The Weekly chronicle & constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 1877-188?, April 11, 1877, Image 2

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Eptomclg an&Smtfml. WEDNESDAY, APRIL - 11, 1877^ THE WAYNESBOBO tYSCHISG. We find the following in the Atlanta Republican, the only Radical paper pub lished in Georgia: Augusts (the citizens we seen, all its citi zens) adds another to its list of fearful murders. It was an Augusta crowd that killed the negro in Burke county. What will be done about it? Where is Hzsschkl V. Johnzos, the reforming Judge, that is striking terror through all that region to the hearts of eril doers ? There are about as many falsehoods as lines in the above paragraph. If the Re publican knows anything about the Way nesboro lynching it knows that only seven teen men from Augusta were parties to the outrage. It knows both press and pulpit have severely condemned the crime, and that the Governor of the State has offered a large reward for the apprehension and conviction of the criminals. If the editor of the Repub lican had lived long enough in Georgia to acquire a knowledge of State affairs he would know, also, that neither Burke county nor Richmond county is in the circuit of which Hebschkl V. Johnson is the Judge. His sneer at that virtuous man and upright Judge is in particular ly bad taste when it is remembered that Judge Johnson’s moral courage and im partial administration of the laws pro tected the negroes ooncerned in the Washington county affair from the ven geance of an enraged community. THE CANE OF LOUISIANA. For Governor of Louisiana, Francis T. Nicholas received 84,487 votes, and Stephen B. Packard 76,477. The Re turning Board, by practically disfran chising over 15,000 of these votes, pro claimed Packard elected by a vote of 74,042 to 71,198 for Nicholas. The Legislature as elected consisted of twen ty Democrats to fifteen Republicans in the Senate, and sixty-two Democrats to fifty-eight Republicans in the House—a Democratic majority of eight on joint ballot. The Returning Board gave cer tificates to three Rpublican Senators and nine Republican Representatives who had been defeated at the polls, thus making each branch Republican. Each party organized a Legislature of its own, and the Democrats before the middle of January gained recruits enough to their Senate to leave the upper branch of the Legislature without a quo rum of Returning Board members, as it has ever since remained. Before this it had elected Kellogg to the Senate, but it has never been able to get a quorum to choose anybody for the other vacant seat. Each Governor was inaugurated by his party and Legislature early in January, and the Democrats soon had control of about everything in New Or leans, and in nearly all the parishes the authority of his government alone is recognized. The case oannot be settled by the Courts, as in South Carolina, be cause Nicholls and Packard have each appointed a Supreme Court. Nicholas was elected by a large majority. He is reoognized as Governor by all the tax payers and most of the people, white and black, of the State. If the military were withdrawn Packard’s pretended govern ment would fall to pieces in twenty-four hours. It can only be kept in existence by the army of the United States. Nich olls will be Governor of Louisiana or the State will have a military govern ment. REPUBLICAN INDIGNATION IN SOUTH CAROLINA. The South Carolina Republicans of the Chamberlain way of thinking are angry with the President because of what they call his desertion of “ the party ” in that State. After the news of the order removing the troops from the Columbia State House had been re ceived in Charleston, a number of lead ing Radicals were interviewed by a newspaper reporter. Mayor Cunning han thought the order meant the disso lution of the Republican party, but be trayed no irritation. The others came to the same conclusion, but did not view the prospect so complacently.— Solicitor and ex-Congressman Buttz aaid that Mr. Hayes, through Standee Matthews and Fosteb, had traded off the Republican party of South Carolina and Lonisiana to a few Southern Democrats in order to make himself President. He consid ered that President Hayes, by his in augural address and selection of his Cabinet, showed dearly that he was en deavoring to educate the Northern Re publican mind to receive without sur prise his coarse towards the South, and that his delaying the settlement of the issue was only a blind to gain sufficient time to oomplete that education. He thought that the settlement would be accepted quietly and peaoeably by the Republican party, and that, as in Vir ginia and other Democratic States, there would be no outbreak. He believed that the establishment of a Democratic government in South Carolina would put a stop to all futura disturbances, beoause the Republicans would acqui esce quietly and in good faith. As to the effect of the settlement upon the Republican party, he was of the opinion that a large portion of the colored vote would be secured by the Democracy, and that they would continue to flatter the President until the next election, when he would share the same fate as Andrew Johnson. Buttz has no word of sympathy for the Carolina claim ant. He says Chamberlain pan dered to the Democrats to gratify his personal ambition, and when they threw him overboard foroed himself back upon the Republicans. Tim Hub dey thought the order settled the ques tion of the Governorship very conclu sively, and that the Republicans would quietly accept the situation. He said that a meeting of thirty or more promi nent Republicans, white and oolored, had been held to consider the propriety of issuing a manifesto renouncing their allegiance to the Republican party of the North, and to offer their co-opera tion to the Democrats of the Sonth, in order to show the National Republi can party that, while they had clearly sold them out, and given them to under stand that they were too heavy a load for them, they could by allying them selves with the Southern Democracy prove that they were an important ele ment of strength in National as well as State politics. Hurley stated that it was his opinion, and the opinion of all that he had conferred with, that the Hampton government would bring peace and prosperity to the State. That the Democratic party could do more for them; and wonld go farther to seenre them all their rights, than the Republi can party had done or cocld do. F. J. Moses, the robber Governor, thongbt that the withdrawal of the troops was tantamount to an establishment of the Hampton government, and he fnrther stated that there waa a strong movement on foot to call a convention denouncing the National Repnblican party, and ten dering their support to the Democracy of the South. Considering the import ance of the colored vote, he said they thought that the Democratic party wonld and could do more for them as a class than the Repnblican party of the North had seen fit to do, and they were determined to look after their own in terns ts in the fntnre. A. O. Jones, the CVeik pt the Mackey House of Repre seDtativas, considered the contest for .the State virtually ended, and thought *kat the beat thing for the Republi can party of the Besth to do was to hold w meeting and renounce their allegianoe *o the Republican party, and offer their Rapport to the Democratic party. He thought “that,Ml Hayes was entirely too good tor his party, and aa for Mr. Cham berlain, he thought he was vacillating and only fit tor teaching school.'’ The Republican party of Sooth Carolina will sot give the Democracy of that State pinch trouble in the fntnre. The im mense structure reared by corruption and upheld by the bayonet haa fallen into dust at the scratch of a pen. exportation or beet to great BRITAIN. The high price of beef in Great Bri tain caused a firm of Glasgow butchers to try the experiment abont a year ago of importing beef from the United States. They succeeded §o well that others imitated their example, and the trade is now assuming large proportions. The cattle are carried alive to New York and there slaughtered. The carcasses are sacked and huDg in an immense re* frigerator constructed in the steamship. The meat is not frozen, but is kept at a very low temperature daring the voy age by means of a current of air passing over blocks of ice. It reaches England in excellent condition, and finds ready sale in the markets of London and Glasgow. Philadelphia commenced lalt October to engage in tbe business. Last July New York shipped 1,170,000 pounds, valued at $101,250. Last Feb ruary New York shipped 3.606,610 pounds, vatned at $293,338. In Octet*r Philadelphia shipped 150,610 pounds, valued at $14,408. In February Phila delphia shipped 1,348,000 pounds, val ued at $127,619. The total shipments have increased in seven months from 1,170,000 ponnds, valued at $101,250 to 23,200,955 pounds, valued at $2,087,298. The cattle come principally from the West, and the supply seems inexhausti ble. HOLDING OFFICE UNDER HAVES. We print this morning a letter from General Robert Toombs to the Ohbon icle and Constitutionalist upon the subject of Southern men bolding office under tbe new Administration. General Toombs does not think the question of much practical importance, “as it is not very probable that any inconvenient pressure will be brought