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BY X. S. MORSE Cjjnmidt & Sentinel. TERMS. TEE WEEKLY chkonicli: Ac sr.N riiNi i, U Published fiiery Tl KsIMV, 41 THttEK DOLLAUS FfcU ANN ti, 4LW4VSIN .U(V,*Nt t, Hate* for Weekly Ad»eHl*eiu*mt OhJ.i.'iAtiT Advertisements, published oi.ee u week, id Daily, or vVeealy, • and a ha/J ctnt> per liue, for each insertion. rtpKiu Nonets, t*u cent* per line for the first nse/tion, and ttjhl arui per hoe for each subse* 4 neot insertion. Display*!) Aoviarißsesiffs fa;. ser.'.t per line or euoh insertion. M abbiaoih, Hiatus ur.d Funbral NcTti n, fifty cints each. Obituabibs, tin ccrJt oe< ~ne Decision of uue of tbe Judge* of the ItpAiioiir Coart of lleerfjla, on ths Censtrlpl Act. IN OiIAMBERa AT MILLEDGEVILI.b, Nov era, J.BSs. ) Asa 0 JxrriKS—Coi.s.ripi, ) vs. > fldiieM Corpus. John i-Ain-Enrolling Agent. ) Asao.Jeffers, thf .ugh his CoonsM, denies Dial th i rooei.t not of the Confederate Cctigi..:.i [in Tiding “further for the public detunes," cum inoaly called the tt irisoript Act, is ons'.uuliiii.al, aud A-.elts by hu petition to bo diseharged from the custody ol tbe enrolling agent lor the reason unsigned. Conscriptioni What ia it? i understand it to be the rouipulsory registry ot individual! of a Certain age to bo drafted or detached for military seirtoe. This mods of raisin ; armies is as old us the uomuu Kepublic, which existed more thitii two bousand years ago. It was resorted to in I'nsuce nl an early period of bur Revolution, nod by it »he was euubled to bring into the Held t.reive hundred .housaud men to ropel the attacks ot combined t.urope, aud lo stippicss the rev olt oi I.a V endse, tbe supporters of the Bourbon dyunsty wbieii hud just terminated by the scaffold. it is, and tong has been, tbe system of tunny of tbe most power ful nations of Continental Europe. It existed in (trout Britain during the > ig. , ..u.i udministration of the older I’iit—altci wuilla the Famous Lord ChuUium. It has existed in that kingdom time out ot mind, m the form of impressment for Us murine service. it is certainly then not a uoVel mode of iu..,inp or levying troops, or military forces for n dionol defense. But, because it but 0. tin employed by the Con federate (Jovernmeol, it is denounced us vioUlivu ol the Coustitutiou ot the Confederacy, because I Congress could hu' o i imtrd to ether mode: of raising troops, viz. ” Voluntary eiii sim. ot ’ <u to ‘ requisitions lei vuililia it IS USSSI ted that "Oeuscriplion’' violates the personal liberty ol the citizen -is despotic, tyraii uicul and lliut it v. lit piodnee u military tonoolida tiuu ol the Confederate States, A , A : , Au. Aie not thi Be tears the mere phantom., cl die | eaaed imaginations, tilled with "Oorgous, Uydius and chimeras diref" I urn, sftsr oaretully ctuisiduriug many of the j objections urged against Ujc constitutionality ot j that litvf, compelled to it tier with thegreat drama i titi who Raid— •* Twin. the .»» of childhood only, | that toured a paint,it d-vil,” dime every bout is 1 exhibiting grown up lum alarmed, or pretending | to bo alarmed, at tlio bodiless creations ot it.on | owu imaginations. 1 ahull not dismiss the reason übleueaa or reulily of their fours ~ nor the coti.se- ' quoncea wtucU tony ensuo from uu uckuowlcdga moot of Um power ot the Confederate Government to mi.#', tlial law. The simple question la, bad Cougretns the cou ■litutiouat power to eauot itV 1 apprehend that uoue'wiU deny that the hi,;!, eat duly of Congress ir that ot providing for :Ue couiuiou doteuoe of alt the .Statue composing the Confederacy. No statesman will deny but that the uieaus tor that purpose should bu adequate to the eud proposed—aud that there would he a Bgt.ul failure in any aud every form of govern mout which did uol provido them, i Let us see how fur the States, iu forming their j Confederate Constitution, did delegate for the common defence, their soveieigu powers - The Coutederute Cougrogi shall have power To declare war. To ruiee aud euppoit armies. To levy and oollect tuxes to pay the debts and provide fur the uomuiou defence a id general ml tars To provide and uiaiutuiu a uavy To make rules lor the goVet niuoul ,uJ icgulu tmu ot the land aud uavui luioes. To provide for calling forth the uiiltio to eke cute the luws of the 1 oulodmuteUuVerumnuu sup press insurrection and repel invasion. To provide for organising, arming and disci plimug the militia, und for governing such purl of them as may bo employed in the service ot tlu Confederate government; reserving to the Hiatts respectively, the appointment of the officers, and Uts authority of training the militia ucsjrdmg t-* the discipline prescribed by Congress To uiulta alt laws which shall be necessary ar.d proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers. The prohibition upon the States —still furi! -i illustrates the question discussed. No Slate shall enter into any tieatv or ullitnico or ooufederatiou -nor grant loiters of marque or reprisal. Nor keep troops or ships ot war iu times of peace. Ur engage iu war, unless actually iuvaded, or la such imminent danger as will uot admit oi dairy. Now is it not apparent front these prohibitions, that the Slates, iu the erealie.n of tlio Confederate government, delegated all the powers they sever ally possessed over these subjects, to be exclusive ly exercised by Congress, h-uviog only a naked ; power in tbemselvos to etigage in war when in vaded, or in imminent danger, admitting es co ( daisy. I’he deloncv thvn of oe.rli Slate and the common dsteace of ail the Htates a as thorclcre neceasurdy devolved on the CeufeJetato government and uoi , «B the Sute goveruuient. The people of Georgia through then convention center: ed tbeg: eat duly ot her deletion <m the Confederate govsractSnt. coufldiag wisely in the readiness end efficiency of XUut government. to prliur.u to the best of its abiii v this high trust That that government can more efficiently do it than the State government would geem to be a necessary consequence from the power “to raise and support armies At the first blush nod to ouc woo does not fully eotuprsheud our system of govern l ent, this power to raise armies would seem to be unlimited —wad that it might be used to force eVerv citis.m with the exception of the President ot the Can fsdsrooy inte the military service, fti un .iudg meat it has a clear and well dctu.l mint, beyond which it cannot go without annihilating the State government, and . veu the Confederate goveru rnsnt itself To the extent to which some ot the advocates power go 1 c*naol go—tor eierc.o ed os they contend it should be, it would produce the most perfect mnitary despotism the world SVt’r saw - uniting in the bauds of the President all the powers of government now w.sely diatribe tsd among the three great departments both i the Stale aud Con'eJer at- gov .-laments. lutbeVtit .t.i'- t. - -■<-* :u " uses sysw-.- .. svatv and couuurrato gov.ru meals is to M ton ad that 1; an. To* creators a ybe Coafedera a goverß.ne.v cannot be suppose l ; •r*r lo uave ceatMieu a power on its agent which o*ulii bo used tor their destruction. So esn- | scription tel therefor* could ever to mad. to reach any one b.-l u.r.ig U) c liter wt the t.i*-■ u live, Legislative or Judicial Japaitm.nl.j ui t>.o State or Confederate governments. Ail otUr eitix.us ot the Stats are liable tu Oypsc.ripi.oQ wituin tb>‘ ages of IS and 40, The militia U oa known to any cos.nilutioii ws » department oi government, and eonseqatull} all the privates , and lU officers wittua lbs s<ee aforesaid are liable to be oonsenbed. but it Lae teen that it the Conisdciate : government has th* power of raising armies, it saa only constitutionally do »o by the mode* known ar.d practiced at me i.ae ci the taakiog ot tb* waited State* ooneutution ia 1787, n: : ‘ Vol aciarj em jtmeut, and requisuioaaoa the Gover nors for militia. ’ It strikes me as very strange that a atriet con struetiOßist should seriously *sk me to interpolate conditions eud loetr.cvioa* broad uuatn b.goods a ß d Unqualified a power as that to rats, and support arm, ?s, withoot first deuionstruiing that from the v*-y nature and evruoture oi cut aytteml of govtrnment such condition* asd re (trictioc* aro essential to th»,r preservation su all their departments. What rprht hare l to say that Congress mar raise urutus vn'J by voluntary onUsimeut—or tailing in tliat, by requisitions on tfie governors tor militia, ana no: ia auv other nod* whatever v In aubaUnce, 1 am urged to decide that to be the meaning of the framers ot the Const.lation oi ’s7, end that these two modes exhaust the full pleasure of th* grant of power to Congr*a*. if 1 history be not i irslvia-pe the v.ry reverseof I rood ons i r lea r ti ns 1 albi- gia tol i own ■ was t r.-At so .1 • nti-. King and 1 iii»n of tbe Con vention i’it Iron: t:at. constitution it i-ueb | had bee i 'h • r- ■ n ng ot the people of the Uni ilcdS'Ue when U t ...r m • volts Ihe? wrr tn- I gaged iri ‘A 7 urc < th* old a-tiele o’.s c nfed eratkn entered uilo in 1775, why were n»i these : limitations incurpoiatid into the new 'raate of I goTtrnmeut in ( -s- and exprei-s terms' j I;.t: . connext i • t ah - boic •in ni’iiu that in tbe an cl sofccid td ’atiort ifer- was no o n era! I'Virr “t nise '.-rmirs ' The CougnesS 1 con) i rsi e armies l.v n-reei-.g i on the number ;o! !mi i :-nvs and by m-hmg ie.|.i-siti.'nt from ' ear. ,-t t lor its quite in pieporimb to Bs white ! nopu’a in Thus the ;o->* was a limited nue. ! j j,,. j),u -triada men o: ih<- revolution aid .-il t’ e ii.si i u .8 of ih i e tmei unite in tho con and iniiut.i.n «»i tbe »h t'e oval o « requisitions IV.r on . , I-. 11, sa.Mi- tea-, ai a military fotce it wui ri ,io oii.e: .- v. a . u efficient than tiosps I rais-i i ! v eih i hi T ie> fit! ther gay tlist by ! adnein V to that system tv . arue very near 1 eng 1 our independence. j Are we never to pi oh 1 by the experience of our ■ Revolutionary father with at t ayiu,; the high | price tor it they paid: I The framers pi the t.mshiuuou ct 1787 wore j ! well acquainted w -r.i whole tevolatioaary I bidtory mflfc/ of them i y .ttlicipated both in counre ami in the 1.