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ttironicic ant> WEDNESDAY, - - MAY 9, 1877. How about a big corn crop, this year in the South ? _ Mi'SSßiiMiN is a bad came for a bank officer just now. “Marblized” cooking utensils have been pronounced poisonous. Ben Butler's course is now pro nounced uncertain. He is hesitating be tween the circus and menagerie. Donn Putt is writing Sunday Medi tations and talking kindly of Grant e photograph. Wonders never cease. m The Nashville American, which pub lished an obituary of Mr. Stephens, has burned it and thinks its conscience is clear. Old Hen Wade insists on being a “wah-hoss.” A little ice-water and cold milk at the White House would toneliim down. _ Mk. Evabts had a public reception at Albany, N. Y., the other day. The Democratic State officers were invited, but very few put in an appearance. The Republicans have about aban doned the idea of controlling the next House, and are now trembling lest the Democrats should control the Senate. The newly appointed Collector of the Port, at New Orleans, was one of Pack ard’s Supreme Judges. He enters the Custom House and the Court explodes to slow music. The “Mrs. Rutherford B. Hates Temperance Society of Washington,” a new organization, has members so straight-laced that they want to prevent the use of wine for sacramental pur poses. TnE painful thought has been evolved, from some journalist’s inner conscious ness, that the Russian fleet remains in New York harbor for the purpose of bombarding the Turkish bath houses there. George Francis Train, having failed to put up the pea-nut market in Phila delphia, has become an oculist. He affirms that Ben Butler is the only man in America who can see a circus and me nagerie at one glance. The Washington Capital, referring to Ohio’s practical monopoly of so many fat offices, says the Buckeye State is "the brain of the country." Her office seekers certainly possess a considerable amount of the country’s brass, At the Cincinnati baby show, the oth er day, some of the infants had false hair sewed to their caps. Under such circumstances, we should be pleased to learn that the chief prize had been taken by a “snipe of the valley.” Rowland H. Macey, the rich New York merchant, who died recently, left his fortune, 8500,000, almost in bulk, to his wife and daughter. His only son was cut off with 81,000 per annum be cause he cannot support himself and will take toddy freely. The Springfield Republican does not perceive the beauties of civil service re form in the appointment of a “disreput able bummer” like Georoe H. Bctler as Special Agent of the Post Offioe De partment. As Gkoege H. is a favorite nephew of Wicked Ben, there may be more in it thau meets the eye—the or dinary eye. A Buddhist temple is to be erected in New York, and Chang Wing Foo, a Chinese missionary, has come to con vert Christians from their theological errors. The Theosophical Society, un der the lead of Colonel Olcott, who burned the remains of Barou de Palm, favors the movement. While the Republican party is dying of the Hamo cause that completed the dissolution of the Whig party, some of its leaders hope to get anew lease of life by galvanizing a corpse. The Dem ocracy have not walked into the trap so cunningly set for thorn, and heuce those tears. Mrs. Hayes has a Southern policy too, having appointed Miss Viroinia Peyton, a young grand-daughter of the late Bishop Johns, of Virginia, the gover ness at tho White House. Miss Peyton applied to Mrs. Hayes for the position in person, even without a letter of intro duction, and so pleased that lady that after due inquiry she engaged her. The Br.stou (llobr puts it claasically thus : “Tnrkey is famous for false re porting, and Russia for reticence aud concealment." A glance at the tele graphic dispatches would seem to war rant the assertion that the Turks ate lying behiud their entrenchments while She Russians lie on the open field. The Infer- Ocean declares that the stories about Generals Gbant and John Looan taking command of the Turkish army are “ links of the same saoaago, made out of the same dog. ” The reader is left in ignorance as to which is the sausage and which the dog. Darwin bas been called npon to supply the miss ing link. According to an article in Blackwood for April ou the reconstruction of the French army, France is now able to de fend herself against Germany, but is not yet strong enough to attack her. The French army, says the writer, is now 1 300,000 strong, and can be increased to nearly 2,000,000. Yet the Alsace- Lorraine fortresses alone will keep the French at home for years. The Western States hare oora and ■wheat for sale and yet they are not hap py. The Indianapolis Sentinel a* era that, so far, nothing has transpired to compensate the great mass of consum ers for the terrible tax the war has en abled speculators to impose upon the absolute essentials of life. It has not given idle laborers employment nor has it advanced the wages of those who Lave employment, and hence up to the present moment has i&rdfld no reason why the European war should be popu bur iii ill© United states. Tsars ago, Parson Brownlgw beouatf \ sick that he was thought to be in mortal danger. Bishop Caters, and other min isters, came to see how he felt when con fronted with eternity. The prelate in quirod of the “ fighting Parson" how he Mi with grave prospects before him? Br 0 wj>' answered: “ Well, Bishop, if 1 had M life to live over again, I oouhl improve it in maDv respects, and would try to do s*. However, if the books have been propertj kept in the other world, there is a small bauuifcin my facor. ” He lived long afterward, bat the improvement was not percepti ble. We hope the “small balance in his favor " did not turn out a tight squeeze. It is stated that over two hnndred thousand Germans, mostly in indepen dent circumstances, living in the south 0 f Russia, are preparing to emigrate to the Eu’ited States to avoid being drafted into the ■T'-my- Taking7.the:usual esti mate that evt/y “dolt emigrant is worth a thousand dollar “> State where be locates, this host wdl add two hundred million* 0 e pro< tive indnstry of the State* wJ lch tne J may select for their homes in this <x. n try. We also learn that an attache of a j foreign legation in Washington has writ ten to an acquaintance in Augusta say ing that one hundred and sixty-five Polish families were coming in a body to this country and desired ito settle in Georgia. Cannot something be done to attract these Germans and Polandere to this State.; It, would pay us.handsomely to give them land, for in a few years all the other.lauds in the State would have their value trebled. HOW TO TREAT THE PKKBIDENT. Let the South treat the Preeideut juatly and fairly: support him when right, oppose him when wrong.