to bear ppon Southern Democrats to aid President Hayes in carrying on his usurped and fraudulent Government.” General Toombs still wages war upon the Fonrteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, forgetting that those measures, iniqui tous as they were at the time of their adoption, have greatly augmented the political power of the Sonth and of the National Democracy, and that they are now universally acquiesced in North and Sonth. He sees no difference be tween the principles of Mr. Hayes and the principles of those who supported Tilden. As there were not ten Demo crats in the Sooth who refused to sup port the nominees of the St. Louis Convention, the President, according to General Toombs, has a wide field from which to select office holders. General Toombs, however, recognizes the neces sity of having Federal offices in the Sonth filled with honest and oapable men. If Mr. Hayes should offer posi tions to such men he thinks the public interest wonld be promoted by their acceptance. General Toombs disposes of the suggestion that such a policy would injure the Democratic party in one terse sentenoe : “It may be urged that suoh a policy might strengthen the canse of tbe oppressor; I think it would be more apt to strengthen that of the oppressed.” THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION. Hon. A. O. Walker publishes a com mnnication in the Chronicle and Con stitutionalist this morning giving some of the reasons why he wonld like to be a delegate to the Constitutional Conven tion, but declining positively, on ac count of fixed habits of ill health, to al low the nse of his name. Col. Walker’s declination will be read with general re gret. By common consent he was ex pected to be one of the delegstes from this District. His firmness, his integrity, his talents and his patriotism are needed in the Convention, and he wonld have ably represented one of the largest and wealthiest constituencies in tbe State. Col. Walker closes his commnnication by suggesting tbe names of fonr dele gates from this eonnty. One of those named (Mr. H. G. Wright) fully appre ciates the compliment of snoh a sugges tion from such a source, bnt has no idea of becoming a candidate for the Convention. He is fully occu pied by his editorial duties and thinks that, in his present position, he can ren der better service in assisting to seenre a good organio law for the people of Geor gia than he eonld as a member of tbe Convention. Other Senatorial Districts are preparing for the election of dele gates. It is time for something to be done in tbe Eighteenth Distriot. So far neither Jefferson nor Glascock have taken or suggested action. We think it wonld be well for Richmond county to take steps towards pntting the matter in shape. We suggest that the Executive Committee of the oonnty meet and pro pose something for the consideration of the other counties. Mr. Adam John ston is the Chairman of this Committee, and we oommend the matter to hia atten tion. THE NEW YORK WITNESS. Some days ago we had occasion to an swer an article in the New York Witness, concerning Gen. Butler and the Ham burg riot. Tbe Witness, of a late date, publishes what we wrote and appends to it the sub joined commnnioition from a correspon dent who “resides not far from Ham burg:” From ibis article you will see that you are striking in the right direction, for every word you have uttered about this man Bctlkb is so, aud it will be proved at the proper time that he was head aud instigator of the Hamburg mas sacre. He was there and it was by his order the poor negroes were shot, although he says he can prove his innocenoe. That is his style, and he just thinks that he can bally every body. If it was known that I gave this infor mation to you Butlhb wonld have me butcher ed in tbe same manner that he had the poor negroes at Hamburg. The people at the North hare no idea what a Southern Republican haa to end are. The editor of the Witness adds the following comment: It ie pleasant to see that Butleb seeks to escape the shame of this murder by denying any complicity in it. This marks a better state of public opinion among Southern whites than we had ventured to hope for, bnt his denial does not agree at all with the accounts pub lished at the time, and we suppose there is not a Ku-KJux or White League assassin in the Sonth who would not deny his guilt as readily as this infamous man. It will be very hard in deed if the Senate of the United States is to be disgraced by his presence, and if ever a man was ostracized it should be General Butlma. Wo decline to parley words with the anonymous and lying correspondent of the Witness, because he or she ia not worthy of serious replication. Bnt with the Witness we reoognize some differ ence. We call tbe editor’s attention to the fact that General Butler accompanied Governor Hampton to Washington and was received with the same distinction by President Hayes and his Cabinet. When at Washington General Bctlkb confronted Chamberlain, and that wor thy never dared, even under the shadow of the Capitol, to make snch charges against him. There has never been a day, since the Hamburg riot, that Gene ral Bctlkb baa not been reedy and anx ious to meet his accusers before tbe Re pnblican Courts of South Carolina and confound them. The tTtfnrss, on tbe bare words of some irresponsible and mendacious correspondent, persists in attaching infamy to aa innocent man. This will not hart General Bctlkb. We presume it is the privilege of the editor of a so-called religious paper to give currency to falsehood, maintain it igno rantly, sad call upon liars to attest its truth. It ia reported that ex-Governor War moth, of Louisans (carpet-bagger from Illinois), is soon to be married to Miss Saltje Pfj RANp, daughter of Mr. James M. Durand, leading jeweler of Newark, New Jersey. The people of Lonisiana will bless Miss Balms Durand if she shall snooeed in keeping her lord and master in New Jersey. BAD FOR BKLHA. The town of Selma, Alabama, is hunt ing for a candidate for Mayor who will repudiate half its bonded indebtedness. The debt of the place is $325,000, of which amount $61,000 are past due and unpaid. 'Die rate of municipal taxation ia lj per cent. The most prominent as pirant for the Mayoralty favors a “com promise” of this indebtedness at fifty oents on the dollar. This is an endeav or to cover a foul thing with afair name. It is not a compromise that Belme seeks, bnt the repudiation of one-half of its legal obligation*. It is not pretended that the bonds were unlawfully or fraud ulently issued or that there haa even been a failure of consideration. Tbe people of the place find times hard and taxation onerous and desiro to get rid of their indebtedness by the simple process of repudiation. Selma 'will do well to tk warning by the case of Rome and let repudiation alone. There are State Courts and Federal Courts in Alabama that will compel her to pay creditor* what she owes thorn. No matter who is elected the bondholders can collect their money. Any attempt to repudiate will fail and tnin the credit of the town besides. No matter how high taxes may be it is good policy as well as common honesty for a city to pay promptly its jost indebtedness. SENATOR HILL AND THE MARSHAL SHIP. Colonel Bob Alston, who withdrew hie ap plication for the appointment of United States Marshal for Georgia in favor of the present incumbent. Major Smyth, has renewed it with hopes of success. He says Hayes told him in one of their interviews that he would have given him the position had it not beam for the opposition made to his appointment by Ben Hill. Can it be that Mr. Hill prefers that a Radical sh 11 have the position, rather than that it shall be given to a Democrat who is willing to hold office under Hie Fraudnlenoy? In such matters our new Senator is remarkably fastidious. With him consistency is a rarei jewel.— Savannah News. We cannot believe that oar esteemed contemporary the News wonld do in tentional injustice to any one, yet ita well known aversion to Mr. Hill pre vents it, insensibly doubtless, from doiDg that gentleman justice. Take the above paragraph, for instauoe. Does it follow that because Mr. Hill deolined to recommend or opposed the appoint ment of Colonel Alston he prefers a Radical shall have the position? Cer tainly not. One wonld infer from the oomment of the News that Colonel Alston and Major Smyth were the only npplioants for the position of United States Marshal. This is by no means the ease. There was another Repnblican besides Major Smyth asking the position and at least four or five Democratic ap plicants. It is quite possible that Mr. Hill might have opposed the retention of Major Smyth as well as the appoint ment of Colonel Alston. As a matter of faot we understand that he did do this very thing. He is said to have filed objections to the continuance in offioe of Major Smith. So far as we oan learn Mr. Hill did not recommend any one to President Hayes for appoint ment—not even his own son-in-law, who desired the Marshalship. Mr. Hill did not reoommend Colonel Alston and he opposed the retention of Major Smyth ; it is highly probable that he preferred someone of the half dozen other applicants. There is nothing in consistent in this, nothing deserving either sneer or oensure. Besides, if, ac cording to the Savannah News, Colonel Alston withdrew his application