ward, United States Minister to
China, arrived in Florence, Italy, previous to the
ITth ult.
A Protective Policy.
The great object for which our popular leaders
have been professedly laboring for so many years
—the arrangement of a tariff) snch as will no
longer enure exclusively to tbe benefit of the
North, but will afford protection to Southern in
terests and enoourage Southern manufactures, is
now within our reach. Ilitherto, when we sought
for the causes of tho want of success in Southern
manufacturing enterprises—when we asked why,
with such unlimited resources and so great natur
al advantages over every competitor, we were
behind almost the whole civilized world in manu
factures, and continued shamefully tributary to
other communities, poorer naturally than cur
se 'es, or articles of every day use, we were told
t at our dependence was wholly owing to the evil
e , 0 l^e P ro, ective tariffs forced upon us by
the North-tbat the iron masters of Pennsylvania
and tho cotton lords of Massachusetts combined,
and used the Federal Government to oppress and
stifle in their infancy the struggling manufactures
of the South. The time has come to test the
truth of this political theory; we can now, left to
ourselves, develope our mineral and agricultural
resources, aud, using against the North the
weapon she has so long used against us, we shall
soon ascertain if it was solely owing to the policy
of the Federal Government, that we, with the
cheapest of labor, and tbe materials at our very
doort, could not compete with others less advan
tageously situated.
If a protective yiriff policy has worked out so
much prosperity for the North, we can seo no
reason why it may not do the same for the South-
That it has not done so, ws were told by our poli*
ticians, was because it bore unequally upon tbe
two sections—that while the South paid nearly
all the revenue, the North reaped all the beuefit
This may or may not have been true while we
were one nation, but separated as we are now
from the North, and forming, at least to the ex
tent of our present Confederacy, a nation identi
cal in interests, pursuits and population, we pre
sent no points upon which a protective policy
could weigh unequally and wo sincerely believe
that such a policy, with continued peace, would
not only in a few years relieve our Government
from debt and the degrading necessity of going
begging for loans in the money markets of the
world, but would enrich our people with a firm
and unexampled prosperity.
Southern independence can never be obtained
except by liberal protection to our own manufac
tures, and it is useless to expect it from auy other
source. Now, when the necessities of our govern
ment require that a heavy import duty be im
posed, when our peoplo are eager to show their
devotion to the new order of things and will cheer
fully submit to sacrifices, is the time to inaugu
rate such a policy as will not only encourage capi
talists to embark their wealth fhere, but will at
tract skilful and industrious mechanics to take up
their abode among us. We have no sympathy,
therefore, with thoso demagogues who adopt
measures of confiscation and retaliation whether
the consequences fall on the guilty or the inno
cent, against the property of Northern capitalists
here, men who are very far from countenancing
the proceedings of officious Northern intermed
dlers, and who have shown their confidence in
our laws and institutions by oonfiding their prop
erty to their protection. The wrong doue tv us
oanuot be repaired by wrong done by us, and it
should rather he our aim to attract capital than
to drive it away. We would encourage also the
immigration and settlement among us of foreign
mechanics and artisans ; the negro has’ no busi
ness in the work-shop, his place is iu the field,
and if the thousands now loitering uselessly about
our towns aud cities were omployod in agricul
ture as they should be, there would be no demand
for the African slave trade.
Take them from the workshops aud factories,
and we should fiud their pluces soon supplied
with the labor of the traiued white man—the ma
terial for valuable citizens—aud it is in such citi
zens that the strength, military, civil and com
mercial of a State consists—if they are en
enterprising, energetic, moral and industrious,
if they find full opportunities lor the em
ployment of their industry, ar.d adequate returns
for it, if they seek eagerly to develope tbe natural
woulth around thorn, the State is rich—but no
State is rich whose wealth consists in unemployed
capital, however uinple its capital may be, or how
ever great may be its undeveloped resources. Na
ture has endowed no state more richly thuu Mexi
co—no country is by nature poorer than England,
yet the first is miserably weak, the last enor
mously powerful—human industry and the want
of it have produced the difference between them.
Without a policy, such as we advocate, which
will bring the manufacturer and the artizan into
juxtaposition, trade will pursue the sumo course
as heretofore, provided war with its horrors and
miseries can be avoided. To the North we shall
continue to look for our necessary supplies of
manufactured articles, because no where else Con
they be manufactured so cheaply. Commerce
seeks the mart where it cun buy cheapest and sell
dearest, and takes no heed of prejudice or passion
when its interest is at stake. Tbe expectation
thut European will supplant Northern manufac
tures iu our markets is fallacious. Contiguity
alone gives the North an immense advantage over
Europe, and the North baa other advantages be
sides. Even now, many descriptions ol Northern
goods are exported to European countries, aud
compete with their own manufactures even intly/ir
own markets. We uoed not expect that direct
trade and high duties will give tho supremacy to
European over Northern goods, for high dpties
will fall equally on both, there can be no discrimi
nation if amicable relations continue. Diroct
trade may increase tho number of competitors in
our markets aud thus cheapen our supplies, but
high duties will produce a much more desirable:
result, in competing us to manufacture for our
selves—a consummation which many of our poli
ticians have professed ardently to desire us a long
step towards Southorn Independence, yet at tbe
same time hare as ardently advocated free trade
—two professions diametically opposed to, an*’,
inconsistent with eaoh other. We have had al
ways free trade with our chief source of supply,
and what have we gained by it ?