— Augusta Chronicle. That is our platform; and as ho is wrong every minute that through frsed be holds the offioe of Preeider t, the opposition to him mast be constant and uncompromising, tack an example must be made of him that nobody will ever again dare to repeat the frauds through which he wae carried into power. N. Y. Sun. According to this reasoning, the De mocracy of the oonntry moat make asses of themselves by opposing the President whether he does right or wrong. Be omse we believe thst his title to the Presidency is tainted by fraud, though fraud in which it has not been shown that he had any part, we most abase him when he releases South Carolina from the rule of corruption sustained by the bayonet, and restores local self government to Louisiana. The Sun is too rabid to be reasonable. When the President does right the Democracy should applaud him ; when the Presi dent does wrong the Democracy should oppose him. This is right, as well as politic. THE WAR IN GEORGIA. It has been no secret for spme time past that the best feeling doee not exist between some of the prominent men of this State. If there was any doubt on the subject it was removed by the letter of General Gordon to CoL Billups and the reply of ex-Goveraor Brown pub lished in the Chronicle and CoNarrru tionalist of yesterday.. Gov. Brown charged Gen. Gordon, substantially, with having sold ont the Democracy daring the progress of the electoral count. General Gordon defied that he had done this, and Gov. Hbdwn &as re plied repeating his previous assertion and offering testimony which he says proves its correctness. We do not pro pose at this time to discuss the queo tious of fact growing ont of thia corres pondence. Gen. Gordon will doubt less reply to the last attack and the pub lication of letters may be continued in definitely. We have this muob, l ow ever, to say with regard to Gen. Gor don’s course when the filibustering was in progress. It was manifestly impos sible for filibustering to succeed, for the publio sentiment of the na tion was clearly against it. If success had been possible if the oount had been defeated—there is every reason to believe that the country and the Democratic party would have sustained far greater in jury than it baa by the inaugura tion of Hayes. We would have had anarchy, or anew election. Pending this election some such Republican as Morton would have been President, the Southern States would have been flood ed with troops, and the Democracy would have gone into the fight weaken ed by charges of bad faith, in refusing to abide the judgment of a Court which they themselves had created, and by dissensions in their own ranks arising from the opposition to filibustering. In such an unequal oontest the Democracy would have been defeated, and disinte gration would have possibly followed defeat. The fatal mistake waa made when the Democrats in Congress sur rendered the rights of the House by the passage of the bill creating the Electoral Commission. But if blame is to be at tached to this act, the blame must be shared by the whole party, and not sad dled upon the Congressmen alone.— Press and people supported the bill, be lieving that it offered an easy solution of existing difficulties. They could not foresee, any more than Congress could foresee, that partisanship would defile the ermine of the Judge and that fraud would usurp the place of justice. When the decision of the Commission was rendered no good could come of oppos ing it, and mueh barm might have been the result of such opposition. BREAD AND WAR. There is rational surprise manifested that the United States shonld be so short of a wheat supply at this particu lar juncture. If we are to believe the report of the Agricultural Bureau the stock on hand is about 50,per cent, less than at this time last year. But it is monstrous that a conntry so capable of feeding itself as the South is should be compelled, year after year, to buy bread, aud that most of the wheat ground by Southern mills should be the product of distant States. We learn from the Petersburg Index that a vast amount of Ihe flour cousumed in that city aud vicinity is breught from the North and West, and yet Petersburg is famous for its mills and water power, A ooi respondent of the Index suggests that the “adjacent country, iwhioh was once famous for the grain it raised, should once more turn its attention to that cultivation. The Northwest, which will furnish Europe with breadstuff’s, may be made rich by the European war, and the North and East gain from the demand for arms, clotbing aud supplies, but the cotton and tobacco of the South must suffer, and the South will have to pay war prices for meat aud breadstuff’s unless she devotes her fertile soil to the supply of her own wants ia ttiese re spects. While the South may not be able to compete with the great grain areas o the West and Northwest, it ought to raise enough for its own con sumption, and thus avoid paying the in oreased rates which breadstutfs of all kinds will command in the North till the war is over.” The Index, in this con nection, revives the tradition that when Commissioner Blair, of Virginia, and his associates, went to England in 1690, in the InWcrsts of William and Mary College of that Attorney-General Sktmoub received them wthe ungra cious counsel, “D—n your souls, jaise tobaooo. ” The Baltimore Sun reverses the blasphemy of Attorney-General Sey mour, and gives the more Christian and pertinent advioe to Southern planter*; “Bless your souls, raise oorn and meat and whatever else is neoeasary for the support of you/ households. It is, we think, a propo sition that the war now hangiuff tike a thunder utoud over Eastern Europe, threatening to tinrolye the whole conti nent, is a calamity for the Southern States of this Union, towww* PW for a time benefit the Worth and a few | speculators, who thrive upon the mis fortunes of others. Our people at the South who are engaged in planting should pjjrtail their cotton crop and increase tiwfti gnia and meat pro duction. In no otfrif way that we see can t)iey hope to a grievous and terrible calami If wheas bread is too high, we can indulge m oorn cake, and it would be yell for many persons if they wen compelled to toftpr* to the Uttar staff of life. If *>®r rice fields had not been eo extensively aban doned or destroyed, we could largely re ly upon that nutritious food, but rice has become a luxury comparatively, and earn, at last, is the great desideratum. Onr Baltimore contemporary estimates that maize or Indian oorn is eaten by a greater number of human beings than any other grain except rice; ita easiyeis j shows it to be admirably adapted to sob- , tain life and to furnish material ior the growth of both hum a* beings and do mestic animals. It famishes a large share of the breadstaffs of oar fanning i population, and ahhougfc little consum ed in cities, it largely tootffhptoa to tire support of etiy populations to ttto *F of meats, poultry, butter, Ac. Accord ing to the Federal censns, the United States produced more than T00.ftt4.54a 1 bushels of Indian oorn in 1870. Illinois, Indus!'