-:■( i couvie.ciiag liiat rero lutier. t.i u hOCC, JeU.i ylaso, -..1d whilst the moai ory of their embariaii. m. nin grnwing out of the employtiif .t ot uiiHti i ami r-qui .iiuus fur t om uticompiicd tyiUi, wag (rrsii and keen, they promptly and unanimously blotted out the wards requisitions aud quota ~ and substituted in lieu ol what tt y had repudiated u3 patriotic statesmen, ! i lie c!'.'.,,, distinct fad iaij i- power “to raise and j support ariiiiee.” | i !.e Cse'.ed. rntv oot.eii.'-'ioueoutuin.l the grant thus giv :: to 'ijiig.- ecto 1.87. and in the ideuti [ cal words To seiik cm has been and .ne to r ;iii iet a power ! unlimited by its words to ii t.y iwo modes o: raie i mg srniicn -“voluntary eulistriu ut” uni “rtqui | gittons lor , ipia,” in ti.e face o' nil history and I reason is the boldest att. nipt to pervert clear, pre en c, u: nmbld.aiCß v,o; Ih.t 1. has been Ur, lot to lii e.i Bum any di.-> ipl« of the coi.ool of Jeifer sou. I‘but they !»- J ' : somau in prolo. SiOQ i wi:l not q.n stiou-but I be permitied to say ll.ut I lh.uk they w.ll Hui it no eaiy taaii tu make such coublruebons uceui-'. with Jreeniuu otia ciple or practice. (fan it be supposed tbut uueb men mi George ! Wusbiiigtcn, Boujaui'.u t rauLbri, J.piKi Madison, j Aler tn l r 11 tuul. u, Jam.-. vVii.iju, tioverueur Moirie, ,i-ii.u Kntiedgo, tbe i'.u uiuyt; ot r!outb Carolina, u..d Gaorgia’a Uistuiguisbed doicvule Abraham i.aidwiu and ti:. pe. .aos tverc mem be is ci the . nvecUun of ’B7 —did out know the I fudext . . the power tii.iv Ci 0:..i :•! “t > raise j aud support armies.” ThalsutL a body id men oi the blghost civil c.nd Uiiiituly teuov.u us tho.se i hi vo .last Hulled, eh ;u’d, wiitiia four years niter too ■ tuiination oi the is voluUv'iiaiy war, puinfuily uud proiouudiy tiiT'i uir v.:.;i the deficiency of adequate power iu i' i: (' ... and. i..lion ol 78 to ( air;, on war,arising from tl t< j aious r> strict ous 1 ! the States on the mode of lai :>g ulJln by t, . uld iu the ueW uud uioro pei'.cei torsi ol gote.uiiicnt tboy were In uiing |. iipeluute the iuibi eility of the old gov ui time ut, an 1 they inly mount by the grant in the coiiatituiiou ot 'B7 “to raise and support uruii, a,” to give Uougresß the right to la • c urmit and oaiy by voioului y null..'.meat r ' I’’ . aou the States lor militia, is incredible. il that h i been the u.d, it A aid stultily a ooib cliou el the griate.-t Won the World oisw m COUU’dl. Crcdat JlldnUS uptlh:. I niighl have closed 11 ii piopriety this opinion • bidcre tiii, but us the Hub)ri is one i l vital m ! tcrest, 1 w.ll pi along tin t>u. In pool c .nti ibuliog j SOllielbing t ' expose the el't i Vlhicll exist 111 isfercuce i» the queeiions ...scuased. Ol what vain.-, let me ast, wntlld Inee bi ett this bioad pm • r ‘to raise and sunpor, urniios” liad it not be.ii u-i exteusiai a-’ it ’a‘ J VVho cv id loresro wi a might arise in the luliirtf To uieo i.ay exigency win -h might occur, wis dom den autii-d a poivei aa ample and asco extou sire vyila my ■ uiSTgencv. 'To iiiate assurance doubly sine, tbo :-otiVcatioo, to n Uiu'o nil eavit, ; went tui tlii'i', a-.d invested Congress with full ac- j thofity to paiis alt laws which they might deem; necessary uud proper to cany into etieot this gen- I eritl, exclu-ivo uu i esseotial power. But, it ia urged that I must construe tho other giants ot | wer iu thin nrtiol of the constuut ou iu couuexiou. I bare not only considered them, but till otb r portions of tbe Constitution-, with a ' view to collect its true n.amug, uud l urn con - j Htia.u and to say '.but l am unable ‘.o perceive in tbe ' clauaos in . ieienec to the militia to wh eh my «t- ! tent ou was pAi tiouluriy directed, anything which | iu tho slightest degree doss or ought to affect my I judgment ia to the extent .7 the power to raise unuies That C-*oHivs.a may provide for Calling forth the militia to tepid invasion, uud wiieu luus Called j forth, lii-.it ; appointment oi itsolhoers belongs j to the '.at. a, ■,I unto ot no doubt. Bat how do j these cluines'cloc’date tlie question us lo tbe ex tent of tbe pov. -r of Coiii>iv,s io raise and support i armies, or of tho wptness of the means used to | carry that pow'.r inlo execuiion V To call forth the militia oi,.;ußU:d in UiT’Hious, Brigades or Regiments w.i!. their Hlato otUcers, or uol lo call them forib thus orv.au /.-.! md officered ia u uUi-atiuii solely With in the dm. return of CouglecS To asseit tt, ' it u bound to call forth uU liable lo military t . - unlit.. , is to beg the question, which they in, called ou to prove. is uot tun mg it in cl that T-ougroaS iiiust call iorlb us uiiiitla, oiiiceled by the iSiH-.e, Ac., vir tually a denial c. the r.ght ,-f Dougreee to raise an . i my, thivi gh reC. ultiug oiU jeis. by Ihn voluntary enlistment oi tho citixeh? Ifsoihei'oii luißte government would be re i ,tuned to reiy on diafted men fuimahed by tbe | Hiatus, iu cbed-cuec io a call, or ou volunteer or : gatiiv itiou by c-iiiipi.u to, baUalicu* and regiments j with their Hint.- otb.me Vc notary eniiatuieut i means ;u it" mot' usual siguiticaTiou something ! els ■ than volunteer organ z.uioua—it is .that sys- I ten' which ban bt'.n used let the purpose oi tilling i up tii" ranks o. r. :..,l to termed the Regular Army, i it is argued that the Coniedera'.e government may . out*a ti- livid: .. . to a limUsd extent, but that it i cannot throng.: Rs recruitiug officers enlist all the men cotnpo ini; the miiitia, to*, that would be to annihilate tin: u. hlii. This reason'i i appears lo me l. be making :he coi’HtituliouaUty ol tli,’ „xeu'i •„> of an admitted todeprudon tbe number n. :t.d uu 1 source ot supply. From iv hat dun ’ 01 m.u iu a Statu except those between IS aud 4 ye. .. . 1 nge, can nti efficient military force be procured ; tl must ct necessity be from ibic class, or our young government will be driven tn making up 1 armies for defence, into Euro peau shamble 1 to purchase soldiers as did Great Britain iu her War a-uinst us in 1776. IVj any one d.-.v the light o: tha Comederate Oouure- s u. declar • bv law that it is tfie duty and hcuor o; ice citizen to serve in the army of his conmrv ' Such an enactment might be deemed ocmpn'sory. it c iinpnisiou is necessary to raise an army c da.bad our country, who will dare say that tbe gcvtiusiaut charged with the common de truce may not u-e u? Compulsion is iotce.— Conscription by the Confedet. te government and dratt by tbe State government are alike compulso ry measures ol'fore-—they ate twins o. the same parentage aud so uiucu alike that it will require keen oj t.cs to distinguish them apait. i think that every imr and candid observer ot the state of thu gs ta Georgia now will concede uulieeitatmgly - the prompt, tree, wdliug, volun tary spirit wine . put, hitherto so many ol tier sous iu (be military service—has expired. In vain, unless under the threat ot ao immediate diail, could anv oue hope to collect en. agh meu to toroi u regiment The f'-enfederate go vornmeut Cannot depend ou that s. in: t J fill up h.-r i.: ,uy. Resort thru, says the Butte rights inau of the hour to dialling the uui.t a. Bui drilling ia compulsion cud force. Conscription .» to diag the pool ciu zeu who Cannot be v a substitute to Richmond, tar uwav from wife aim home, and “uichaius. Docs not ihe draft, uiuu rdsorted to by the Governor ot uS.ats do iust the precise same thing, they say c m.-er ptiou Will do? YS b.it, !b. is ihe value of the choice hotwecu I u.V • to tu >ce • regime. , he ba.- th - _r.*»: to | elect t t» rff *rs. , Does tae ctercoie ot ttusskate rigLi u»»ju the 1 ignominy or pressure of hi* “ eha us?” COBkCnpti E sign .a 11 oh .■ b 5 u -"t 1 I,_,*dh 1 a and 1 battle, the Ge -.'i ia cr-uscript is perni tied lo join , „ny fc;> anut trim Georgia not full, he piefnrs. II is comrades are Georgians—"his office: arcGfor o:. us who have broom* akilfad by discipline a. J Lug s.-rvioe to C".nm»Qd, and who have wou iui -1 perishable rsnowo for their eonstai. ;> aid coo! couTwge in the field Av the fords is the same by “Drofr t, ; m "Con i sfriplion,” tt would *eeui that the whole conical ae tii which government should 1 xercise it ro i solves itaelt into a dispute lethcr for patronage to ■be directly or indirectly exerted Reduced to it sco 1 p.evton, night not a looker on whose i mind was filled with deep anxiety from tfie dis seneioos winch are pusatuliy apparent m this hour ot gloom and peril, ask with tremendous atgmfi ’ cance. , . ~ “Is the game worth the candle ? Weareioldby un eminent statesman “that i power couiroiie* or abridged is almost aiways tie 1 rival or eaemv cf shut power by which it is con* 1 trolled or abridged.'’ I Georgia, by the unanimous vote of her dels gates :u Couvcn.n i ratified tire Conlederate Con atituiiou, containing the grants ot power herein enumerated, among them the unqualified, uucon ditioutl, and exeloaiTe power to Congress “to i raise and support armies —together with the power ! to make all laws which it shall deem necessary land proper to carry into execution ait of those powers. AUGUSTA, GA., TUESDAY MORNING. NOVEMBER 25, 1862. UasGeorgia, wi.u he? power to raise armies abriuged and couteolled by bei own Tree act, at I tills early day, and iu the midst of a terrinc war ffir 1 id, i.oeity unit iudepciidcncd as a CAifcte, lor I our homes and L.artbatouCb, become the rival I »ad enemy oi the Confedvrate g.iVernmeut, be 1 oaticd she*t» csutl, ed bv that goverualebt in the manner and mode ot raising armies for her de fence 'That t.'onst.iancu that thus abridges her ! power is us much her Uuustiaation, as her .state j Constitution - its agents are Be much uer agents :as are the agents ot the .Stale Constitution. Why J tuen should she by talse aud uulounded cjnoti uc i tiuu, alteu-jil to Inner down to LO'.hiug, u power i sj broad and absolute, and which las uo limit to its exorcise, iu my humble opiuion, but the clear and WCli uiai ked beuud.il v, which I have, 10 th e decision deiiiiea'.ed f il Georgia is discalisbed with the grants oi power she has m de, us too broad and unlimited, aud tbatihey Were unwisely i delegated—if she wishes to dwarf Her dimensions ! lo a petty id fate, out wanting uld from others—her pathw-T is plain- let h;C go into a Hiate Couven uou - recali her grants—d ssociate herself from h.r sister Staled, and bring back all her sous to I the defence oi her soil. This would he to make a j Revolution in the midst ot u Revolution. t canuot believe sho will thus rashly acl. .1 , ibipt when sbs eooiy examines this qaesitou in I thoclear light of car past history, she will not listen to mat coustiuc.ion founded upon the usages o) the United States and Great Britian, in i 1787 —and which, if engrafted, would emasculate ; tbe great aud essential power to raise and support armies of all its virility. After listening attentively to the arguments pre ss uted by the counsel lor the couscript, 1 have been thrown back in memory to the (Jont entiona of Virginia aud Maryland, to which the Federal Gonatiititiun was submitted for ratitieatiou. Toe general power “lo raise and support armies” was under discussion. 