at one time in favor of this same Radical Major Smyth, why would it have been snoh s crime for Mr. Hill not to have interposed an objection to the continu ance in office of the latter ? THE GBORIGIA RAILROAD. A writer in the Athens Georgian an ticipates a lively time at the approach ing Convention of the stockholders of the Georgia Railroad. As we have be fore stated, tbe Legislature at its last session passed aots permitting the Geor gia Railroad to purchase the Maoon and Augusts and the Port Royal Railroads. The writer in the Georgian takes it for granted that the question of purchase will be brought before the Convention, and he warns the stockholders not to consent to it, and not to give the Di rectory authority to act in the matter. He declares that the Macon and Augus ta Road has failed to accomplish the purpose for which it was constructed, viz. : the diversion of freights from the Central Railroad and Savannah : that the through business amounts to almost nothing, and that the whole of the net earnings for last year amounted to oßly $13,000. The Georgia Road already owns $175,000 of the stock, and has paid ont $71,000 for repairs during two years, and the writer is opposed to the pur chase of a piece of property which he evidently regards as of little value. He “ guesses ” that the purchase will be nrged for tbe reason that: The stock of the Macon and Augusts Bail road has been very low, and eonld have been purchased very oheap, and some sharp, far sighted ring master may have pnrohaeed heavily of the stock of eaid railroad company, and now, If the ring can get the Georgia Bail* road Company to purchase the Maoon and Au gusta Boad and incorporate it with the atock of the Georgia Company, the stock will soon rise to the valae of the Georgia Bailroad stock, and the manipulators of this projeot will realize a handsome profit on their invest ment in Maoon and Angnsta stock. It strikes ns that this supposition is rather far fetohed. In the first place, we have not heard of anything indicat ing that the purchase will be nrged at the May Convention. In the seoond place, we have always understood that when the oitv of Augnsta sold its half a million of stock to the Sonth Carolina Railroad the latter secured a controlling interest in the corporation. If this is the case it is hardly probable that snoh a ring exists as that mentioned in the Georgian. The writer in that paper alludes to the fact that the Georgia Rail road endorsed half a million^dollars of the bonds of the Port Royal Company, and that the latter road is now adver tised for sale in order to pay $2,500,000 of mortgage bonds. He is confident that if the purchase of the road ia made the Georgia Road will not only lose the $500,000 fer which it is now seonrity, bnt $2,500,000 additional. Again, we have not heard that the purchase of the Port Royal Railroad would be urged. Fnrther than the passage of a law permitting such ac tion the matter of purchase has not been mentioned until now. However, the Convention is not far off, and we can possess our souls in patience until it as sembles. Wadx Hampton doee not *ay “plain as a pike-staff” bnt ‘‘plain as a hoe handle.” Mr. Evabt*’ instructions totheLouis isnia Commission are said to resemble the protocol of the Great Powers. It is claimed in Philadelphia that a street car can save $8 38 a week by using steam instead of horse power. Thk railway companies of Greet Britain, for the year 1876, expended nearly one-half their receipts. Will the good old times now return when offering peanuts to a Sonth Caro lina Legislator was considered e mortal affront? Qffi. Hawley says the decendants oi the Latin race cense all the trouble to Louisiana. There is not much Latin blood in Wells and Anderson. Patterson’s interview with Hampton resembled F allstaff’s interview with Prince Ho- The old rogue wonld make it appear that he recognised the tame Bines nil the time. The army of the United States has cost daring the last ten year* $594,000,- 09$. Daring the same period the navy coat $235,000,000. Subjugating the South to times of pesos did not pay. INDISCRIMINATE NOVEL READING. The Rev. Morgan Dix D. D., Rector of Trinity Church, New York, has an earnest article in the Church Eclectic for April on indiscriminate novel read tog and its effect on eharaoter. He de nounces certain classes of the fashion able novels of the day as not only worth less and wasting the time of those who read thbm, bnt also as highly injnrioni to religions faith and to good morals.— They tend, he thinks, to destroy sll sense of obligation and to weaken the most sacred relations of human life. The characters of the young, especially, re ceive from them injuries from which, in many instances, they Bever recover.— Tbe false sentiments snd the wrong bias which such reading produces often last through life, and give rise to serious ob liquities of character. Dr. Dix refers with special condemnation to snoh fic tions as those which bear the name of “ Onida," a female author who appears to be a great favorite with yonßg vota ries of novel reading of both sexes. He regards the presence of snoh books in a family as most pernicious, and urges upon the Episcopal Chnrcb, for whose members more especially he writes, the necessity of some formal chnrcb action on the subject. He even goes so far as to recommend the creation of an Index librorum prohibitorum, for proscribing these books and others of the kind as nnflt to read or to be admitted in Chris tian families. THE BOGUS BONOS. The proclamation of Governor Col quitt ordering an election for the ratifi cation or rejection of an amendment to the Constitution prohibiting the recog nition or payment of certain issues of bonds declared nail and void by the Legislature, has moved the New York Times to devote a column of its space to abuse of Georgia. The Times com mences its tirade after the following fashion: The Georgians have been in tbe habit of boasting that theire is tbe ‘‘Empire State' of tbe Booth, and in many respects the exultation haa been natural. No Southern State is richer in resources, in the eharaoter and extent of ita internal improvements, or in the average property of its citizens, aa estimated by tbe tax returns. A State so favorably situated should not shrink from the payment of its debts. It cannot plead poverty or the oppres siveness of its taxation as an excuse for repu diation. The current valae of some of its secu rities, judged by the quotations in the New York market, implies more than ordinary con fidence in the will as well as in the capacity of its people to behave honestly toward its cre ditors. And yet, in spite of natural and ac quired advantages, Georgia now appears be fore the world in connection with the re pudiation of millions of its liabilities, by a method which, in its infamy, has few paral lels in the financial history of the South. The bogus bonds and tbe causes in ducing the action of the Georgia Legis lature have been so thoroughly discuss ed by tbe newspapers of the State, and the people of the whole country, with the exception of a clique of knavish speculators in New York, have become so well satisfied with the justice of what has been done, that it is like threshing thrice beaten chaff to pnrsne the subject any farther. The State of Georgia has not repudiated a single bond. The State has simply refused to recognize fraudulent paper purporting to be its obligations jost as the most honorable merchant declines to acknowledge or to pay a forged note. Any one who reads the testimony taken by the Bond Committee in 1872, upon which tbe action of tbe Legislature was based, will discover that every issue and endorsement was made by Bullock in flagrant violation of tbe Oonstitution and the laws of Geor gia. At the time of issue the world was put npon notiee that the bonds were not Valid and would never be paid. The press of the State exposed the fraud and cau tioned the public against purchasing. In the oase of the gold bonds the swin dle was so apparent that the Republican Treasurer of the State refused to sign them and his signature was forged by Rufus B. Bullock, then Governor. Notwithstanding exposure the rogues went on with their work, and notwith ing warning gulls were Sound who bought worthless paper at a heavy disoount. When a Legislature of the people as sembled tbe bogus bonds were oarefully investigated aud disowned. To guard against the spoliation of the State by the corruption of some Legislature of the future it is proposed to amend the Con stitution so that these bonds oan never be paid. This is, in brief, a history of the transaction tbat has provoked the vituperation of Henry Clews & Cos., and their organ the Times. The high price at Which Georgia bonds are selling to day shows that the world recognizes the jnstice of the State’s conduct. When a State government or any other govern ment repudiates a just debt its credit is gone forever, or until reparation, the most ample, has been made. The credit of Georgia is better now than it has ever been in tbe history of the State. Her bonds ars quoted as selling at as high as one hundred and nine in Wall street. This statement contains a conclusive an swer to the aeonsations and abusive epithets of the Times. Men do not usual ly pay snoh prices dor the obligations of a repudiating State. The New York Sun insists tbat the limes is engaged in