*' low *’ Kentttak y- ° bio * M “' Tennessee are the chief com t'odi.'iiva*., State, ate ma Wlktl' 1 rior quality of their ,oort jjl States it is a more general artida of diet than elsewhere, and is so prepared M to make H as palatable as wheat. Not only is R selfdependence in food that the Booth should seek by a diversification of her industry, but a money-production. The Phila delphia North American, one of the most influential Republican papers, and by no means a lover of this section, usee these remarkable works : “Unless some change shall occur in the agricul ture of the conntry the prospect now seems to be thst the Sontb, which, be fore the war, was dependent upon the North for its necessary articles of food, will become the main relianoe of the Northern Atlantic States for vegetable products. It already commands onr provision markets to an amazing extent, and yields at the present time a steadily increasing surplus of grain. Should thst section be able to obtain the entire command of two such immense crops as cotton and wheat, it would in less than ten years regain all the losses of emancipation and civil war. It is lawfnl to learn from an enemy. Politically the South is powerful in her solidarity. Industrially, she will be come unrivalled and wealthy by diversi fication. Never was there a time when this principle shonld be more urgently put into practice, and we trust that "cotton mad” will not be written against ns, on the wrong side of the balance sheet, next year. CARLYLE AND MARK TWAIN—THEIR OPINIONS OF THE WAR. Thomas Carlyle, the great English thinker and writer, now a very old man, but fall of mental fire, ia said to have written the following letter : Chelsea, April 20,1877. Feiend—Von ask what I.think of the mur der-fooleries now emerging to the eastward ? I must fain respond, as the burly Backer at the strife of the Athletes, “ May both win!’’ For thus, in perhaps fantastic Kilkeßny-cat fashion, shonld the maximum of foolishness be umjftilatedu and Jnfit .of land, well manured with the carcasses of those fighting idiots, be opened to the wholesome forced labor of some new race of Quashies.— For fighting fatalistic Turk, all impregnate with the pride of Mahound, not stolid Russian mnjik, woodenly servile to God, and above God to Czar, neither of such can fitly till the earth of Asia or Europe, nor any earth. Manur ing is their brightest destiny. Tilth there shonld be, and the true Gospel dictates that its produce should be shipped raw to England, there worked up and its remainder in complete form—as produce plus thought—shipped back again to Queshy. And have we not a palace full of embryo kings waiting for a job ? Not that I would greatly promote the butchering business ; but since the soldier is already at his bloody work, let the fates hasten their thread-cutting (it is enly letting their scissor blades fly the faster), and let the young ruler try his baud. Edinburgh, duke ; Connaught, duke ; Leopold, what matter ? Occupation of Egypt will quickly give us all those stolen Quashies of the Khedive’s, who, under sound English rule, shall at once obey the hero, the king or Can-ning man, and shall valiantly re place the weak culture-efforts of those helpless fatalists and helpless mujiks. Rightly shall these have succumbed to the everlasting no. The tools *o him who can use them, ye idiotic ! Out! No land, no life for such ! The arohlteot is here; away, mud-daubers! Quashy to work ; an Englishman to govern : much raw produce to be raised ; thus (if any) shall this Gog and Magog strife, as prophesied of old, introduce a real milleninm. Faithfully yours, Thomas Carlyle. This sounds not unlike a soreed from Ben Wade translated into Teutonic English. We guess from the text of.the letter that Mr. Carlyle has the same choice between Russsian and Turk that the average man has between the devil and a witch. It is also apparent that the sublime snarler of Chelsea has pro foundly studied Prof. Janes’ report on the fertilizer problem, not to speak of some recent legislation of the Georgia General Assembly. The prime duty of Muscovite and Moslem, according to Calltle, is to make a manure heap for futnTe generations, and afford present profit to the English manufacturer, As the raw corpse of a Turk or Russian is to be exchanged for produce, pins thought, from Great Brit ain, we may look out for commercial ventures in that line such as the “Russo- Tnrk Raw Bone Company, Limited or Unlimited,” and the “Mahonnd-Mnjik Superphosphate Association.” As to the thought to come from Brittania, in ex change for slaughtered soldiers and the massacre of women and children, Greek- Christian or Islamite, it would be well to know In advance the nature of the componnd. If it is to be Carlylean, let the fact be proclaimed upon the Pruth and Danube, and at Bt, Peters burg and Byzantium. If Czar and Saltan do not make peace forthwith rather than stand such a risk of literary garbage and pinchbeck philosophy, we think they should suffer the fate of lu natics and die as the deg dietb. Let them be admonished in time and pre pare for the dread alternative. Mr. Mark Twain has given his views. They are not so funny as they might be, bnt not entirely devoid of sense, and expressed ip English comfortable enough not to seem frost bitten. Mang says : Nicholas is a long-headed man. bnt if he doesn't keep a sharp lookont all his fat will be in the Are. But I can't keep the run of the movements by the oable dispatches. Can t locate the places on the map. I read that the ltussiauS will move from Krackyourjawoff via Bullyboyyonknow on to Crushemallibet. Then I look on my European map and I don’t find the places. A European map is like a black board with nothing on it, leaving the indus trious Btsdeflf of contemporaneous history to fill in the outlines. Thp bsrd part of it is that they'll go on to fightiDg Just as though good maps were to be had for the asking. The fat that Nicholas desires is Tur key fat, and as even Grand Dukes hard ly prefer it raw, it should be at least on the fire. In point of fact, without a good deal of fire, wedonot see how thatTarkey can be cooked, ala Russe. We advise Mauk not to exasperate his ponderous intellect in trying to keep pace with hos tile moyemouts by reference to the news paper maps, and a close study of tele- dispatches- Wo have already had to pay a monstrous doctor’s bill for half onr force disabled in tbat mighty effort. The best way to do is to take everything for granted, just tike Theo ppux Hook, who not only expreesed his 'Willingneag to subscribe to the 39 Arti cles, but piously jriibed he could swear to The iyh<? fm P re P ared himself to £gbt through this *ar, jf it takes him ail SuuHßOr, by referring to a Herald map, should be instantly seized by his philanthropic relations and plung ed daily into an ice bath, followed by oopious doses of bromide of potassium. Tt\e disease ia terrible; the remedy must be as to /ive Russians and ten Turks. “PoTEETy,” says Lord Litton, is only an idea," Wp toil# it to’ * bad dream realized. A Riohmonb merchant says (four is so high because there is a rising in the y-east. That merchant should pull down hia west. to t)?e Southern Loyalist Convention, Jjjd at Fhiiatofehia m September, 1866, Parson Bsownlow ended 3 speech thua: “If I have, after death, to. go to hell aw heaven, I shall prefer to 2° Wlth loyal negroes ts fceti than with rebels to heaven. ’ ’ W e tipst to® b’to ßo .