'The opponents of that Consti tution made tbe same objections now aiado —they Juughi. lo iiiiiti the puWcf as it id UOW sought to bo lianltd. The argument today is but lb» re production of old ideas and Old objections, With leas fire, but more rhetorical einbeilishmeui. Ail those arguments and objections tailed happily for lire country, and the Constitution us it caitie Bom the bands ol its trumeid Was adopted aud fjcCuuiti the sapleme law ut the land. I base thus, with tho independence wiiich be Coml-s a Judge, discussed a question brought be fore me almost Without notice —Without lull urgu meat supported by unlbority OU tbe part of tbe entailing agent, beau forced hastily, within the short space of twenty-four honra, to reduce this ’ opinion lo writing, mot it might be presented at : once to the Supreme Court for review, I. older no apology for the reasoning. My ideas have been well considered. My regret only is that had not un.'pib lime to clothe them in language worthy oi the magnitude of the questions discussed. i in concluding this decision candor compels me to say that for mouths past I havu earcfmly read everything 1 eonkl find to aid rna iu arriving at a firm conviction. The result of my consideration is to be found in what precedes this, i have no doubt whatever after investigation. Had i enter tained any it would have been dispelled by the clear, distinct and emphatic opinions of Col. Geo. M. Troup whilst tbe House of Rspreeeu’.atives woro in Committee of tbe Whole ou several bills, lo tt it : “xk bill tor the classifying the militia,” the bill “to authorize tbe President lo accept vol unteers organized, and who may oUer their ser vices to the government,” Ac., and two Senate bills, providing for calling lorib militia. Tie sad, “Ti e measure oi tbe Ssnata is inadequate to the object, it proposed to give you a Mi'itia force, when you wanted a regular force. He respectfully suggested to the House in considering ibis subject the propriety of endeavoring in the Ural pLce to i stabiist' ibe piinciplc on which they would rest their military measures for the further prosecu* tiuu of the war - whether it were tue principle of classification and diult, or cla’-siHcuiion uml penal '.y. whether the principle proposed by the >Seua!e or uiiy other principle—they could not, he humbly conceived, arrive ul uny conclusion satisfactory lo the House, or uselu! and honorable to (be country, without having established the principle. The Committee of tbe Whole ora delect Com mittee might cousider the details. Tu submitting, Si r, to tbe Cuuiiniueo the tew obsi i rations with which i intend to trouble them on this motion, 1 will endeavor to suli.fy them that Ilia measure proposed by the Senate ought not to be taken, oacauej it places our reliance for a successful prcsecut on ol the war on irregular militia ; whereas, oar reliance ought lo be placed on disciplined troops, and that some other meas ure ought, therefore, lo be resorted to—some measure calculated to li 11 the rgutui' ranks uud augment the regulai establishment. •T do uot mean to Buy, Sir, that the recruiting system, with the present high bounty, would not eventually fill your ranks. I am uot disposed to say it would not (provided ihe the ene my bad continued broken and divided by tbe troubles of ilia Continent) have answered our pur poses, but I do say that, under existing circum stances. and for our present purpose, the..recruit ing system ought not to be relied ou ; it cannot be relied on to hi! our ranks by tho next campaign, aiul to risk the loss ot the next campaign is to risk the loss ot everything. But is there uo mode | to which you cau resort lor Hlling up the ranks | but by voluntary enlistment f 1 would be ex- I tremeiy sorry il we could not. 1 have always 1 thought this goveruuieui, whsu administered iu j tho true spirit of tbe Constitution, the strongest I govei uuieut in the world even for the purposes of war, but il the doctrine set up ot late be true, taia is tbe weakest aud most contemptible government on eartbj it is neither tit for war or peace; it has laded of all the rude lor which governments are established. It cannot be true that th e govern ment, charged wn„ the general defence, author ize! to dcciuid War and lo raise armies, cau huve hut one mode of raising armies, whilst every other government that ever existed has had an absolute power over the population of the country for this purpose, aud has actually exercised it, But this is « question not properly before the House, ucd I will not go into the argument to show that you can, like other governments, resort to other modes of .raising armies of voluntary enlist ment ; that you cau resort to classification and draft, or clussiHsaliou amt penalty, or any other mode which a sound discretion may, in a particu lar state of thd country, dictate and justify. Ail i intend io say ut present is, that you have an ; absolute power over the population of this eoau- I tiy for this purpose.” i 1 have quoted these extracts from the speech of | this great head of the Htates Rights lauiily, by i wbieii it will appear ihat he goes somewhat be i fond me. There is no higher authority in this j land for right constnutiomd interpretation than i George M. 'Troup. 1 began political life under his | banner; 1 imbibed mv earliest political opinions I from bis teachings; l will stand by them. He i never retracted or cuodiiied the opinions here es- I pressed. I The decision of the Court, for the reasons as ; signed, is, that Asa t). .Jeffers, being a citizen, ! within the ages of IS and 40 years ot uge, end not ! belonging to any department of either the Ccn i federate or Blate Government, nor being other i wise exempt trout military service, be not dis | charged cs a conscript irom ihe custody of the en rolling officer. Ivssson Lons Uabbu, Oae ol the JnJgea ot the Bup’r Courts ol Ga rlxrsßiMSM wira Tmisr Salt.—Ten days ago, we killed two shoats, weighing (nett) about 15b lbs. each. H was a cold moruiug, thermometer at kid 3 . As soon as the meat was cut up, we placed the joints tu a large tub of cold w ater, with the hocks and shins standing out of the water.— They so remained until about when they w ere taken out, and rubbed with Charleston made suit, having a slight intermixture of saltpetre.— They were then packed away in a tub, and the middlings (also rubbed with sail) placed over them. The meat was not disturbed until yesterday, when we bung it up and commenced smoking.— There is no semblance at taint or touting about it; the appearance ot the Scab te red, ana its smell perfectly sweet, it appears to fie cured; and there was lees salt meu than we have commonly applied of the Liveroooi. The experiment is re ported for what it ts worth. Terbups the meat i3 not stle let; bat »« confidently believe that it is. —EJgtjULl Adttiiitrr, .Sou. 18. Cbbap Fi ex --.-It is said l .at a most excellent aud cCjtio;ii,_ J. an.irii. ol fuel _»a be luade by mixing oiay and ooai duit together. Get a load nf coke du t, or coa dud, and half e load ot clay. Make a sottdnortar of the clay, and mix in the load of coal or coke, and a sufficient quan ta? of saw dust Then make the mass up in bai s or lumps, and alter :i dries it will burn tx - celieotly well. The tire will necessarily be a slow one but when the weather is moderate, or when a room is only occasionally occupied during the day, a slow fire is desirable. 'i s* Sivcit os is tbs Wssr -General Jobn.ton w i lake Command m the West at a critical pe i ad. it is sot impossible that in less than sixty duvstfie Southwestern States w ii be enc .aipass ed with a Ysutee force ot three fiuadied thou sand men. Bush's army, 83,000 strong, wii! be in Middle Tennessee, occupying all the teiritory between Memphis and Charleston railroad and the Cumberland rivet, ravaging North Alabama and threatening Chattanooga and hast Tenijesseee. Even now an immense corps, represented as 60 or 70,000 strong, under Bosenerantx, is advancing upon Holly Springs. It j likely that another heavy division under the command of the same wily general, will proceed down tne Mobile and Ohio railroad. Brute Butler is to be largely rein forced, thus euabling him to proceed up the Mis- S'ssippt river, accompanied by bis fieet. An im mense number of gunboats are being built for operations on the river. Vicksburg, tb* heroic city ia to be invested by vast land forces in ooa j.iociioti with lbs powerful fleet under Porter. Th* Richmond Examiner of Nov. 17, sa> there .» nothing of interest from oar «; east side of Blue Ridge- HON A H, STEPHENS’ ADDRESS. Sj aopwiw or size Subswnrr ox lU* Ad4re»o or Vice-President steputna, at Craw fordviiie, lieorgU, on tn© wo vembsr, iSblz Mr. Gwphens Commenced by announcing the meeting to be one eminently oi a business charac ter. Ji'aujr in the large assembly had perhaps corns out to bear som -iinug about tbe war, look ing upon it as a War meeting This also was true It *»ai i war meeting as well as a business meet ing. Mach the grea'er part ol war was business piucticui good sense— cojiiiiion every day busi ness, such as marks the true economy ot tile, i'be raising ot meu—tbe manreavering ot troops :u ihe held, their bravery und gallantry iu action and the. best oi geuerulship as commonly under stood, Constitute but a small perl ol war. It is an fcodeiiiial part, and not to be underestimated, but it is a small part. Like tbe sulphur in gunpowder —only a twelfth-part aud a fraction—it is a small partof tbe whole. To wage successful wars, there must not oulv be meu well trained and skillfully tiosd'ed with efficient weapons, but they mast be clothed cud fed. This embraces the Quartermas ter and Commissary departments in nil their rami fications. This is much the larger part of war. The want of a naii iu a horsvahoe caused the lameness of a horse that caused the loss of a bat tle. A pair of shoes is as essential to a soldier as a lock to his gun; and to day, fifty thousand pairs of shoes are equal to fifty thousand men iu our army. We have sent the men —they are now in the field—the object ot the present meeting was 1 1 see that those who have gone irom our midst are clothed and shad. This, it is true, properly belongs to the Govern ment. Ilia the duty of tbe Government to see that all who are called to the field are properly equipped with every tbiug necessary to rnuke the n efficient, and the government is doubtless doing all it can. But this is emphatically tbe people's war and it is enough for us to khow that ump.e provision is not made by tho Government. 