propagating Wen dell Phillips’ ideas in guarded phrases and deoent language. Wendell calls a spade a spade. The Times alludes to it as an agrionltnral implement. The Nebraska Senators tried to bull doze the President in the matter of ap pointing Indian Agents, insisting that they Bhonld come from their State. Whereupon Mr. Hayes appointed Agents who did not hail from Nebraska. Complaint is made that even the New York dailies have largely fallen off in circnlation. The Sun confesses to a daily loss of 25,000 subscribers, bnt says this is a trifle, so long as it runs considerably over 100,000 copies. The public debt on April Ist, less cash in the Treasury, is stated at $2,- 074,624,127. According to some experts every Treasury balance hitherto has been a forced one. Perhaps Mr. Sher man haa given an honest count. In the Tweed ring suits, np to date, the city of New York has realized $690,- 349, and the lawyers have received $226,- 711. What David Dudley Field k Cos. extracted from their ring clients no body knows but the parties most inter ested. Even the Republican* papers admit that Sonth Carolina has now a chance for honest .government. Patterson s chance for “five years more of good stealing” has gone forever. He bad better resign and try a Bourse of blue glass. T.a— Sunday tbe President attended the Foundry Methodist GJinrioh; his wife was sick and did not go to divine servioe. Some of the family went to the Epiphany P. E. Church, and the small fry went to Vespers at the Catholic cathedral. Bismarck ia ten years younger than Disraeli, seven years younger than the Frenoh President, MacMahon, seventeen jean younger than Gobtchaxoff and twenty-three year* younger than the Pope He haa care of himself than any of them, end needs repose. The Herald say* the President haa taken extreme pains to render Governor Hampton’s task W by treating his rival with the utmost ooartesy and soothing his laelinge into acquiescence. The wisdom and consideration of such a course deserve recognition and praise. Son irreverent Rad ice I*. beholding Chamberlain’s discomfiture and Paor abd’s bad plight, begin to doubt about the Praaident’a heart bleeding for the poor African.” We have no doubt of Mr. Wat— * sympathy for the negro, bnt he evidently believes that white men have some rights. THE PRESIDENT AND THE SOUTH. What General Babert Toombs Think* of noldlac Office Under naves. Washington, Ga., April 3, 1577. Editors Chronicle and Constitutionalist; Yonr circular aqjton the subjects of the attitude of tbe Southern Democracy ta wards the existing Federal Administra tion and “ the application for and ac ceptance of office from that Administra tion by Southern Democrats ” has been rcocivoda I do not think the latter branoh of the inquiry is one of much practical impor tance, aa it is not very probable that any inconvenient pressure will be brought npon Southern Democrat* to aid Presi dent Hayes in carrying on his usurped aud fraudulent Government. If be de sire* to recruit from the followers of the Democratic standard in the South, he can readily do so without compromising his own policy or principles or those of his appointees. Let him search for them among those who accepted the Re construction Acts of Congress; amoDg those who consider the so-called Four teenth and Fifteenth Amendments as sacred and binding as any other por tion of that instrument; among those who accepted vhe Cincinnati plat form and supported Horace Gree ley ; among those who opposed the 8t„ Lonis platform and supported Tilden; among those who surrendered to him the Presidency in defiance of the Constitution and in defiance of a vast majority of the legal electors of the Re public; among those who seem to con sider “ that governments were instituted among men ” for the benefit of public plunderers. There be can find them, find jnst snoh as will suit bim, and snob we can well spare him. And if he wishes to enlist men from onr standard in the Sooth fit for the pnblio service, men who may be tried and not be found wanting, by the three great tests for pnblio offioe which Mr. Jefferson announced, to-wit: “ Honesty, capacity and fidelity to tbe Constitution,” he oan find them also. He can find them among those who have Btood by the principles announced and upheld by the same great apostle of hu man liberty in 1798, in peaoe and in war, in snnßhine andpgn storms, in defeat as well as in victory, and who are still ready to struggle for them when the day of deliverance and liberty shall again dawn upon a deeply wronged and much injnred people. Mr. Hayes ia the de facto President of the United States ; the interests, security and happi ness of onr people demand that those Federal officers whose functions under the Constitution are to be per formed in onr midst should be “bonest, capable and faithful to the Constitn tion.” If Mr. Hayes chooses to oall any of this olass to the performance of any of the functions wh ch may be acceptable to them, in my opinion the public inter est wonld be promoted by accepting the call. It may be urged that such a policy might strengthen tbe cause of the op pressor. I think it would be more apt to strengthen that of the oppressed. I am, very respectfully, yonr obedient servant, R. Toombs. THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION. A Letter From Hon. A. C, Walker—Changes In the Organic Law—The Snpreme Court— A Fitting Time For a Convention—He De. cllnes to Bea Candidate—Delegates Sug gested. Editors Chronicle and Constitutionalist: My name has been mentioned, among others, in connection with the Conven tion for framing a State Oonstitution. It has been my fortune (good fortune 1 think) to decline positions regarded as more honorable, but I have never felt so profoundly sensible of a compliment as this. The confidence thus implied by judicious and valued citizens is the crowning glory of an old man’s career. It is like a capstone of gold to a symmet rioal marble pillar. I wonld like to attend the Convention, if for nothing else than a compensation for the humiliation and disgust which 1 experienced as a member of the Gonven tion of 1865, when the commonest right* of onr people were discussed with bated breath and furtive glance, and no act performed without the high permission of the vioeroy of the petty tyrants at Washington. I wonld like to assist in abolishing the Snpreme Court of the State, not only as a measure of economy, bnt of reform, and homogene ous agricultural people like our selves, aside from our statutes,, have little need for law beyond that founded npon common sense and common jnstice, and there is no appel late tribunal so apt to be gnided solely by these considerations as a jury of in telligent and impartial citizens. The mind of a lawyer from long training in his profession becomes mechanical, a thing of routine and technicalities; tbie is modified as long as he is constantly brought iq contact with his clients in his office and with the people in tbe Court room, but exclude bim from the associations and sympathies which thie contact engenders; shut him up with law books and lawyers, and his mechan ism becomes intensified and indurated; common sense and simple jnstice are subordinated to the (to him) more im portant matter of a dotted “i” or a crossed “t,” and huge volumes are filled with learned dissertations on “What the difference be ’Twixt tweedledum and tweedledoe,” And which, after all, convinces no one and settles nothing. If history tells the truth, we have had even among English speaking people, codes of law from the time of Alfred, a thousand years ago. and Chief Justioes for five hundred years, and yet so little is known of law that the slightest dis pute arrays all the paraphernalia of Courts, clients, oonnsel, Judges and juries, and with as little certainty of the result as when society was in a state of chaos. Recent events in our history have sadly demonstrated, too, that Sn preme Court Judges are not more free from hnmaa frailty than more ordinary mortals. Coarts and Judges, are, of course, indispensable; bnt I contend that an intelligent jnry, with the help of the Superior Court Judge, is a better judge of the merits of a case among our people than the Judges of the Supreme Court. I know nothing abont law. In over three score years j have had one ringle oase in Court, but I yield to nme in my appreciation and admiration of the pre eminent virtues, as a class, of the legal profession. I would like to be a mem ber of the Convention, to assist in car rying out other measures which it would be inexpedient to refer to here. The course of the Federal Government for years past hr.s been marked by a reck less ‘ disregard of constitutional re straints and unscrupulous encroach ments on popular rights. It will be a fitting time to reassert tbe doctrine of popular sovereignty, before it is forgot ten that it ever existed. The rights of the States &nd the liberties of the peo ple arpoqa -and thp destruction of the one is the enslavement of tjie other. Bnt as much as { would like to link my name with the creation of a noble chart er for our grand old State, one that would promote the happiness and main tain the liberties of her sons : that wonld recognize the needs of oqr changed con dition, and to which all her citizens of every eolor and degree eould point as the embodiment of “wisdom, jnstice and moderation," yet the fixed habits of years