® B°B e tp heaven unconditionally, but if not, we venture to gay that it will not be bis fanlt if he fails to hold a negro” between himself and the mouth of the furnaoe. Some of the metropolitan papers as sert that tfie carpet-baggers of Louisiana are fnrious si too appointment of “ Judge ” John E. Kino to the Kew Or leans Collectorship. The Democrat, representing the Nicholls party, re gards the appointment with aversion, and asserts tost the “Judge ’ is only Toja Anderson's proxy. Our uontepapo rary gohaindes; “The appointment, we believe and jhope, will be rejected by the Senate as an iaaati, not only to Lou isiana, bnt to the whole oaautry. This done, President Haim will have fulfilled his part of a disreputable contract, made by unscrupulous politicians. He will then be free, we trust, to exercise his own judgment and sense of propriety, -d to make such an appointment as toil eem*T and leaßt reßpeet ’ if n * commendation." Old Ben Wade ia called upon tor a war map. * GREENE COUNTY MATTERS. Academical Exercisr*— Farming Operation*— Too Mach Cotton Aain—All Warning* Un heeded Large Plantation- and Small ProSt*. I CorTegpondenct Chroniclean/t ConHitutumalist .] Greene Cos., Ga., April 30. —It was the pleasure of the writer to be present at “Stonewall” Academy, Woodville, Ga., on Friday evening last, at which time the Sabbath School of that place gave a concert. It was a perfect suc cess ; in fact, the best of the kind I ever attended. A large crowd was in attend ance. The house’s capacity was not sufficient. Greenesboro, Union Point and Pentield were well represented. I noticed from the first place Prof. M. and lady ; from the second, Capt. H., Prof. 8., Col. L., and her devoted local —Me. ; and from the latter place, Prof. S. and Lady, all of whom are good judges of such entertainments, and de cide it as I do, a perfect success. Much credit is due to Prof. Cheney, M. D., who was chief engineer, and at home, as also the school lor tbeir proficiency in rendering the same. The Welcome Ad dress, by Master Howard Reynolds, some ten years old, would have reflect ed credit on older heads. I predict for him a bright future. Cos . Lumpkin, of Union Point, delivered the address for the occasion, giving to little, big, young and old splendid advice. His illustra tions were splendid, and the address well delivered and received. To Prof. Cheney and the school, we all tender thanks, many thanks, and beg them to do so again. I am sorry to say that this year the cotton crop is again large; a large majority of the farmers, or planters, if you please, have persisted in largo crops and not heeded the (I think) timely suggestions of onr State Commissioner of Agriculture, and planted less cotton and more corn and peas, which would have been best for this people, aside from the fact of war in Russia and Turkey, and possibly other nations in that locality. When will our people look at agriculture from a higher plane ? If only a few acres can be manured and worked successfully Ante ii ifj I of the restlyiDg ont t o bererti dame nature. Why pay one hundred dollars for a lazy negro and feed him, buy guano, all to be applied to thin land, without any vegetable matter— that prerequisite so essential to a suc cessful yield in any crop? It does not pay to work unproductive lands; hence is the evil of our Southern farming. I picture this fact as a sad commentary on our progress in agricnltnre. I see and know this: A poor and exhausted field scratched at by a mouse sized mule hitched to a rude, diminutive plow, driven by a sleepy headed negro, the boss at a store, pos sibly half a dozen miles off, whittling on a goods box, discussing, among other things, with the merchant what he thinks corn ought to be worth, and very possibly the next day they—boss, negro and mule—will lose all the day in going and returning from the aforementioned store with—what? Why, corn, flour and some goods bought of the merchant at 25 to 50 per cent., and, in some instances, an hundred per cent. Now, let me give this trio a credit—four or five bales of cotton at forty dollars per bale, and but little else of anything. Yes, sir, this scratching business on poor land is a general fighting with no reserve, with no line of retreat open, and will al-vays end in disaster. In self defense, however, let us say, that the foregoing is not a snap-judgment on Southern farming, but is the result of conviotions from a silent and patient struggle of twelve years since the war on this line. These are faots, but we do not press them. The Bible counsels on these subjects, viz.: “Ephraim is joined to his idols; let him alone.” Next week being convention week for the stockholders of the Georgia Rail road Company, many of our people will visit your lovely city. This county is divided twice by the road, each time in different directions, therefore will doubt less have a good representative your city at that time. Our people generally take mnoh interest in the well doing aud success generally of the road. Aud here let me say, no communicator, with but few exceptions, ever made a greater mistake as to the actual facts spoken of than did “Vindex”when ho intimated that the Georgia Railroad was run in the interest of the employees and not the stockholders. Most every one has rea sons for believing and many know be yond a doubt that this company pays its employees as small if not the smallest wages of any road in the South for the same services, aud the stockholders of this company are due them at least thanks for their proficiency and prompt ness in the discharge of their very re sponsibla amd dangerous duties. I fur ther believe* in fact know, that no road has a better, clever or a more proficient set of officers and employees generally, from President and Directors, includ ing the same, down to the eight dollar laborer. No Superintendent ever man aged any road bettor, I opine. Road master, supervisors, agents, conductors, in fact all. aye first-class men, working for thp interest pf tj)p company, and at the very lpwest wages they pap possibly live on, yet the ro&d ip run, “Viudeyly’’ speaking, in their interest. “All bosh.” Greenf. 4 GOOD HAUL FOR HEORIHA. The S(iUp Rppcfvps Npnrly $200,000 From tho General Government. The Atlanta Constitution, of yester day, gives the details of the recovery of $199,000 by the State from the General Government: Abont two weeks ago Governor Col quitt went to Washington. Two or three days ago he returned to the capital with a check for $199,000 to the credit of the State of Gpprgia in liis pocket. This is the way it came about: Just after the war the State of Georgia purchased for the W. ife A, K. R, a large amouut of rolling stock from the United States Government A general settlement was effected with the Government, under the direction of three United States Com missioners, tho State paying a large amount of money. Some year or so af terward, Messrs. Bangh & Garlington proposed to open the settlement on the ground that an exorbitant amouut had been pajd by the State. Col. Baugli had been tiupef iptepdept of the road under Provisional Governor Jobnsop.