'The object In the meeting was to see to it that all tbe men from ibis (Taliaferro) couuty be provided with necessa ry shoes uud clothing.' The original plan hereto fore acted upon iu th j couuty, was for someone to lake particular soldiers under their charge and see that they were provided for. This was the b.si plan, aud be hoped it would be continued. Then nono wsuid be overlooked. He had lists of all the companfes fully organised aud sent from ihe county. These hats he should read over and as each name was called, be wished it to be an uoiruced by someone whether provisions by any one bad been made for the one whose name should be called. [Here the hats were read over and responses made at the call of the name of each one known to be provided for. It was gratifying to perceive that a majority were already provided for.j Mr. Stephens continued : Doubtless many of those for whom no response has been made, are also provided for by persons uot present; but as some might not bo, and ail should be, ho proposed an Executive Committee of thvea be appointed to thoroughly canvass ihe county, by themselves and sub-ageuts, to be appointed by them, and as certain the number and names ol everyone who was not provided for, aad by contributions to be raised by them, to have tho provision made. Besides these companies there were quite a number of volunteers from the county in several other companies Let uit from the county be seen alter—no one omitted—-in whatever company b i may be. Lst an agent, or as many as may be necessity, be appointed by tbe Executive Com mittee, to carry tbe articles when ready, and deliver them to tbs parties Don’t trust them to any public agents for transportation. The only certain way tor speed and safety was for same one to accompany them. The government would doubtless tarnish transportation. It ought to be done, and ue supposed would be done. But if not, let the Executive Committee see to it that the ar ticles were delivered. Tins part of ilia proceedings having been gone through with, Mr. Btepueus then made strong ap. peals to ail, to contribute money oriu kind, to sup ply those w ho might be found by the committee to ba uot provided for. Those wbo had sous, brothers, or others, for whom they bad made provision, would not be expected lo Jo more than they bad done, unless thf: means wore cimplc, i" which case, they ought to contribute liberally. Tha la dies would cheerfully make up the clolhiag, il the cloth were furnished. Nobly had they done their part iu this war. The batite field was not their place, but in their sphere, they had done that which wad just us essential to the success of our cause as the man wha had won houor and giory on tbe field. Wish the spindle, the loom, the needle, and iu tbe hospital, willingly, liberally, gaaerously, patriotically, had they done their duty. The men of our country had done well—most gallantly—but iet it never be forgotten, that, as well us tbe men bare done in the cause of our in dependence, the women have done better. To them the country is mainly indebted for the clothing of tbe army when it first went into the field. Their voluntary contributions of labor amounted to many millions of dollars, worth in finitely more than tbe money in dollars aud cents, if the Government had had it: for the money could not havs commanded the labor. An army ol hundreds oi thousands was intprooitsed, spring ing into existence, fully armed and equipped, as Minerva from tbe head of Jove. Such a spectacle the world never saw before. This was done solely by the aid of the women of the laud. It could not have been done without their aid. They did well to be at the meeting; tor they are as willing to do their part now, and iu the future, as they were iu the beginning. In tna appeal tor contributions, he alluded to those whose pursuits, positions, or opportunities had euabled them to make money in these times. Opportunities to realise unusual profits upon la bor or capital, iu particular pursuits or trades, were incidents of all wars, and this one was no exception. These were evils of war. They afford great tsniptaiioes to frail human nature.— These temptations, by every one, fbould be re sisted as the approaches of the foul fiend. Dtckeire had said the fumes of gold were more deadly to the moral sensibilities than the fumes of charcoal to the physical. It wa3 true, uone should think of making money or growing rich oat of our common necessities; but every one should feel and realize the fact that our common ull is embarked in the common cuuse . that every thing is at stake, and every one should do his du ty aod his whole duty, whether ut home or in the field, and those at home uo less than those in the field. Those at home, in whatever position, have as important and as essential —though not so hard and dangerous—duties to perform as those in the field. All should co-operate harmoniously and patriotically to the great end, and while they (the people of that community) had none among them known as speculators or as extortioners, yet there were some whose pursuits enabled them, or af forded them opportunities to realize larger profits on their capital and labor, than in times of peace. Siucb there were in all communities. To such he made a special appeal to contribute liberally and generously, ns he believed they would. Let no one, whether body corporate or not, thiuk of mak ing profits out oi articles needed by the men in the ffe'd. The idea was abhorrent. On the general subject of our present confiict, involving as it does our individual us well as na tional existence, he said all wars were calamities —the greatest that cau befall a people, except perhaps diieet visitations from Providence, such as famine.--, plagues and pestilence. Thu greater the war tbe greater tbe calamity. This war is a great calamity to ua. We all feel it. It is the greatest war, and waged on the largest eceie of any since the bitth of Christ. The history of the world—uot excepting the crusades—fnrniahing no parallel to it in the present era. The responsibility and guilt of it must be rear tul goinowbere. Ad great calamities as wars are, they ate however, sometimes neoessary. Often torced by the highest dictates of patrotism —like “ott'enaes” we uie told of—they sometimes needs corns. They are however never right or justifia ble on bAh aides. They may be wrong ou both sides but can never ue right on both. Uujust wars, by the unanimous consent ot civilized men, j are held as they should be iu condemuation ; and reprobation—people thtrefore, os well as their ruiers.to whom such high trusts are confided, should look we': to it aud s.. that the-} aie right j Deters appeal tug >o this last and moat terrific ar- I bi tram eat of arms. ■ 3cme thoughts oa this zr.tjeot, Mr. Stephens j said, might not be oat of place, even there, ' These he dwelt upon at some length, shew ; tog the justice of our cause and the wanton ag gression ct the enemy. He traced the history of j the controversy between the Southern and North ! era States, the principles and nature of our gov ! ernment, the Independence and Sovereignty of i the States sod the right of eae'a to controlits own destinies and act iorltsalf ia tue last resort, as each State might th us best for Bsait. It was wholly immaterial, he said in considering tbe question of right and justice, now to look any further than the solemn set of the fltaua of the South, after mature detiberatioa, each acting tor itself is its Sovereign capacity. Each State had the right thus to act, and when eaeh for itseii had thus aoted, no po we: on earth had the right justly to gainsay jt. Th‘ old Union was formed by the States, each acting for itself in its sovereign oha raster and capacity with the object and pur pose of adrauoing their interests respectively thereby. Eaeh State was the sole judge in the last resort, whether the future interest, safety and well-being of her people, required her to resume those sovereign powers, tfca exercise es which had been delegated to other haads under the »ld oom pact of Union. These principles have ever been held, not only tree, but sacred, with tbe friends of const'tutorial liberty in all the States since the old Union was formed. They rest upon tba: fun damental pr nciple sc: ‘.orth in the Dev'.anuion ot Midepeudenc , that all goternuients "derive their powers from the consent of the governed.'' The states South, therefore, had done nothing but what was their right—their inalienable right, w uo. tfca asms a* tbei* ancestor* did in *c»»c* with the North, when they severed their rr-naec uon with the British Gevsiutr.eiit. ihiswar aai waged by the North ia cLu a! oi this rights id lor the purpose of conquest and sub jagaiipn. It was tiur sere aggro.