We think we see a desire, among some of our
rulers to sink the politician in the statesman, and
never was there a more favorable time for them
to rise above the petty jealousies of tbe hour—to
cease laboring for the advancement of this party,
or the elevation of that man, and to work for the
good of their people, and the guidance of our new
born nation in ihe paths of peace and prosperity.
The New CouMittiiUon.
We have uotieed frequent animadversions upon
the Chronicle and: Sentinel, because we have favoredi
the submission of the new Constitution to ratifi
cation by the people. Some of these censures
are iu a respectful tone, others in the slang style
which has become too common with a portion of
the press. For those who assail us with Billings
gate we have no answer—to the more
it is perhaps due that we should define more ex
plicitly our position. We have no expectation
that the reference to the people will be made, Yhe
sitting Convention, though called for but a siSigle
purpose, has assumed to itself unlimited powers,
and it will be comparatively a small muttar, in
stantly and without discussion to subject the peo
ple to a Government which may or may not meet
their wishes aud expectations. W wish, how
ever, to put ourselves “right on the recor'd.”
We advocate the submission of the nezv Consti
tution to the people upon grounds of principle
and expediency. A fundamental id or with all
parties in this country, has been that all Republi
can Government is founded upon tbe consent of
the governed. This is the principle of the right ot
secession and baa been a favorite dogma with the
Democrats, from Jackson down to Buchanan and
wo should not suppose that the portion of them
who exclusively control our new Government, amt
are residuary legatees of the defunct Democratic
party, could procure their own consent to repu
diate so time-honored a principle. Their ignoring
of the people in their proceedings, hitherto, might
have been excused from the neoeasity of tbe times—
their stretch of power in electing themselves mem
bers of Congress.and without consulting the choic
of the peoplo, selecting the Chief Executive officers
—imposing heavy taxes, and in fine patting into
operation the whole machinery of •quasi Republic,
have been submitted to patiently, because it was
thought there was no time to appeal to the masses;
but the throes that attended the birth of the in
fant nation have passed, we are likely to have
peace and a season for calm reflection, and there
.is no longer any reason why the people should
not be recognized as a portion of the State. We
cannot understand why if one portion of the
doings of our rulers, tbo reduction of the Legis
lature, can aufely be submitted to the people and
their sovereignty recognized, another cannot, in
which they even more vitallv interested.
We advocate the submission of the Constitution
to the people, or a Convention chosen by them fo r
its consideration, as a measure of expediency. It
is notorious that much dissatisfaction exists among
the people of some portions of the Confederacy,
and we think it our duty, as it should be the duty
of every good citizen, to take that course which
will tend to allay discontent and prevent civil
commotions. Give the malcontents an opportu
nity to decide upon the government they are to
live under; and they will feel themselves bound bv
ibeir own action—refuse that qpportunity and it
wil be hard to persuade them that their consent
could have been lawfully implied. It would seem to
be expedient, too, tbat our new government should
be recognized by ita own people, by a popular
ratification of its Constitution, before we seek re
cognition from other nations, to whom, and for
which purpose sundry solemn embassies have been
sent.
Those who are governed by sinister motivea
are very ready in ascribing them to others. Sach.
motives have been imputed to us by those who*
justly fear the peoplo. We have been accused of
desiring the judgment of the people upon
Constitution, with a view to ita defeat. So
from it, if submitted as we recommend, we expect
heartily to plead for its adoption. On one or two
points, the changes made in the old Constitution
do not meet our viaws, but from the slight study
we have been enabled to bestow upon it, the ad
ditions and changes appear to us to be amend
ments, and, as a whole, we have spoken of itin com
mendation. We have no object n desiring the peo
ple to pass upon it, except wbat we have set forth, .
and those who ascribe bidden and ulterior de-/
signs, attempt to measure us by their own low.-
standard of sincerity and honesty.
i |The Macon Telegraph is informed by the
dent of the Macon A Western Railroad, Isaac
.Soott, Esq., that there is no foundation whatever*
for the report that Gov. Brown of Georgia, has
attached the Northern Stock in tbs Macon A Wes
tern Rrilresd, amounting to about $1,OQ&POO.