— These gentlemen got the claim into shape, and presented it at Washington. It was not pushed to a conclusion, and Coj. R. 4. Alston was admitted to co servitm in toU plaipf. General Hpnry R. Jackson, of Savannah, we bptipye, W 33 also made a party to the prosecution. A long and stubborn contest for a settlement ensued, and finally Colonel Alston went to Washington, just in the nick of the Presidential contest, and succeeded in putting the claim through both JJonses just before the adjourn ment of Congress. The matter then caugb'iu PepVtffiPht; apd general Gordon nursed it along' for a week or two, when he summoned the Governor to oome on to Washington. The Gov ernor went expecting to be absent only a day or two. He was delayed at every tarn in the departments. Every clerk that he was referred to demanded that the matter be explained to him, and the original bill bp submitted to his searcli inggaie. ' He toon invariably demand ed a Tub 4ay to"’d.e£i'djs wpetwar of not he would pass the thing along. At length, the last outpost was carried, and the Governor buttoned his coat closely, having the check enclosed in his pocket. The amount paid was one hundred and ninety-nine thousand dollars—a pretty good plum to pluck from the national pudding in these miserably stringent days. The State really overpaid the General Government abont in the settlement alluded to, bnt conld only recover about '$00,000: JjFe do "not know ybfi amount the State paid her agents and buyers for this work. The contract made by .4°?efU0 r Smith with the parties prescribed that tpey ghpnld be paid no absolute fee, and that the contingent fee should not exceed 25 per cent, of the net amount recovered. If Governor Colquitt allows 25 percent, for the work, the fee will amount to forty-nine thousand dollars. We are not advised as to whether he will reach to ttifi limiJ or will grade the remanera up9B * lower efiaiv. ISRAELITE* INTERVIEWING HAYES. Washington, May 2.—A deputation from the Board of Delegates of American Israelites waited MiKmto* to day. Hon. Benj. S’. £eii.oti adJpesasd the President in behalf of the persecut ed Hebrews of Roumania, and Roocrder Wolf, Vice-President of the Board, pre sented a written statement respecting the recent barbarities practiced on the Jews of Giurgeve, Roumania. The President appeared deeply touched by the unhappy condition of the helpless people, and re*erthe deputation to Secretary Evarts, whom hs requested to take such action as the exigency re quires. Pursuant to this advice the delegation called on Mr. Evarts and held .quite a protracted interview. It was suggoamd tjjst the late at Bucharest’ abolito" 1 Bin ce Mr. Peixott’s return, be ana gentleman urgently requested the ap pointaaaut of Dr. Adolph Stem, who baa actod asyicufpohsirl during his res idence at the Court ,0 f priupp Charles, ha appointed United States Consul, the deputation *Uo urged the Sectary of State to cabla our minister* at 7 ienna, Constantinople and St, Petersburg, re questing them to act in conjunction with tha representatives of those powers in endeavoring to repress farther atroc ities. Mr. Evarts took the snbjcct un der copaideratioD, and will, no' uoubt, promptly. THE WAR IN GEORGIA. THE HOSTILE ARMIES TAKING POSITION. The Irrepressible Conflict Beano— -Ex-Gov. Drown vs. Senator Gordon—The Electoral Cook—Wa* Tlldeo Defeated by Demo crat*?—The Alleged Bargain Governor Brown’s Virw-He Thiok* John Yoimg Brown and Gordon Sold Out Too Cheaply. Atlanta, May 1, 1877. Editors Constitution : In my two ar ticles which have appeared in your pa per, signed “citizen,” I have referred to the coanting ont of Governor Tilden and the counting in of Governor Hayes as President of the United States. A great wrong was perpetrated by this transaction npon the American people, and especially npon the Democratic par ty. Governor Tilden had been elected President by almost a million majority of the white voters of the United States, and by over a quarter of a million ma jority of all the votes, including both colors. And he had carried a decided majority of the electoral college on the popular vote. Yet, strange to say, in the face of all these undoubted facts, he was counted ont, and his opponent, who carried a minority of both the pop ular vote and of the electoral college, was connted in and inaugurated. A heavy responsibility for this trans notion rests upon the shoulders of some of our public men, and at the proper time the people will be apt to locate the responsibility where it belongs, and to reward their public servants accord ingly. I took the position, in my articles above referred to, that this responsibili ty rests mainly npon the shoulders of the Hon. John B. Gordon, United States Senator from Georgia, and the Hon John Young Brown, Representative from Kentucky; that they had entered into a contract, or capital understanding, with the Hon. Charles Foster, and possibly others of the Republican leaders, to per mit the coant to proceed, at a time when the disposition of the Democrats in the House Ut-Dtpyenf, its completion was so that and when a large proportion of the Democratic Representatives were ready to defeat its consummation by dilatory motions and parliamentary tactics, could scarcely be controlled. And that the re sult of this bargain, contract or capital understanding was to count in Hayes, who otherwise would not have been counted in, and to count, out TildeD, who otherwise would have been inaugurated. And that the only consideration that the conntry or the Democracy received in return for this great concession was the promise of the removal of the troops from South Carolina and Louisiana, aud that this was no consideration, for the reason that the first act of President Tilden’s administration would have been to make this very removal. These were substantially the points taken in my ar ticles signed “ Citizen.” Since the appearance of those articles there was published in your paper what purported to be part of a letter from Seuator Gordon to Colonel Billups, in which the Senator makes the following emphatic denial as to his connection with that transaction. I quote his lan guage: “I was not a member of the House ; had no vote in the House, and, therefore, had no responsibility in the matter of completing or defeating the count for President. I never influenced nor sought to influence the votes or ac tions of those gentlemen in the House who resisted the ‘ filibusterers,’ nor of any one of them ; nor did I seek in any way to control the votes or actions of any one of the latter class. “The charge that I made any bargain of any sort, or had any understanding of any character with Foster, whom I saw, or with Stanley Matthews, whom I did not see, until after the inaugura tion, looking either to the Presidential count, or.to the action of any Democrat in reference to the future organization of the House or parties, is basely false in every syllable, and in every sense." This is a full and emphatic denial of the charge by General Gordon. Why he should go further and deDy that he either did or agreed to do any thing in reference to the future or ganization of the House or parties, I do not know. I had not made any such charge, and