-*, ve, waMoa and utjuat. Such m tat h ■ ihe judgment oi mankind, let its results bi what they may The responsibility,-therefore, for all Us'sacrifc.s of treasure and blood, heretofore, or hereafUr :o be oißde in its prosecution, tesla net upon ue. Mr. 3. sad that soon after the first buttle at Manassas, duty calffid Him to our camps near (hut poiDt. He went imr the ground on which that ejDdict had takeu lace The evt ioncis ot tV late terrible strife wet e stiil fresh and visible all around. The wide spread desolation, the u-w made graves,aad the putrid animal remans tiot yet removed by the vultures, fully att.sted what a scene of blood tt had been. Whilst rurvcy.ug the hilh and defiles over which the vaiions col umns of men and the enemy passed and Were en gaged on that memorable day, amongst many other things that crowded themselves upon his mind, Were two dying expressions reported to have been uttered iu the midst of the battle.— One was by a soldier ou the aide of tho enemy wti-., fallen, and weltering in bis blood, exclt anod “Mv God 1 What is all this tor.” The other was by the lamented Bartow, who said, “Boys, they have killed me, but never give it up I” These two exclamations were made at uo great distance apart, and perhaps near the same time. “ What is all this for?” Hr. Stephens said he could but think the question was pertinent to both sides, and most pertinent from him who uttered it, addressed to all his invading comrades and those who sent them. Well m'ght he there, in the agonies of death, in tbe din and dust of strife, ia the clangor of at tna and the thunder oi artillery, ask, “What is all this for V Why this array of armies? Why this fierce meeting iu mortal combat? Wbat is all this carnage and slaughter for? The same question is still us per tinent to those who are waging this war against us as it was then. Why the prolongation of this confiict? Why this immense sacrifice of lite in camp and the numerous battles that have been fought since? Why this lamentation and mourn ing going up from almost every house aud family Irom Maine tu the Rio Grande, aud from the Atlantic and Gulf to the Lakes, for friends and dear ones who have fallen by disease aud violence iu this unparalleled struggle? The question, if replied to by tbe North, cau have but oae true auswer. What is all this for on K their part, hut to overturn tbe ptinciplcß upon which their own government, us well at ours, is based to reverse the doettine that governments derive tneir “just powers from the consent of the governed "” What is it for but to overturn the principles and practice of their own government from the beginning?— That government was (ounded and based upon the political axiom that all States and peoples have the inalienable tight lo change their forms of government at will. This principle was acted ou m the recognition by the Unite i .States of the South American Republics, it was the principle acted on iu the recognition of Mexico. If was acted oa iu the struggle of Greece, to overthrow the Ottoma* rale. On that question the grc&tedt Constitutional Expounder of the North, Mr. Web ster, gained his first laurels as uu American states man. This principle was acted on in the recog nition of the government of Lous Hhillippe, ou the ovoithrow ol Charles X of France, and again in the recognition of the Lamartine governmsut ou the overthrow of Louis Fhillippe iu 1818. At that time every man at the North iu Congress, save one, Mr. Stephens believed, voted for the principle. The same principle was again acted apon without dissent tu 1858, in the recognition oi the government of Louis Napoleon. The gauie principle was acted upon in the recognition ct Texas when she seceded or withdrew from the government of Mexico. Many at ihe North opposed the admission of i ettus as a Blate in our then Union. But there was little, if any, opposition to her recognition as uu independent outside Republic. Strange to say, many of those who were then fiercest in their op position to Texas coming into the Union, sire now the fiercest in their denial of the unquestioned right acknowledged to her belore. Woli may any aad every one, North and South, exclaim, what is all this for? What have wo done to the North? When have we ever wronged tr.em? We quit thirn, it is true, as our ancestors und their i noes tersquk tils British Government. We quit as they quit, upon a question of constitutional right. That question th;y determined tor tbemael vas, and we have but done the same. What, therefore, is uli this for? Why this war oa their part against the uniform principles nud practices of their own government? There is but one plausible pretext lor it; that is to exterminate our Boutheru institu tions. It is to put the African oa inequality with the white man. It is to conquer and subjugate in dependent and sovereign States, who deny their authority rightfully to rule over them. It ia a war, in short, on their part, against right, ugaiugt reason, against justice, against nature, and tor nothing but power, conquest aud robbery. If asked on our side, whut’ls all this for ? the reply from every breast ia, that it is for home, for firesides, for our altars, for cur birthrights, for property, for honor, for life—iu a word for everything for which freemen should live, and for which all deserving to be freemen, should be willing, i: need be, to die. Bush, doubtless were the feelings which prompted the other exclama - tion ou that bloody Held, to which reference has been made. “Boys,” said the dying Bartow, “they have killed me, but never give it up.” The same sentiments animated the breast of every gal lunt sou of the South who poured forth his life blood in achieving lout first signal uud glorious victory to our arms. Those who survived them did uot give it up, until they succeeded in driving back tbe invader, the aggressor, the despoiler, and the robber. Both exclamations may well be treasured ns mementoes. In whatever trials and sacrifices this war may bring upon us, when the thought ol ‘what ia All this for,’ comes to the mind, ecoilecl that it is, on on our part, for everything most de*' ai d' sacred ; and whatever reverses may at?,.it us. in a struggle for such objects, let the watchword of the last survivors be, “never give it up Lst the world know, aud let history record the tact, if such should be our unhappy fate, that though our country may be invaded, our land laid waste, our cities sacked, our proper ty destroyed ; the people of the South could die in defense of their rights, but they could never be conquered. On the present condition uud prospect oi our affairs Mr Stephens said he had nothing new to say and nothing that was not know nto all. From the past, we had nothing to be discouraged lor the future We had met with some reverses, but ot the eighteen months fighting, we had lost no great battle We had gained many brilliant victories. The aggregate ot advantage or the fights on luud thus far had been decidedly on our aide. This was no small consideration for hope aud eucour agement, looking at the od* against us. At the beginning the enemy bad all the Army, all the Navv all the revenue, all the credit, as well as the prestige ct the name of the old government, on their side. We wore few in number compared with them : without a regiment or a ship, without a dollar and without credit, except such as the righteousness of our cause inspired in the breasts of our own people secured. Thus we entered the contest and thus we have maintained it. At first 75 000 men were thought sufficient to conquer us. This failing, 600,000 were called to the field.— These too failing, 600,000 more have been added, with a view to crush us out with numbers. Judg ing Irom indications, the enemy seems determined to put forth all their power. This is the present prospect. We should ba prepared to meet it to tbe best of our ability. No one should des oair or even despond, from this array ol asw iproes to be brought against us. We may uot be able to match them in numbers We are not able to do it. and should not attempt it. It is not ne cessary to do it, to secure ultimate success, if we avail ourselves of our advantages properly and wisely- Numbers is one advantage the enemy has, and had from the beginning. We have ud vantages on our side which we should avail our selves of. federiok of Prussia fought all the groat neigh boring powers ot Europe tor seven years and was s u-cesstul in the end. The greatest uumber he coaid bang into the field was 20t),l)0b aosiust 600,000. YV:th tins disparity of three to one, they thought they could crush him, but they dTd aot. ft ia true bis country was overrun, aad hia Capitol, Berlin, was twio* taken and sacked doting the war. fit however did not “giva it ip" Riohmondhas not yet been taken, though thrge powerful “onward” movements had b ren made against it. if Richmond sbottld yet tail, *nd twice lab, we should be no worse off that Prussia was in a like calamity; nor should we be less disposed than the great Frederick to “give it up” for a like canee. The war of onr first in dependence lasted seven years. Daring thft struggle, several of the Stales were overrun, oc cupied and held for loag periods by the enemy The men 0! that “day tfcat tried meu's souls'' t-It no ißClination on that account, to “give J u ” Philadelphia, their. Capitol, was taken, ba:' it and not “BTe it up," or think of giving up tbe .use. They fonght on, as we can for tUesam : uei pies and rights, until final success. Nor h our gnfferißgs or sacrifices, as great as they a. oaen anything like as severe, as theirs were, If ti- suf fered and Bore with patience and lurtiiu-ti-... they did to aoqnire and establish principles so . ar to them and to os, well may we, with aqua, pa 1. ace and fortitude, bear all now upon us, a-, eh that may hereafter await us, to maintain then:. The ability of a people to support am wage war. depends partly upon their rßsmuces, 351 partly noon the skill and economy w th which they are wielded. W# have resources eminis ot power lo wage war successfully, ut . auwn to Frederick or the men of’76. Ail necessaries of hfe, food and clothing, with the materials and muni tions ol war, can, with skill ana forc.uei,' e made and applied within oursalve?. This goedi.' land of ours is unequalled, or at least, nnsurpa'n.ed, by any other part of the habitable globe, ia t - oh or sc ter and variety of its natural products, • o ted to mat’* waits «md needs .n every enterHe mineral resources ure also in&ihanstible. It is a laud well worth fighting for. Oar means are suf ficient : they have on’v to be properly and akil fully developed and applied But. besides the products necessary to sustain ourselves, to support our armies, aud carry on war, we have another element of tremendous power, il properly used and applied—a iosource and power unknown in European wars, and un known to our ancestors in ihe war of their revo lut on. Ms 1 H. here said he alluded to our great staple, cotton , aud he should not have said more upon it at this time, thaabai'elv to ask those pres -ent tu cal. to (hair minds what La had said to mdb! of them last year upon lhal subject, when lie ad - dressed them upon the Cotton Loan, but for some misconceptions that have got iu the public mind from a paragraphic report of some remarks he made at a meeting lately in Sparta. Soma, from that report, said Mr. S , have taken the idea that I urged upon the planters there to plant largely of cotton next year. Allow me, in this connec tion, to say that nothing eculd be further from the fact. I urged upon the planters there, first and above ail, to grow grain and stock, for home consumption, and to supply the army. What I said at Sparta upon the subject ot cottem many of you have olteu heard me say m pri; ~o con versation, and moat of you, in the public speech last year, to which 1 alluded Cotton, I have maintained, and do maintain, is one of ihe great est elements ol power, if uot the greatest, at our command, if it were but properly uud effectually used, as it might be. Ramson's strength was iu his ‘ locks. Our strength is in our looks—uot of hair or wool, but in our locks of cotton. 