of ill health utterly forbid, and I give this timely notice that my name may be excluded from any prospective choice of delegates. Richmond may proudly boast that her difficulty is not the lack of capable men, bnt in choos ing from the many. A large number of the delegates will be persons who never read any Consti tution and have no very definite idea of its meaning, and these will have to rely npon the more experienced in the forma tion of their judgments. It is all im portant that as far as possible the delegates should be persons who have preconceived or matured opinions on leading questions. In the exercise of my right as a constitntent, I wonld sug gest that C. J. Jenkins, Win. A. Walton, Geo. R. Sibley and H. G. Wright, Esqs., embrace all the qualifications that we should require. I think that to Mr Wright especially we farmers eonld safely entrust onr peculiar interests. If, however, it is deemed best to have a delegate from the country, doubtless a good and trge man can be fonnd; bnt as Jefferson and Glasoocjt will prob ably send three practical farmers, it will be less essential in Richmond. A. O. Walker. Base Deteriarati**. [Cambridge (ifoi.) Kews.] Cambridge jail is well filled with ia mates. Nine-tenths of all persons ar rested in the oonnty are young, hearty looking negroes from 18 to 25 years old. It is a usual remark, even among the colored people, that the yonng will not work if they can help it. It is very sel dom that a oolored man who was raised before emancipation fails to make a good, law-abiding citizen, bnt their children are too often permitted to grow np to lazy idleness, and when thrown npon their .own resources they know nothing about w ojtk, and support them selves by pilfering. —’—. . j* —— ■ Says the Jgtfrnql of Commerce: The Sehneteen Gesaelsobaft, at the meeting last night, received an invitation from the Augusts Scbuetzen, their Charleston brethren to participate in the great Ge man festival at Angnsta. It is probable a strong delegation will go from this city. HAYES AND THE SOUTH. THE MEW IOBK TIMES ON THE SOUTHERN LETTERS. The Recent Letters to the Chronicle an* Constitutionalist—A Review of Them by the National Republican Organ—The Let ters amt the Writers—The Prevailing Sen tiniest in the South. [.Veto York Times—Editorial ] An influential Georgia newspaper bas endeavored to elicit from prominent public men in that part of the South their views respecting the attitude which Southern Democrats should maintain toward the Hayes Administration. The results appear, not in the form of re ported interviews, which, however in teresting, are quite as likely to be wrong as right, bnt over the signatures of men who may be taken as fairly representing the opinions prevalent among the people. The primary purpose of the inquiry was to ascertain whether, in the judg ment of-the parties addressed, “South ern men should apply for or accept of fice under Hayes.” The question has been more or less discussed since the declarations of the President upon the subject of civil service reform gave rise to the belief that, in dispensing Federal patronage in the South, qualified and trusted residents will in all cases be pre ferred. The rale thus laid down is the essential feature of the plan of reform to which the President and his advisers are committed; it is a simple and just rule, and one might have supposed that it wonld be hailed by the Southern people as the best possible pledge of an honest and acceptable use of Federal influence. Violent partisans, however, apparently incapable of judging of any topic apart from their immediate inter ests, raised the cry that the President proposed to buy Southern support with appointment to Federal offices. On this hypothesis the Administration has been denounced as though it were engaged in a vile plot to corrupt Southern men, and the latter have been warned that they could not aocept favors from the Presi dent without exposing themselves to dis trust and contempt. The Augusta Ohbonicle applied itself to the task of -lamining how far these factious utter ances reflected the views of men who c*rty weight in their respective neigh borhoods; and the general ideas pro dbced by a perusal of the letters are by no means discouraging. It is evident that a strong undercur rent of common sense is at work, which insures for the President’s policy a more jnst interpretation, as regards both mo rives and tendencies, thsn Northern Democrats are willing to concede. .This is shown, first, in the absence of rancor ous hostility in the discussion of the general position occupied by the Admin istration, and, in the next place, in the disposition to accord credit to the Pres ident for friendly intentions toward the South. The most notable exception, perhaps, is Gov. Vance, of North Caro lina, whose chronic malignity obtains expressions in epithets directed against fhe title of the President to his office. Even Vance sees “no objection to Dem ocrats filling subordinate positions to which no political significance is at tached;” and his bitterness will be left without excuse when Federal authority ceases to assert itself in the local affairs of South Carolina and Louisiana. In deed, the step already taken in regard to •tenth Carolina, to be followed, as it must be, by similar action iQ -eg arc! to Louisiana, will take :he sting out of every one of the letters published in the Augusta journal. Ex Gov. Perry and General Ketshaw, of South Carolina, take sub stantially the same ground. They would not have Southern men humiliate them selves by accepting office if the policy of he Administration were deemed uu riendly to their section; and General Kershaw is emphatic in his declaration that Carolinians cannot accept while the troops remain in possession of the State House at Columbia. The order already issued from the War Department re moves the only obstacle whioh these gentlemen see to the cultivation of offi cial relations between Southerners and ’he Government. Jndgo Aldrich, of South Carolina, holds that, this object iceomphsned, the President can give no better evidence of the integrity of his purpose, as already announced, than by 'he appointment to office of Southern men of character and ability. Colonel Walker, of Georgia, an implacable of the Vance type, meanwhile, doubts the sincerity of the President, and urges continued resistance to the Republican party. Judge Wright, also of Georgia, asserts that though ho voted for Tilden, he likes Hayes better, and that in the matter of principle, one party is as good as the other. “We are no longer par ties divided on principle,” he says; “we fyave degenerated into factions strug gling for spoils.” The most elaborate of the published letters is that of ex Gov. Brown, of Geor gia, who, without impunging the mo tives of Democrats who accept office under Mr. Hayea, imagines that mis chief is hidden under the liberal “ policy of the Administration.” He regards it as an attempt to bribe Southerners with office, and the South, he informs ns, is not for sale. Much more sagacious is the opinion attributed to a yet more conspicuous Georgian. Senator Hill has none of • the mean suspiciousness which Gov. Vance rudely proclaims and ex- Gov. Brown more courteously suggests. Mr. Hill, instead of seeing in the friend ly overtures of the. Administration “only an instance of the Greeks bringing gifts in their hands.” recognises an obliga tion to “ meet the President in a spirit of generous confidence,” and to aid him cordially in his efforts to purify the proper work of the Federal Government in the Southern States. Incidentally, both Gen. Kershaw and ex-Gov. Brown glance at the ulterior ef fect of such a policy as the President has faintly sketohed upon the political affiliations of the Southern people. Men of the calibre and character of Gov. Vance and Col. Walker appe.ar to care more for the maintenance intact of the Democratic party than for any other thing. They have an almost insane dread of Mr. Hayes’ intentions, for no other reason, apparently, than that they may alienate Southern votes from the Democracy. Ex-Gov. Brown has a lit tle of this feeling, growing more out of an inonrable distrust of the Republican party than oqt of a blind devotion to its partisan opponents, Gen. Kershaw is more frank and demonstrative. His anxiety is centred upon the South, not upon the Demoeratio party. He wonld accept office, if tne President deal “aim- pie justice” to the South, “without any special kindness or favor” to its people. If the President not only respect the con stitutional limitations upon his power, but pursue a course which shall tend generally to restore peace, order, and good government to the South, General Kershaw “would give his Administra tion a hearty support, whether an office holder or not.” On these grounds, and assuming that what Mr. Hayes has pro mised he means to perform, General Kershaw holds that the South ‘'ought by all means cordially and earnestly to support his Administration, let the re sults upon present party organization ” be what they may. On the whole, then, the testimony ob tained from this cluster of Southern witnesses i# Bfit unsatisfactory, It forms a very good beginning. If the impres sion produced by the mere anticipation of a conciliatory policy is fairly present ed in the general tone of the published letters, we may look forward with some