had not seen or hoard of any such in this State, The Senator seems to have had some reason, how ever, for adding to the denial of the charge about the bargain or understand ing the further denial that he was to aid in the fnture organization of the House or parties to suit the Republi cans. I am not discussing that ques tion, and I make no allegation in refer ence to it. But I assume the burden of proof and shall proceed to establish the charge made in my said articles, that he was a party to the contract or capital under standing, in reference to the Presiden tial count, which has already been men tioned. And lam quite sure I shall have no difficulty ig satisfying such of your readers, as are not hfs strong par tisans, that the evidence of his connec tion with tjiat affair is jrresistable and conclusive, notwithstanding the denial. I shall now quote at considerable length from the published statement of the Hon. John Young Brown, of Ken tucky, who was the other party acting with Senator Gordon in making the bargain, or ponsnmmating the under standing that resulted in counting Gov. Hayes into the Presidency, when he oth erwise could not have been counted in. I shall italicise certain parts of Mr. Brown’s language, to call the attention of the reader more particularly to it. I shall first quote what he says relating to the contract or understanding itself, leaving Gen. Gordon out of that part of it; and shall then proceed to show his connection with fhe whole affair. After stating how the interview was brought about between himself, Qordon aud Foster, Brown gives tfie substance of the transaction. The following quo tations are taken from his published ac count of it : “I told Mr. Foster that I had, as he knew, been voting against all dilutor., motions, and had in a speech advocated the inflexible execution of the electoral bill; had stated in the Democratic cau cus that I would so vote if I were the only man from the South to do so. “ I further sjiid to him, that there was bnt one thing which woqld change me, and that was, if I thought that by voting to complete the count which was to re sult in the inauguration of Mr. lJayes, I would be aiding fjireptly or indirectly in perpetuating fbp °f Pack ard and Chamberlain, in the gtates of Louisiana and South Carolina, I would reserve my action and do my very ut most to defeat the execution of the bill, regardless of consequences, calamitous to the country as I believed they would be. “I furthermore told him that if I changed my position, I knew of several pro'pijneji't jgefTtlenien who wojiid join me j and if at thaj critical hour, when the daily and nightly scenes surpassed by far, in wild excitement and violence anything ever witnessed in the legisla tive history of the country, the line of the Democrats who were voting to ex ecute the law should be broken, it would result in a stampede among them, and Hayes would no more be President than he; Foster, would be. Foster said he belieyea this- ’" ’ ' ‘ “I have the highest respect for Charles Foster. I believe him to be an honorable gentleman; and I told him that it was my confidence in him that had brought me to him. He represented the district of Governor Hayes. He had j ust made a manly and patriotic speech, in which he had said that, under Presi dent Hayes, if inaugurated, the flag shall float over States, not provinces; over freemen, nbt (subjects. 1 referred to this speech, and told him I had come to request of him written assurance's if Governor Hayes was inaugurated Pmidpni. pegtord'jjdme rule in the States of Louisiana and South Carolina; and that the people of those States should control their own affairs, in their ova way, as free from any in tervention by the Federal anthority as the State of Ohio. This conversation was long and earnest. “He agreed to give me the desired letter, and said he would also request tfla Honorable Stanley Matthews to sign it. ; “On the next day he came to my desk, in the House of Representatives, and handed me an unsigned letter. I read it, took my; pen and erased one para graph, and told Iti® it could be made fuller ana sponger,- hflt that, from the honorable fnefl who‘gay* ft m feood faith, it was snffiaient. In an hour af terwards 1 went to his desk, and he de livered me a letter signed by himself and Mr. Matthews. I observed that it was in a different handwriting, read it hastily, and remarked to him that it con tained some generalities I did not like. Re replied that Mr. Matthews bad re written if < and added: ‘Brow;, it is in tended to cover the wfioieeu*-., and I gas promise you there will be no doubt about the fulfillment of all the assur ances 1 have given original letter on his uess, ‘sign also.’ And he replied, ‘Cer tainly, With pleasure.’ 4? J was leaving be called me back and fold me that President Grant would, as soon as the count was completed, issue a certain or der to Gen. Augur, in Louisiana. He requested me not tb inention this fact for sevpisl days/bnt ejpreiwly Rave me permission to make any use of the let ters I might desire. The order referred to was issued by President Grant. J gave copies of the letters to Messrs. Levy, Ellis and Burke, of Louisiana, and to Gen. M. C. Butler, of South Carolina, with authority to use them whenever they pleased. “Had I believed that the policy of Mr. Hayes, if inaugurated, would not relieve them from the hateful and nnre publican supervision by the army and the further plundering and oppression by men alien to them in birth and sym pathies, I should never have voted as I did. The Hon. Charles Foster seotjrbd the inauguration of the President; but for his speech and these letters the result would never have been reached. The conversation and con tents of the letters were made known to many. Tne confidence of the Demo crats in him and in his authorization to say what he did, composed the Repre sentatives and caused them to remain UNSHAKEN in doing what they believed was right, amid the storm which was raging around them, and in the face of the earnest remoustrauees of their con stituents. If u few had faltered, thepauic would have been general; the work of the Commission would have been fruit less. “In conclusion, I will say that I have full faith in the fulfillment of the as surances contained in the letters of Messrs. Foster nnd Matthews. They are honorable men. I cannot believe that they would attempt deliberate de ception. Tney are the intimate friends of the President; they know his views and express them in these letters. Au honest construction of their language means that the autonomy of Louisiana and South Carolina should be restored.” Can any sane man read the above quo tations from the language of the Hon. John Young Brown without coming to the conclusion that there was a very ear nest and serious negotiation going on between the in reference to the completion of the Presidential count, and the removal of the troops from South Carolina and Louisiana? The evidence establishes thut proposition too clearly to require further comment. But Senator Gordon says : “The charge that I made any bargain of any sort, or had any understanding of any character with Foster, ‘is basely false in every syllable and in every sense.’ ” Now let us see what the Hon. John Young Brown Senator Gor 'dUlWwmuelSLlbll Ireffsrwtios.v which Gordon so emphatically denies. I shall again quote his own language, as contained in bis published statement. He says : “Herewith I publish the letters of the Hon. Charles Foster and Stanley Mat thews, addressed to the Hon. John B. Gordon and myself. The circumstances attending their origin are, in brief, as follows : On the 26th of February last, I sent a page from the House of liepre sentatives to the Seuate Chamber, for my distinguished friend, Gen. Gordon, and he came over in a few minutes, I told him that I wanted an interview with the Hon. Charles Foster,’at which I de sired his presence. I outlined to Gen. Gordon what I intended to say to Mr. Foster, and he said he would with plea sure accompany me. We found Mr. Foster in the room of the Committee on Appropriations. No one else was pres ent during the interview.” Again he says, “I told him (Foster) that I desired a written assurance from him that the policy of Mr. Hayes would be as indicated, and from him specially, by reason of his very intimate relations with Governor Hayes. His reply to all this was frank, full, earnest and satis factory to my friend General Gordon and myself. Indeed, Mr. Foster said he had a letter in his pocket, just received from Governor Hayes, thanking him for the speech to which 1 have alluded endorsing it. He offered this let. and General Gordon and myself to rea ter to we declined it.” and, but Again he says, “He (Foster) promised to meet me that night at my rooms. He came about midnight, and said by rea son of his interview with General Gor don and myself he had that eveuiug pro cured a meeting of some gentlemen from Louisiana and South Carolina at Worm ley’s hotel, at which also the Hon. Henry Watterson was present. At the conclu sion of the conference these geutlemen had expressed great satisfaction at what had been| said to them. On leaving he remarked that I should have the letters next morning.” These quotations show conclusively that, while Brown may have done most of the talking, Gordon was present by previous arrangement, and a party to the whole TRANSACTION; that the state ment was outlined to him before it was made, and that ho fully understood it all. The interview was private, Foster, Gordon and Brown alone being present, and Brown says it was long and earnest, and satisfactory to his friend General Gordon and himse'f. But the letters themselves also show Gordon’s connection with the transac tion beyond all quoslion. They are ad dressed, not to Brown alone, but to Brown and Gordon, and read as follows: “House op Representatives, ( Washington, D. C., Feb. 26, 1877. ( “Gentlemen— Referring to the conver sation had with you yesterday, iu which Governor Hayes' policy as to the status of certain Southern States was discuss ed, we desire to say in reply that wo can assure you, in the strongest possible manner, of our great desire to have adopted such a policy as will give to the people of the States of South Carolina and Louisiana the right to control their own affairs iu thoir own way; and to say further, that we feel authorized from au acquaintance with and knowledge ef Governor Hayes and his views on this question, to pledge ourselves to you for him that such will be his policy. Chari.es Foster. 1 ‘ To Hon. John Young Brown and John B. Gordon:" Washington City, February 27, 1877. Gentlemen— Referring to thp conver sation with you yesterday, in which Governor Hayes’ policy as to the status of certain Southern States was discuss ed, we desire to say that we can assure you, in the strongest possible manner, of opr great desire fo k a Y° hire adopt such a pplipy as will give to the people of the States of South Carolina and Louisiana the right to control their own affairs in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States and the laws made in pursuance thereof; and to say further, that from an ac quaintance with and knowledge of Gov ernor Hayes and his views, we havo the most complete confidence that spcji will be the policy of his administration. Respectfully, Stanley Matthews, Chahoes Foster, To JjLon. Jghn M. foreign and Jqhty Young Brown.'*’ BJovy I submit the question to eveyy honpst, pandid citizen of Georgia, who reads the above quofotjops from Rfown’s published statements, and the letters addressed to Brown and Gordon, the one signed by Foster alone and the other by Foster and Matthews, whether there is any room for reasonable doubt that Senator Gordon fully understood the whole negotiations and transaction, and was a party to the bargain, contract or underatagijing, it tffcateyer yon may, by wM&h"it w*as agreed that the count should proceed and Hayes should be inaugurated; and when inaugurated he should remove the troops from South Carolina and Louisiana. Otherwise why were Brown and Gordon discussing the policy of Hayes’ administration with Foster before the count was com pleted ? Gen. Gordon cannot by alleg ing that' he saitT nothing during the transaction. It is true Brown does not quote the language of Gordon, but he tells us that he outlined what he intend ed to say to Foster to Gordon in ad vance; and Gordon said he would go with him with plearure. Gordon was present during the whole conversation, heard it all and doubtless participated in it. As Brown says it was long and earnest and satisfactory to his friend Gordon and himself. The duty of a Senator in that case was very plain. When Brown outlined the statement to him which he intended to make to Foster, Losing to ifoe oafgain, hp Should promptly” haye rejected it, and refused to have anything to do with the transaction. He coaid with great propriety have said that the honor of a Democrotic Senator of Georgia would not permit him to consider such a prop osition of bargain and sale for a mo ment. Then he could have justly denied that he made any “ bargain of any sort; or had anv understanding of jny char acter,” with Foster, looking to the Presidential cdnnt. But how can he do so, in the face of the statements made by Brown as to his connection with the whole affair? And in the face of the fact that the letters were both addressed jointly tw pub aud Brown-,' reiemng to a conversation lud with them, iff which Hayes' policy as to th 6 stains of certain Southern States was discussed ? Why discussed ? Part of the House were filibustering to pre vent the completion of the fraudulent connt. That caused the discussion. Both Gordon and Brown, as I under stand them, allege that the Demo cratic victory was already lost. In the language of Gordon ; “Tilden’s csuse was hopelessly lost.” > \i So, why was it that Foster and Matthews, the special friends of Governor Hayes, were so anx ious to satisfy Brown and Gordon that Hayes, if inaugurated, would remove the troops, as they desired ? Why should one sidp demand and tne other side give written assurances of that fact, after the victory was already won 2 Why give express permission to make any use of the letters, that Brown might desire? What necessity for