1 believed from the begin ning that tbe enemy would intiict opon aa more serious injury by tbe blockade than by uli other means combined. 11 wa.«, iu the judgment of all, a matter of the utmost, if not vital importance to have it raised, removed or broken up. How was it to be done? That was, and is the question. It was thought by many that such was the demand tor cotton iu England, that she would disregard tho blocxade, as it was, aud bus been all alorg, not within the terms of tho Paris agreement, that is, has uot beeu, at any time, entirely effectual, though close enough to do us great injury. IJi J not concur in this opinion, as most of you well know, 1 thought it would have to be done by ourselves, aud could be douo through the agency of cotton—uot as a political but as a commercial and financial power. I was in favor, asyoaknow, of the GovornmenTo taking ull the cotton that would be subscribed for eight perceut. bmd i at u rale or price as high ue ten cents per pouud Two millions of hates of the iastyear’s crop might have bean counted upon as eertaiu su this plan. This ut ten cents, with bags of tho average com mercial wcught would haro cost the government oue hundred millions of bonds. With this amount of cotton in hand as pledged, any number, short of fifty, of the beat iron clad etemnera could have beeu contracted for and built iu Europe—steam era at the cost of two millions each could be pro cured every way equal to the Monitor. Thirty millions would have got fifteen of these, which might have been enough for oar purpose. Five might have been ready by the first of January la3t to open Home one of our ports blockaded on oar coast. Three of these could have been left to keep the port open, and two could have conveyed the cotton across the water, if necessary. Thus, the debt could have beeu promptly paid with cotton ut a much higher pri e tbau it cost, and a channel of trade kept open tiU others, and as many more as necessary, might have been built and paid for in the same Way. At a cost of less then one months present expenditure on our army, our coast might have been cleared. la this way cotton, as a great element of power at oitr command —such an element as no other people ever had might have been used, not only in breaking up the blockade bv our own means, without the aid offoreiga intervention, bntiu sup plying the Treasury with specie to pay interest on their bonds, aud thus keep up tho credit ot the Government. The public credit is as essential as subsistence iu war. Such ut least was, and ia my opinion. 'I he Government, bowevea, took a dil ferent view of the subject. Mauy thought it ua - constitutional. Some iooked upon it as a project to relieve ihe planters. Others thought it nothing short of a South Bea speculation l considered it then and now, just as'constitutional as to give bonds for gunpowder, or to buy other munitions of war, u was not with t» view to relieve tho planters, though its incidental accommodation to them would not have been objectionable; but with tho view of wielding effectually the element of the greatest power we could command, that 1 wished this course adopted. This resource, then ; this element of power, we still hare—though no: to the same extern. There ia enough, however, to effect wonderful results, if property used, as it cun he. We may have lost a year or two, but we are far short of a seven years war yet, YViih our ports open many of tho presetstevils and hardships of the war would be relieved. We would no longer have to give fifty dollars for a bushel of Liverpool salt, or ten dollars for the roughest sort of shoes. With ports open and this staple in hand, we should be much better able to make it a Peiope sian struggle, if car ouemy choose so to make it. This view, and one other idea 1 presented to the people at Sparta, upon the subject of cotton, which I will repeat here. Many to be met with, suppose that by abandon ing the growth of cotton aud burning what we have, we can force our ieeogoition abroad. This 1 told the people there, and tell yon, is in my judgment, a radical and fundamental erre.— England will never be controlled by such a policy. Ocr cotton should be treasured up aa gold— more than sold—for il is more powerful as a smew of war, than gold is Like gold and everything else of value, it should be destroyed’if need be, to pre vent its falling into the hands of the enemy, but with no view to a foreign policy, nor should the production of cotton be abandoned, with such a view. You could not please Lord Palmerston better then to let him know that there would not bs grown a pound of cotton in the Southern Con federacy for twenty yeats. Tbe power of cotton is weil known to aud felt by British Statesmen.— Thoy know it is King iu its proper sphere, and hence tuay want the seep're of this King for tneir own use. The great err *of those who suppose that King Cotton would compel tbe English Min istry to recognize our Government and raise tho blockade, and who still look for the same result from the total abandonment of its culture,consists in mistaking the nature ot the Kingdom of this Potentate. His power ia commercial and finan - cial—aot political. It has betm oue of the loading objects of Lord Palmerston ever since lie has been iu office to stimulate the production of cotton iu his own dominions —or those ol his sovereign—so as not to bi dependent upou us for u 3Upply.— This hi canuot Jo to any extent, while hia inex perienced producers have to compete witb us.— Cotton cau be raised in their East India posses sions Ind those on the Western coast of Africa at 16 or 20 cents a pound; but it Canuot be raisid there profitably to any extent in competi - lion with us at SorlOceLts. HassuredboweVer of no competition from this quarter they could, or it is believed would, after a whiie, get to pro ducing it as cheaply as wo can. lmproveaieuts in Agriculture are slower in their progress than in any other department of life. No oue can safely or wisely say bow cheap ly cotton way or may not be grown in those countri-a, with a lew year’s absolute control of the market, nor that toe qual ty of the article may uot be us good. No one cau tell what may be effected by improvements in agriculture and the introduction of new varieties suitable to climate and soil. More mouey can be made here by growing cotton now at 8 cents a pound, than ] could bo made at 18 cents forty years ago The 0 luy is also greatly superior to the old bines ei . More persons can now pick 300 pounds a i y . tin could pick 100 when 1 can first recollect; am 01 tifiod and horse or mule can cultivate twice wv - J.ch land. It is u great mistake; l think, tos*g|r «i'toncannot be grown as cheaply, and-*? ti. ood a staple —tine a fibre—in other con-i. fkjLican in tb s-not in uli places wire. 1 v . town, but in some. There is noth t o' tieboupdaof human knowledge on wir D . r.< e can be placed with such cer tainty as'io result ,ns ujonthe laws of nature. It is on these laws governing the races of men. that our institutions ale based. Hence, we felt so sure of our ultimate success. And there is nothing better sscrrtained in the Floral Kingdom ti aii.tnat ou the game geo ogica! formation, within the same lines of ai. 1 climatic conditions (either from Altitude or Lati - tude) the same spevie; and varte’ies of plants will grow, each prodneing its like under similar cultnre to as great perfection in oae hemisphere ac the other, and upon one continent as another. ,‘1 e have oneAdvautage in the production of col ton which thlj have notin the British Frovincts. this has no reference to climate, soil or varieties. It is our system of labor. On our advantage in thi* particular, and to this extent (which is no iccons.derable .tem) we may rely in looking at th* prospect of competition in the future, with these coaotriss, should they, by a continuation of our blockade, or our necessary abandonment of tbe culture for a time, have the market ol tbe world to themselves. ~ . , . , . We should not, therefore, think ol abandoning the production of cotton, with any idea of there by advancing our interaita—politically abroad. This would be but playing into the hand* of those power* who are trying w break it uowa. We have had to curtail ti, and shall have to curtail it while the war iMta—especially while the blockade continues. Duty and patriotism as wed as neces sity, require this The first great object es ail now, should be tu sustain onr eauae; to feed, as wc.r&s ciolh£ men in the field. To do this besides raising sufficient provisions for nome consump tion, wiii necessarily require larger grain crops, Io have an abundance lor borne consumption and for the army, sboaid be tbe object ot every one.