confidence to the results that should follow the practical application of the President’s views. APPLYING TUB LASH. A Young Man Tied to a Tree and Whip ped by Two Brothers. County Bailiff J. E. Thomas and Con stable Calvin Seago, of the 123d District, arrested, yesterday, two brothers named respectively Charles and Andrew Mc- Dade, charged with assault and battery on a young man, about eighteen years of age, named Thos. F. Simms. Simms, Thompson Me Dade, a younger brother of Charles and Andrew, and another lad, whose name we did not learn, were pu pils at the Hephzibah Academy. A few days since these three had a quarrel at the school, which resulted in a fight, young McDadp and bis friend taking sides against Simms. The latter finally got the better of his antagonists and came off victor. ■ The older |McDades, claiming that Simms had taken undue advantage of the other two on account of his age and size, determined upon giving him a whipping. Meeting Simms in the woods, they seized and tied him to a pine tree and then flogged him severely. Simms had a warrant issned for the arrest of the McDades, and they were taken in charge yesterday, as stated above. The defendants demanded a trial by jnry and gave bond for their appearance before the County Court in May. Abducting an Heiress. lowa City, July s. —Six men attempt ed to abduct Miss Geo. w. Watson; a wealthy young lady of Madison, Onio, from a Bock Island train between Bock Island and this city under pretense that she was a lunatic. They kept her gagged and held her down at each sta tion. She however mansged to escape from them at Walton after a desperate straggle, daring which she sprained her ankeL. The object of the men Tjras prob ably money, as she was richly dressed. Ex-Senator Robertson advised all the colored men to participate in the Hamp ton reception. A MISSING JEWELER. SOME OP THE GOSSIP ANENT A REMARKABLE CASE. Where Is George Sharp f—Has He Clone for Good t— What Bis Creditors Have to Say—A Reward Offered lor His Return— The Curbstone Talk, Etc. [Affanto Constitution.] On last Friday night Mr. Geo. Sharp, jeweler, left the city under suspicions circumstances, and lias not been heard of since. On Monday morning his store was seized by his creditors. To-day the mystery is still unsolved. The above is a mighty concise statement of the live liest sensation that Atlanta has had for many a day; and we proceed to eluci date it. It appears that for some time Mr. Sharp has been carrying an immense load of debt. His credit has been im paired and he has had very little accom modation in the banks. He has hence been forced to borrow money on the streets and from personal friends. He has succeeded in getting large amounts from these quarters by paying high in terest and depositing diamond collate rals. He has been shifting about from one set of lenders to another for a year and a half. It has been his custom to go to the holders of his diamond collaterals and borrow the collaterals Whenever he saw a chance to Bell them. If he sold them he would pay the money over, and if he failed he wonld return the jewels. On Friday last he went to every maß who held any of his diamonds, and so licited the loan of them, saying that he had a chance to sell them. He got them as usual, except in one case, where a bond was demanded for the return of the jewels, and finally obtained it. We let one of the victims tell his own story Mr. Otis Jones, come to the stand ! Mr. Jones says: “1 lose by him just $1,620 I have made more than that ont of him in interest, thuugb. The way he got me was this: I had, as usual, a box or so of diamonds for security. On Friday eve ning he came to my office, and entering in a great hnrry, to-kmeto one side and whispered that there were some ladies in the store who wanted to buy dia monds, and that if I would lend him my bex he thought he could sell them. As I had often done before, I let him have them. He promised to return them in a few moments. I never saw him again. “ I did not become uneasy until late Saturday evening. On Monday morn ing, discovering that he was still miss ing, I sued out a criminal warrant against him. I don’t believe he will ever come back unless he is brought back, bat we are going to get him, if he’s top side of the earth. ” Wlmt Another Lender Says. Another gentleman, who is a large loser (over SB,OOO being gone), says : “ He came to me on Friday, and asked my advice, stating that he was in a des perate condition, and was thinking about taking a trip to try and sell some goods. I advised him to do so, saying he had better unload a little. He then asked me when he had best go. I could not advise him, and asked him when he thought of going. He said there was in Augusta a lady who had wanted two costly diamond ear-rings, and thought if her husband could see them he would buy them, but that these ear rings were among my collaterals. If I would let him have them he would go to Augusta. I then surrendered all the diamonds I had, which must have been SIO,OOO worth, saying that I was his friend and would trust his honor. He pledged me faithfully he would be back by Tuesday. He came later in the day and borrowed SIOO in cash from me for traveling expenses; and still later he be sought me to go on his bond for $3,500 worth of saleable jewelry that ho had placed with a bank, and desired to take out. I did so and he left. I have not seen or heard from him sinoe. I be lieved up to last night that he would re turn, according to his solemn promise. I have now lost confidence in him, but intend to bring him back here if I have to run him all over the world.” The Last That Was Seen of 9lr. Slmrp Was inY)r. Taylor’s drug store. He en tered the store hurriedly on Friday night just as the Georgia train was leav ing and bought a shaving brush and two pieces of shaving soap. He hur ried the clerk up, aDd left the store in a fast walk. A telegram was received here on yesterday from Conductor Par cell, of the Georgia Railroad, stating that Sharp went down to Augusta with him that night. It is farther alleged that he had taken the Saturday’s train for Charleston. This allegation arose from the fact that he had an exceeding ly heavy valise, and that avalise notably heavy was handled in the baggage oar of the Charleston road on that day.— This might have been the valise of any jewelry or hardware drummer. Nothing definite has been heard from him since he reached Augusta on Friday morn ing. It is believed, if ho was in tent upon escaping, that he made for one of the adjacent seaports— Charleston, Savannah, Port Royal or Brunswick. He might have sailed under an alias from either of these points on Saturday night; or two days before he was suspected. Diligent search has been made through the newspaper files for these points, and detectives put to work. Nothing has been heard from any source yet. iWho Mr. Sharp Owes, aud How Much, A reporter of the Comfituticm on yes terday obtained a list of the creditors of Sharp. It would hardly be proper to publish it, but it aggregates about $41,600. There are several names not included in the list. The indebtedness on borrowed money must run nearly to $50,000. The banks suffer very little. One is caught for $5,000, and another for an unknown amount. Several bank cashiers, or clerks are creditors for amounts running from $350 to $3,200. Three sporting men lose from $1,200 to $2,000 each, A bookkeeper loses $4,000, a drummer S7OO, a photographer SI,OOO, and several clerks lose sums rnnning from SBOO to SI,OOO. The largest single creditor loses about SB,OOO. It appears that Mr. Sharp has borrowed indiscrimi nately, though many of his creditors have been dealing with him foy years. It is estimated that Mr. Sharp has $30,000, in cash and diamonds with him. Some put the amount higher—others lower. The above represents the aver age opinion. A Reward and Telegraph Fund. The creditors have raised a fund of $1,250, whioh they offer as a reward for the return o! Mr. Sharp. This reward is now standing, and the detective agen cies of various cities are bnsily at work. There are hundreds of the sharpest eyes in America looking for Atlanta’s jeweler this morning. A telegraph fund of SIOO has been raised, and dispatches were sent in all directions on yesterday. The pursuit will be intelligently and ve hemently pushed. A NEW 910 YE fit LJFE INSURANCE. [Chicago Tribune.] The panic among people who insure their lives continues so great that the Western manager of an Eastern company has hit upon a notable expedient to as sure hje customers that his company is solid and safe. Instead of taking a whole basement or first floor, with plate class windows, and solid silver aud French glass partitions, and mahogany counters, and regiments of clerks with their hair parted in the middle, writing at circular-top, monocleide desks, and glaring lithographs of the building of the company at headquarters, he has taken an entirely new departure. He has a big, bare flat in a cheap building near the river with old newspapers pasted on the windows for blinds, and pine tables, and kerosme lamps, and a rusty stove kept so Blightly charged with fuel that the office is as cold as Greenland. When they lasso and in a customer, he is naturally impressed with the Spartan simplicity of the office, aud asks the agent why, if his company is so solid, it is not lodged in better quarters. “Because, sir,” replies