— This is dictated by the highest considerations of home pokey, and not from any view of advancing ! our interests abroad. Oa tbe contrary, afteT snt ! Scient provisions are made tor bom* consumption and to supply the army, tbe more cotton that can be grown the better. How to regulate this, I know i* a diScnit matter, Wfc»a tt* duty reft* VOL. LXXV.-—NEW SERIES VGL. XXV* MO 47. r pots aU alike io grow gram and raise stock for ‘ood, some may be disposed to uegiect it. How to meet tl. s difficulty, is iiseii a difficult question. It might perhaps be done by each State’s passing « sin. iar law upon tho subject limiting the pro duction of each hand engaged in its culture. This would require concert of action. V. hat the limitation should he. I am not prepared to sa,. I have not the aecessaiy estimates and statistics. On the subject of Foreign recognition, Mr. Stephens said he saw no change in the prospect. Foreign governments, hd thought, tvete very much disposed to stand aloof from tins cooteri. lie did not believe they ready sympathised with either side—he meant the ruling classes. The musses ot the people, uud the commercial inter ests generally, he thought did sympathise with us. Not so with their rniors. They care but little lor ihe success of either the North or the South. Some of our people were disposed to think that their sympathies were with the North, while the Northern papers were eburgiug them with sympa thy for us. He thought they had no kindieetfugs tor , ilher, but rather rejoiced to see Republicans cutting each others throats. Ue thought the re mark reported to have lately been uttered by Carlyle in bis quaint style, ouioo.-iad iu u uu label i the Diplomatic .eeliug’, '7.. to ye towuids the cause ou both sites. The remark was that, “it was the foulest chimney that had been ou fire for a century, uud the best way is to let it burn it self out.” They were aguinst Republicanism. They are hostile to the principle that man is capable of self government. They are doubtless iu hopes that this priuoipie will be extinguished ou both sides cf the line before the coutesl ends. They wi re wise enough to see that the North (Irom the course commenced there) would soon ruu into uuarehy or despotism, and they are perhaps looking for the same fate to beful us. This hue usually been the late ot Republics; and.oue oi tbe highest du ties we have to perform to ourselves amt posteri ty, wns to see that their expectations shall fail So far as we are concerned. We have a high mission to perf .rin ; aud Mr. Stephens trusted the people of the South would prove themselves equul to the task of U3 performance. We our indepen dence to achieve, and our constitutional liberty to. mamtaiu. With us now rests the hopes ol the world. The North has already become a despot ism. The people there, while nominally free, are m uo better eouditiou, practically, than sens.— Tbe only plausibility they have lor yhe war, is to make tree meu of staves, and those ot an inferior race. While their efforts in this unnatural cru sade thus far has resulted in nothing but making slaves oi themselves. Presidential proclamations supersede uud ect aside both laws and constitu - tions. Liberty with them is but a name aud a mockery. Iu separating from them, we qu.t the Union, but wo resent'd ine coustitutiou. This wa3 the Ark of the Covenant of our lathers. It is our high duty to keep it, aud hold it, and preserve it forever. Independence was with us, said Mr. 8., a great object; but no greater than the uiuiu tainance and perpetuation of constitutional liber ty. Tfie latter was even more important than the other. Indepeudeuco was resorted to as tho only moans to secure aad maintain for ourselves con stitutional rights. Let both independence and coutitutional liberty ho kept constantly in view. Away with tho idea of getting independence first, uud looking alter liberty afterwards. Our iiber ties ouce lost, will be forever lost. On this point Mr. Stephens dwelt at length, as the one from which be bad felt tbe most appre hensions from the beginning; but, with virtue, Intelligence, patriotism, fortitude, and vigilance, ou the part ojf the people, every one doing his duty, ai! would yet he well. m conclusion, he again appealed to ail, in whatever position in lite, to do their whole duty; the soldier in the fielß would do ims; let the plant or, the tradesmuu, the tanner, the Rboemaker, and ull at home, do theirs. Let no one think of gains white the war lasts, except gaining otu independent;” and securing our liberties; and to accomplish tluso ends, let every energy oi the whole public, and every re source of tho whole country ba put forth to its fullest extent, und utmost capacity. MUUera uiut sitinga in Uenerai ai the North, A gentleman who lately made a trip from Rich mond into Lincoln’s dominion and back furnishes the Richmoud Examiner with a description of what he saw when there ; he also gives an ac count of the tyrannical despotism which exists in Lincoln’s dominion, lie says: “After 1 landed ou the Maryland shore I went to the house of a planter. Being seated, be began to narrate the petty acts of despotism to which he bad been subjected. His house had been searched without warrant; hig beds turned upside down; bis private papers scrutinized ; the privaoy of bis wile’s chamber violated ; ins children insulted, and his own feelings, as a father, outraged ; his ne groes corrupted aad bribed as opies, aud bis very fife and liberty threatened. I went out on the porch to watch Yankee gunboat lying in view ; ne came to me, and in an excited manner ex claimed, “do not stand out Ihera, air; you will be seen, and in thirty minutea my house will ba made the scene of an official visit. Gome in and keep yourself concealed or you must seek some other place of safety.” Poor man I I could not hiame him, Ha was liable to be seized at any moment; torn from the bosom of his family ; dragged avyay to prison, aad confined there with out law and without merey. -iny vie miscreant, ou the testimony of his bribed sieves, could con demn him as a Southern sympathizer, confiscate his property, and turn his helpless family us beg gars upon tbe world. The Black Republicanism of America, liko the Red Republicanism of France, is hell-bom: und well migiit Madam Roland ex claim, “Oh Liberty! YVbui crimes are perpetrated in thy name.” WHAT HZ SAW IN WASHINGTON. We proceeded tu Washington every where meet ing with the same evidences of insult and oppres sion. Men cast their eyes around before speak ing, speak iu whispers and ‘.reatble in the pres ence of a brutal and insolent soldiery. The first things striking the eyes of a traveler on approach ing the city are the Forts. They are more nu merous than I imagined, but not very formidable. Thirty-three frowning fortifications stand ready to belch forth their fires ot destruction upon the heads of victorious Southerners; More are daily building. I saw three ou the Folesville side of the city unfinished and not yet mounted, They all seem to he in the form of u circle with thick dirt wails guarded by a deep ditch, and mounted with fascines (or dirt baskets) to protect them from them from the attack ot musketry. The most painful sight to a lover of liberty is the huge prison, constructed out of the old Capi tol. With inexpressible pain, 1 saw palefaces peering from behind iron bars upou the symbols of despotism beneath. How little did that uoble army of the revolutionary patriots dream that before their grand children were men, the hails coneeorated by a splendid eloquence uud uup&r aileied devotion to freedom ot opinion and free dom of speech, should become a loathsome abid ing place for their sons, charged with no crime but love for their land of nativity. If there is a spot on the green earth where the philosopher should come to meditate upon the lolly, the wick edness and stupidity of the human species, it is here. The Southern and general aspect of Washing ton hag passed away. Its best citizens are virtu ally prisoners of war in their own houses. De spiaing their hateful oppressors, the slreetß have been shunned as places upon every turn of which ure seen evidences of their presence. Strangeis ad citizens of another commonwealth have haughtily crowded out the gay, beautiful, and patriotic natives of a by-gone period. TSS TTBAKNT OF AgOUTION ROLE. When i entered Washington the same cordial welcome and greeting was anticipated which was hitherto extended, but my best friends bebeid me with terror—they shunned me as if I had been a mad dog. I sent for one, he came, and we met in a darkened chamber to convetse iu a low whisper less the dumb wails should hear and proclaim the conclave. “You must leave the city” were aimost his first words, “or in twenty four hours you wiii be arrested und imprisoned.'’ But who knoos it, I asked. “Everybody will know it. There are spies in the street ana In the house, and yoor best friend may bstray you- — Money had coirupted tfca best, und the dun geon terrified tha bravest- No man b*?* 18 sure ot bis liberty for a nay, much less a Con federate. No longer than yesterday they arrest ed a citizen of Georgetown, aad carried him to the old Capitol. My advice is to leave, aud that instantly.” . , , , YVe met again by appointment, and it wag amasing to watch his nervous deportment aud the anxious solicitude depicted on hi# countenance, 1 entered his office as stealthily as a tbie. He closed the window bhnd.