the agent, “instead of squandering its money in Mauresque Neo-Renaissance palaces, and tiled floors, and rosewood, and plate glass, and mirrors, and Brus sels carpets, and silver railings, we, con ducting our business with the utmost economy consistent with efficiency, ap ply all onr funds to secure the safety and prosperity of our policy holders.” Then he tells the office messenger to go and get him a schooner af lager and as mneb free lunch as he can cram into his jacket pocket, and explains to the intending insurer that the company pays for the lunch, and he does not like to charge it too much, and thus divert from the pockets of the policy holders their due profits. This knocks the customer, and he puts down his name for a policy, and as soon as he has gone out the agent throws a handspring, and exclaim ing, “Sold again, and got the applica tion,” tells the boy to put that trnek in the waste basket, and hnrries off to or der some quail on toast and early straw berries. Alas, No Soon. [Cincinnati Commercial .] Ex-President Grant, dressed in plaiq black, with a shiny silk hat and careless ly swinging a little cane, “took Fourth street in” yesterday afternoon without attracting any more attention than an ordinary citizen. In fact, but few who saw him knew that he was the “savior of the country,” and had been President for eight years. The General called on Mr. Alfred Gaither, at the Adams Ex press office, and the coming Senator did the honors with a bottle of champagne. LIFE INSURANCE SECRETS. TESTIMONY FROM THE MUTUAL AND EQUITABLE COMPANIES. New' York 1 insurance Men Before the I.efils -1 iiiu re—Salaries of Officers, Employees and AgentfioAmonntfi Paid to Policy* holders. Albany, Maroh 20.—The insnraDoe officials who were subpoenaed before the Assembly Committee appeared this morning and were examined, the ses sion lasting from 9, a. m., until 4, p. m. The only witnesses e: amined at this session were W. H. C. Bartlett, actuary of the Mutual Life, and H. B. Hyde, President of the Equitable. Among the other insurance men present were Henrv E. Davis and Mr. Lloyd, of the Matnai; Judge Green, Dr. Lambert and Mr. Rarrow, actuary, of the Equitable; Mr. Hegeman, of the Metropolitan ; Stewart L. Woodford, counsel, and Mr. Sewell, notnary, of the Globe; Morris Franklin, President of the New York Life; and Judge Johnson, c unsel of the Knicker bocker. Mr. Davie read a letter from Mr McCurdy,explaining why the Mutual had not sooner replied to Senator Bix by’s resolution. It was because at that time an examination of the company was in progress by the Superintendent, and the delay was by his consent. Mr. Bart lett then read a statement which hsd been made ont on the 13th of February, most of whioh has already been pub lished in the annual report of the com pany. The following is the statement of the salaries paid for the year 1856: President $30,000 Vice-President 18.000 Second Vice-President 12 000 Secretary 8,000 Assistant Secretary 5,100 Actuary 15 00ft First Assistant Actuary .... 7,200 Second Assistant Actuary 4 800 Two Medical Examiners, eaoh... 9.600 Solicitor and counsel 14,000 One hundred and ten clerks and other employees . 191,463 To medical examiners outside of the oity there was paid $38,596 31, and to attorneys nnd counsellors throughout the couniry, $17,715. A cross-examina tion failed to show that any other fees or compensations had been paid by this company to its officers. The number of policies forfeited to the company in 1876 were 7,501, aud the company has paid nearly three millions of dollars to the holders of such policies. H. B. Hyde, Preaident of the Equit able, was then examined, and read a statement giving the reasons why that company had not before replied to Mr. Bixby’s resolution, whioh were in the main similar to those of the Mutual— too busy undergoing examination, clos ing up the year’s business, etc. The total salaries paid managers, agencies, eto., during 1876, amounted to $285,000, but at the beginning of the present year these salaries were reduced $26,320, and the salaries now being paid are as fol lows : President $37,500 00 Vice-President 22,000 00 Actuary •. 20,000 00 Secretary 16,500 00 Assistant Actuary 7,500 00 Assistant Secretary 5,000 00 Auditor 5,000 00 Cashier i 5,000 00 Supt. Bond and Mortgage Department 4,500 00 Seventeen bookkeepers 41,430 00 Twenty-five accountants and clerks 31,162 00 Thirty-five under clerks and boys... 11,999 32 Sa ary in commutation of construction engineer’s per centages on buildings 15,000 00 Eight special agents, inspec tors and adjusters 15,964 30 Ordinary fees to 52 directors for board meetings.... ..; 9,071 00 Total $247,626 62 Salaries and traveling ex penses of managers of agen cies and general, special and local agents’ superin tendent of agents $7,500 00 New England manager 5,000 00 Adjuster and confidential tra veler : 4,500 00 Cashiers at agencies 9,036 42 Traveling expenses 10,557 77 Total $36,594 19 Salaries of Medical Examiners. Chief medical examiner.... $16,500 00 Associate—part of year..... 7,000 00 Associate—part of year 1,041 69 Other examiners’fees 22,731 81 Total $47,273 47 Paid Attorneys and Counsellors lor tlie Year 18T6. Principal counsel $12,000 00 Attorneys in New York for litigated business, advice and incidental disburse ments. * 9,949 19 To thirty three other law firms in different parts of the United States 13.346 10 Total $35,295 Z 9 The cross-examination developed the fact that Mr. Hyde’s salary, though small at first, had been increased from year to year until for the eighteen years he has been connected with the compa ny his salary has averaged $29,217. This had been done by an arrangement with the company in the event of success. Mr. Hyde appeared to be a will ing witness, and told freely of how his salary had been increased from time to time and of the commis sion arrangements by which he had managed to further swell it. The Bos ton aeeney bad been run by him since the death of his father, he paying the rnnning expenses there and receiving all the which netted him about $15,000 a year. During 1873 and 1874, Mr. Hyde’s extra compensation amounted to $50,000 annually. One of the Vice-Presidents and the Actuary of the company had also recently received one-half per cent, fees on the supplies in addition to their regular salaries. Mr, Hyde explained at great length the system upon which the Equitable was conducted, the different kinds of poli cies, &0., claiming that no large insu rance companies had .failed in this country, such disasters being confined to email and badly managed concerns. He thought any legislation should be in the interest of both the insured and the companies, as their interests were iden tical. Much of the legislation which had been proposed, would, he thought, injure the policy holders more than ii would the companies. VANCE VERSUS CAMERON. A Bl( of Peppery rorrospoiulence With the Bon—A Bequest That Was Uespectlully Declined By the Governor of North Cm lina. The following peppery bit of corres pondence between Don Cameron, the ex-Seeretary of War, and Governor Vance, of North Carolina, throws some light on the Presidential campaign as it was conducted in the latter State < War Department, ( Washington, January 26, 1877. ( To tfye Governor of ihe State of North Carolina : Sir—l respectfully request that you will furnish this department with a eem plete set of the reports of the Adjutant- General of yonr State for the years 1861 and 1866 inclusive, for use in connection with the official records of the war of ther ebellion for publication. Express charges for the same will be paid by the department. lam your obedient' ser vant, J. D- Ca^vßßos, Secretary of War. EsEticnyE Department, ( Raleigh, Februry 5, 1877. ) To the. Urn. J. D. Cameron, Secretary of War : Sib— Your letter, asking me to fur nish you with a complete set of the re ports of the Adjutant-General yl this State for the years inclusive, has been received. It would afford me great pleasure to i comply with the request if any mutu ality could be infused into the transac tion. In 1865, one month after General Sherman had issued his pioclamation announcing the cessation of hostilities, and forbidding the farther seizure of Cv perty in North Carolina, the letter ooks of the Executive of this State were seized at Green-boro, and placed in the War Department at Washington, where they now remain. Permission has been asked again to return them or to obtain copies for the Stats Archives, which has been persistently refused. My predecessor, Governor Worth, on one occasion sent a special messenger to Washington with an urgent request to be permitted to make a copy of a let ter from these books, to be used in a law suit pending in onr Conr’s wherein the State was interested, which reason able request was refused. In 1871, while I was in Washington seeking admis sion to my seat in the United States. Senate, a slanderous article appealed in the Daily Chronicle, changing me with cruelty toward the federal prisoners •onfined at' Salisbury. The refutation of this calumny was contained in cer tain official letters recorded in those books. I went in person to the War Department, stated my object, and ask ed permission to copy two letters which contained my vindication, ans waa , refused ou the ground, as qssjigaed, that no copies wouk} b.f> given without the authority of Gongresa. And yet last Swing, when I met my competitor, Judge Settle, whow.s the Republican candidate for Governor, I found him supplied with an armful of garbled and mutilated copies of these same offioial letters, certified as true copies by your self as Secretary of War, with great seal duly attaobed. I applied to Congress, believing that body wonld feel it beneath the dignity of a great Republic to suppress the truth in order to oppress so humble an indi vidual as myself. A resolution which would have affected my object was promptly passed by the House of Rep resentatives, and wis promptly laid on the table in the Senate. Under this state of things, therefore, I should deem myself wanting l oth in self-respect and in appreciation of the office which I have the honor to fill, were I to comply with your request. Were it otherwise I should most gladly furnish you the required documents, first, because it wonld afford me real pleasure to extend this or any other of ficial courtesy; and secondly, because I would be proud for the world to know how faithfully and nobly the people of North Carolina struggled to maintain the cause, whether right or wrong, in whioh they considered their rights and honors to be involved. I am, air, very respectfully, your obe dient servant, Z. B. Vance. WARREN COUNTY MATTERS. Session of the Superior Coart—The Visiting Lawyers The Convention Question- Speeches by Judges Reese and Pottle—A Change of Opinion. [Correspondence Chronicle and Constitutionalist. ] Wabrenton, April s.— The Spring term of the Warren Superior Court is in session, Judge Pottle presiding. I notice among tho visitors at the bar Judge W. M. and M. P. Reese, GeD. D, AT. Dußose and Hon. F. A. Colley, of Wilkes; Col. W. D. Tutt, of McDuffie; Col. C. S. Dußose and Hon. G. F. Pierce, of Hancock, and Col. Reid, of Taliaferro. The Court has been princi pally occupied with the common law docket, there being no civil or criminal cases of importance for trial. Solicitor- General Reese is at his post, and ready for duty when the interest and honor of the State requires it. lam glad to note that the people are much pleased with his bearing, and can assure them that they will find him one of the ablest law yers of his age in the Circuit. During a recess of the Court at noon yesterday Judge Reese addressed a large au dienoe upon the subject of hold ing a Constitutional Convention.— He hoped this question would not as sume a political complexion, for it was high above all party considerations. The question was whether or not we should hold a Convention, and if so who should represent ns. The present Constitu tion was framed by men who did not represent the intelligence and property of the State, those on whom the bur dens of tho government fell being kept away from the polls, by the advice of their leaders. The election of Tilden or Hayes was insignificant to the people of Georgia, as compared to the impor tance of holding a Convention. About seventy grand juries in the State and nearly every paper at two successive sessions of the Legislature had called for a Convention of the people and he was in favor of it, if for no other reason than to settle forever the bond question. He wonld save the people of to day and their property from the payment of eight millions of dol lars in fraudulent bonds and make it a fundamental law that they never should be paid. We needed a Conven tion to restrain county and municipal corporations from absorbing tho meager resources of the people by taxation. Nearly every oity in Georgia was taxed until in some places the officers of the law were absolutely afraid of revolt. A Convention was needed to protect the credit of the State. In 1876 the State was pledged for twenty-eight millions in bonds for railroads. All of these roads were a failure, aDd the burthen was upon the people. Other points were made aud ahly defended, which time will not per mit me to notice. Suffice it to say that quite a change came over the people upon the subject of having a Conven tion. Many who were in apparent apathy on the subject before are now its zeal ous advocates. To-day at noon Judge Pottle, at the request of many citizens, followed in an able and eloquent speech, of about one hour, on the same subject. He reviewed the many evils of tho present Constitu tion, and hoped our people everywhere, wonld vote for a Convention, and frame, one that would better proteot their in terests. Visitor. Hampton for President in 1880 Gen era Butler Confident Wlmt Chamberlain Wanted. Washington, April 4.—The Evening Star (Republican) says it is now said that the true inwardness of the invita tion to Wade Hampton to New York was a design on the part of oertain of the Democratic leaders to pat him in train ing for the Presidential oourso in 1880. The politicians concerned in it are said to bo hostile to any by Governor Tilden for re-nomination, and propose to shelve him in this *vay, but Governor Hampton, whether informed of the pur pose. or not, did not give it any counte nance by making the trip. He has a future before him, and may prove avail able for the Presidency next term, but four years is a long time to keep a Presi dential candidate in soak, and he is doubtless shrewd enough not to invite jealous depreciation by allowing himself to be placed in that attitude prematurely. Columbia, April 4.—Senator M. 0. Butler will leave for home to-night. He represents his reception by the Presi dent and his Cabinet as very oordial. He entertains no apprehension in regard to the complete success of the Hampton, government, and expresses the convic tion that upon the assembling of Con gress no obstacle will be interposed to his assuming his duties as Senator. Any effort to induce him to abandon or com promise his just claim to the SeDator ship will be futile. It is no longer doubted that it was the basis of one of Chamberlain’s propositions that the Legislature should reorganize and by a coalition return him to the Senate in Robertson’s plaoe. THE GAME OF DRAW POKER. Tbe Advantnce al Benedicts Over Bachelor*. [New York Sun.] There are many aspects of the great American game which need a little philosophical exposition, and I will con clude the present article by stating one fact which sterns to have escaped the attention of other people, and this is, that the game of draw poker, as it is usually played among friends, gives an immense chance in favor of married men over bachelors. This may seem a paradox, but it is nevertheless true. Take, for example, a game, the duration of which is fixed till midnight. Sup pose a married man is much ahead and a bachelor or some bachelors heavily out. If they begin to talk about a pro longation of the game with a view to giviug them a show, what is the answer? “Do you wish me to be locked out when I get home ?” “Do yon wish me to set a bad example to my boys ?” or some thing of that sort. Now reverse the proposition, and suppose some married men are heavily out and a bachelor is far ahead. He is sore to be compelled to play far beyond the settled hour. The paterfamilias, so particular when he ia a winner, takes quite another view of tbe matter when be is a loser. He seems to be willing to take his chances of be ing looked out ana setting a bad exam ple, provided he gets even and manages to reach home before tbe servants ara up,in the morning. Counterfeit Coin*. Mr. Tandy, sub-treasury expert in New York, cautions tbe public against bogus half-dollar piece* which are to some extent in circulation, composed of antimony, lead and tin. They are con siderably lighter than the real coin, the bogus weighing 142 grains, while tlie genuine weighs 192.9 grains. Typo metal, whose original purpose was both noble and honest, has been perverted by counterfeiters to their base uses. It is electro plated first with copper and then with silver, and weighs the same as the real half dollar. The color, however, is not so good ; the false pieees are thicker than the genuine aßd the devices are. faulty. Mr. Du Bois, assayer of the Philadelphia mint, says that there is> something about a genuine coin which pqts it beyond suspicion, especially when the new white surface has givea place to to the iaimitable and “nina-- tentbs tint,” and by its eolor and so nority generally speak for it. There is a liquid test of silver, which can be pnh up by any druggist. It consists of grains of nitrate of silver, 15 grains oil nitric acid, and one ounce of water. This, if the coin be bad, blackens it afc once. Mr. Du Bois gives the following di rections for testing the coin by weight:: “Poise a thin stip of wood, eight or ten inches long; plaee a good piece at one end and tbe suspected one at the other - have a weight of three grains at band if the difference is more than that,, ‘de cline to receive it.’ ” Bgtekly Brush. Your teeth night and morning with aro matic, invigorating Sozodont. You will be perfeet)y astonished at the improve ment ia whiteness wbieh a fortnight ol this sort of treatment will canoe. Begin at onoe, strengthen yonr decaying teeth. An Acts of Competition.— ln this day of the world competition ia aetive in th<e extreme. But in the long run it’s the best which wins the prize of public preference ip spite of all the deceits used to bolster up weak articles. For this reason Dooley’s Yeast Fowder is recognized as the highest possible achievement in halting powder.