=, locked the door, and drew hia chair close to me, that we might con verse in a whispt-r. During the .'ouvsfoation I forgot the despotia around an J about me, and bega Ito speak in tbe tones of a freeman. He [ooked op in alarm, crying, hush! I coaidjuot bat ask ia this the land of liberty? At the expi ration of aa hour, he signified it was time to withdraw Alter the compliments oftbe evening, I approached the door, he caught me by the arm and drew me aside, assumed a listening attitude for a tew seconds, then turned off the g&», un locked the door, reoonuQitered the street, aud bsckoned me to mov* on. We proceeded cau tiously for two or three squares, when he halted, frankly jtoid ms he could see me no more, and hid me farewell. WOMBS OF MißTtAJfa. Much lias been said concerning the Southern Heroines, so much indeed that one is disposed sornstimeato imagine the bounds of probability have been overstepped, Not so; too much can not be said. The Maryland women are as hrave as any the ms ever shoae os They ere tbe only noble spirits I saw who had not veer, eru hed into o. servile aud cowardly submission to the dfEpotisin... Everywhere and always they were intensely Sout eta, otid dared to express it, even in ths> lace oi Yankee ■fficera In Georgetown ther* was a dance the night previous to our departure; in the same Bet was a Mist D ut, from Charles county, Maryland, and a Yankee Captain, with whom she obstinately refused to turn, because ho was such, He revenged himseif by having her arrested and searched before she reached home,. A not>ie woman ol Washington said to at “ go back and tell the South wo'love her yet, and ud the mean villainy of the Lincoln Government is unable tr extinguish it 1 intend to have m® a broach made of the button:! irom Ooniederata officers, und I ahull we:.t r. n the sire eta of Wash ington,” YVo would be happy hers tu irCuant some ol th.# witty aud brilliant expressions and sarcastic* thrusts drawn from another highly gd'tod woman, by tbe boorish speeches ot Federal Colonels and -Majors, but as we were afraid to commit them ti> paper, we will uot hazard their beauty and force by quoting from memory. \V itb such mothers Maryland must and shall bo free. Let uo man dooot. it is the mothers who give shape and cast and mouM to the next gener ation, ami tho next generation in Maty land wi! prove tine to the patriotic instruction:, of such worthy and uev rto be torgottan instructors. In my humble opiuion, could tbe pressure of military power be now removed, there would baa tremen dous rebouud in favor of aa eterual separation from the North. The men are crushed, insulted and outraged, but the volcano of ifeiing is only smothered, and sooner ot later must come forth in floods oi wrath overwhelming Ih. oppressors with a fiety indignation. TBS M RAN NESS AND COBB OPTION OF LINCOLN’S oFI'ICSKS. Ou the day we lest Washington,* two : ? :rme« from the city, Uio stage was arrested all tho pasrengers subjech dto u wo: . eurch. This was done bv the detcoi ? ,110 most biutul manner. The ladies-v/ ...t allowed to occupy a separate room uniter the surveillance of an officer, hr- i usiraintd to sit and witness tbe s nd stripping Th- ; - requested to retire during tie perfor - ; no, they must remain. Otio 01 Shorn, in -arue for so gross an ou: rage, l.id her h ad he bind a window curiam, winch, upon seeing, oca of 'be brutes cried out "jiudaqi, ta 0 tl a iurtuin Irom yottr face.” Another lady, whose homo was in Richmond, haviu-; visited Phiiadelplna to toe her o ily child, was attempting tj make Jier way back Sim call ed ou Uoi. Pffillibrowu, o! II r >c-r’s Ferry , to give her a pass, lie not only re u ;ed this, but accused her of being a spy, and searched her carpet bag aud basket. Finding nothing there to criminate her, he used the most insulting language towards her, and threatened to strip and search her him self. She sani, “never, never,” aud drawing a repeater, cocked >t atut Said, “ touch me if you dare.” The cowardly aad lascivious scoundrel called in his guards, and after wards sent into the tent two prostitutes to carry out his orders. These vile women, through this pink Jof Yankee perfection, made the most infamous proposals, de claring if she would consent, the Colonel would have her conducted ea!ely uto our lines, frt.e re - jected the proposal with horror, aud remained a prisoner live days before she could escape. Hach are the men against whom the South is to tight, but from such infamy and corruption w haTe nothing to fear. WU.vr Hit THINKS WILL BE THE EFFECT OF lU* uIiMOCRVriC VICTOHI s. In my jndgnv at, httla ui not; .r.g can ba looked for from the Ferro cratic party. It would be wil ling to suspend hostilities to 'negotiate a recon struction oft 1... Union, lo consent 10 an eternal separation it will uot uo v. Tho Mouth may ax pact help from no other source but from God, and the success of her galleut sons. There is no doubt in the world that the Abolition Government is making gigantic effoits to accomplish whatsha has hitherto failed to do. i saw nothing but the most untiring activity aad energy in every de partment. If we can defeat them in one more great battle, we may begin to look for signs of peace. Then, 1 bn'ieve th Democratic party will be transmuted into a peace party, and the plat form ol R u Word, wh, -.e speech of fits ‘il d of May, the Now York Herald published or. the day of election, will be accepted by Dent cratic lead ers- this is peace or. any terms. Corrtspondtnce .Savannah Republican. Deplorable Condition of tbe Army in Vir» sinia. Richhonk, Noy. \i, 1662. The course pursued by tho newspapers in tha interest of the Government, and thsunpardonable misrepresentations of officers in tbe y mrtormas ters’ Department, have had the effect, I tear, to mislead the people in regard to the deplorable condition oi iho Army >n Virginia. With every disposition to give the authorities c.edit tor what they are doing, I have accepted their statements ainco my return ta Richmond lor tbe truth, and have felt the smeerest satisfaction in notifying ta the public that sufficient supplies of shoes und clothing had been forwarded to tho army to afford av.inast temporary relief to the more destitute. It would now appear that not only the peopio at a distance, but tne residents of Richmond, who are in daily intercourse with Government officials, have been deceived, and that whilst partial sup plies of clothing and blankets have been sent up to ti o army, the condition of the troops is still as wretehed as it can be. I suppose it wdi be necessary to sustain Ibis assertion by some show of proof; for it weuld ap pear that the speculators aud extortioners who ure growing tat and rich by a l ' unholy traffic iu the life and blood of their own defenders, require every statement which involves an appeal to theur sordid souls to be suppor ca by incontrovertible evidence before they will open ihetr swollen purses and flinty hearts. Let us then proceed w■ th the proofs : 1. The Secretary of War, who ought to be weii informed upon the subject, in answer to an inqui ry from the Editor of the Bavunnah Republican, says tbe government wants all the clothing, blan kets and slice i the people can furnish 2. An officer, just arrived hore from toe army, makes an earueit appeal through the morning papers for shoes and clothing, tie says there are 2,60 0 men in a siuglo corps of the army who are now barefooted ! This, too, at a time when the snow was four inches deep in Richmoud, and pos sibly a foot deep in thu mountains, upon whose bleak spurs these barefooted men wisro keepiug guard I Aud this, too, notwithstanding the sup plies the government liaß sent up to the relief 01 the army ! An appeal ia now made to the people' of Richmoud for their old ahoes aud clothes to put on the frozen feet and naked backs of onr de fenders ! A brigade, compooed for the moat part, if not entirely, of Houth Caroiiuians, passed through this city yesterday, many of too men in wh eh were badiy clothed and destitute of shoes. Their feet were as naked as when they first came into the world; and yet they marched over the frozen streets through a ioiious snow storm, and right under the eye of the Government office: s by whom they have been so cruelly and eham fully neg tected ! They passed along the street just io trfint of the War Office, whether by design or accident lam unable to say. Nor do i know what brought them to Richmond, nor whither they aro going I only know that the snow clad streets of the t' o “ federate capital have been crimsoned by tbe bleed ing feet of its own deteders. Such is the ev deuce. Is it sufficient to reacb the hearts of the speculator and extortioner ( Ot course ti is not. They are the bitter enemies ct the army—the enemies, indeed, of tbs Gon.efer ate States, and of freedom itself—and ti would re quire the same proof to make tuen. our friend* that would to win over the Abolitionists them selves These soulless extortioners- these sebern-- mp, hard-hearted speculators who go up and down the earth, buying all the wool and leather aud other necessaries of lite they can lay the. r greedy hands upon, and hide them away tor euot mous profits, they are the moat dangerous and implacable enemies with whom the South has to contend in this fearful struggle for liberty. They are fast destrojin ■ our currency, 1 are doing ell they can t < put it out oi the power ot the peo pie to cover the naked feet ana at.,:r- ag limb# of the army. That the eartlfdors notopeu and swallow scab, meu up, is evidence oLly of the inSn te mercy cf God. They may “flourish for w #s son. ” bat their iil-got and blood-stained gains will bring them neither honor or happiness Living they will be the scorn of theirfellow men, ss thetrai tor Arnold was, and dying, they wiiicry out, as Dives did in the pit of the dammd for a drop of water to cool their parched tongues. When peace shall have been declared and the army re turned home, the men .who have gr own rich up on the suffering 0, the soldier who perilled hia life for his country, will be branded as Lain was, and driven out from the waL* oi tne goods, the scorn of bis felbwaand a vagabond upon the earth. Tas Yankees in Nashvillk.— Recent advices from Nashville represent a strong probability that that city will be the theatre of active hostilities within a very few days There are said to be afiout eight thousand Abolition troop# in the city. Tneae are under tbe command of General Nagi#y, the hero ot “Hog Mountain,” near Chattanooga- His reinforcement# are represented at being out off on the Louisville and Nashville railroad, by our bridge burning guernlias. All tba roaaa leading to Nashville are represented as being strongly invested by our cavalry, and we have a. large picked force of infantry advene and from Laverue. General Breckinridge a headquarters are at Murfreesboro’, thirty miles from > - by the Pike road, twenty-eigat by railroad. M would appear from this aocouot of the situation, that the enemy in Nashville ia cut off from sup plies, and is, altogether tn