their use, and what possible good conld result to the Repub licans, by giving such written assur ances, and snch permission to use them, if there was no possible chance for Til den? If everybody knew that Tilden stood no chance, why was it necessary for Foster and Matthews to give written assurances to any one as to what would be the policy of Hayes when inaugurat ed ? And why should Foster offer to show Brown and Gordon, who belonged to the opposition, a letter from Gover nor Hayes, defining his policy? If the victory was already wod, they had only to say : “Wait and see, you will learn his policy by his acts.” But this was not true. Hayes’ pros pect for defeat, by delay in the House, was still imminent; and both parties felt and knew it. The Hayes men saw that tnere was great danger that a Dem ocratic stampede would defeat the com pletion of the fraudulent count till the fourth of March; hence their readiness to negotiate, and their anxiety to give satisfaction to such Democrats os were ready to trade with them. Both parties feeling that the matter was undisposed of, they went to negotiating, ar.d Brown told Foster, in substance, that if he did not get the written assurances demand ed, he would reverse his action, and do his utmost to defeat the execution of the bill; and if he changed, several prominent gentlemen would join him, and if a few faltered, the panic would become general, and the work of the Commission would be fruitless ; and that Hayes would staud no more chance to be Presideut than he (Foster) would. Foster agreed to all this, by sayiDg he believed it. And after a “long and earnest” conversation, Foster agreed to give the desired letter, containing the written assurance which was demanded, and to get Matthews, who is the relative by marriage of Hayes, to sign it with him. This looked at least like the ne gotiation’had reached the point of au "understanding.” If there was no chance for Tilden, and both the Republicans and the Demo crats knew this, why all this negotia tion ? and why did Brown and Gordon, leading Democrats, meet Foster, the friend of Governor Hayes, representing his Congressional District, to discuss Hayes’ policy if inaugurated ? Why the midnight meeting referred to in Brown’s statement above qneted ? Why did Fos ter call together a portion of the delega tion from South Carolina and Louisiana, and inform them of what had occurred ? What other purpose eould Foster have had in seeking an interview with the delegations from those States, after the interview with Brown and Gordon, but to give them such assurances as would cause them to stand firmly in the House for the completion of the count ? And after having given the letters, why should Foster call Brown back, and tell him of an order that Presideut Grant was to issue as soon as the count was completed, enjoined secrecy ou that point for a few days, and authorize an unlimited use of the letters ? Why these confidential relations between Brown and Go don and Foster, who are ou op posite sides, communicating political secrets that were to be kept for the present? Aud why, as Brown states, was the conversation and contents of the letters made known to so many ? Brown gives us the key to the answer to these questions in this seuteuce : “The con fidence of the Democrats in him (Fos ter), and in his authorization to say what he did, composed the Representa tives, and caused them to remain un shaken in doing what they believed right, etc.” In other words, it strength ened them in standing up for the com pletion of the count, and the inaugura tion of Hayes. But there is another sentence in Sena tor Gordon’s letter to 001. Billups which throws additional light upon his con nection with this transaction. He says: “My only agency, my only effort in this Presidential count was this : When I saw that Mr. Tilden’s cause was hope lessly lost; lost by want of conoert of aotion prior to the passage of the Elec toral bill; lost beyond the power of res cue by any man or set of men ; I deter mined to do all in my power to save from the self-government to South Carolina and Louisiana.” Permit me, in all candor, to inquire how GeD. Gordon saved from the wreck local self-government to Louisiana and South Carolina, if he had no connection with the bargain made between Brown and Foster and Matthews, by which tho count was to proceed, Hayes to be inau gurated and the troops to be removed ? He says distinctly, he never influenced nor sought to influence the votes or ac tions of those gentlemen in the House who resisted the filibusters, nor of any one of them; nor did he seek in any way to control the votes or action of any one of the latter class. No one can doubt that President Hayes removed the troops in accordance with that under standing. If Gordon was no party to it he rendered no aid in securing the re moval. In what other way did ho save local self-government to the two unfor tunate States above mentioned ? Will he tell the country how he did it, when he did it, and the means used to do it, or what act ho did which contributed to that end ? Certainly tho public is not informed of anything else except this trade or understanding between him and Brown, on the one part, and Foster and Mattews upon the othor. If he had no connection with them, was not a party to any contract, or to any understanding about it, as be now affirms, then what right has he to cliarn any oredit for any thing he did to restore local self-govern ment to those States. Why put on pea cock’s feathers aud strut, or the lion’s skin and attempt to roar over an achieve ment in which he took no part. The truth is, the statement of General Gordon, contained in the last quotation above, amounts to an admission on his part that ho was a party to this most un fortunate and unjustifiable transaction, by which the rights of the National De mocracy, to inaugurate the President of their choice, were bartered away for tbo promise that the Republican candidate, when inaugurated, would do an act which no one doubts would have beep performed by F r o r *d en fc T'Utew. As I stated ip a fp.ynmf article, wo were sold opt too oheapiy. We got uo considera tion for the immense concession made. In this whole discussion I have delt with only the public acts of General Gordon as a Senator. It has been no part of my purpose to make any assault upon bis personal or private character. T'hni has nothing to do with this Jiseassion. But I notice the attempt is being made, by part of his little puffing brigade in Geor gia, to divert popular attention from the true issue—his public acts—by assailing me. I shall not permit myspfo however, to be drawn away fob discussion pf the poipt fo ftsfle. by a,ny of these at tempts to get ftp iss.ues. I will attend tp them', if they should deserve attentipu, at the propey time, Nor shall I be drawn away from the issue by the attempt of any of his newspaper scrib blers to shoot slime at me from pop guns. lam dealing now with the public acts of General Gordon, and not with the private assaults of his over zealous partisans. As I have seen in q claiming respectability, which Popiea to foe de fence of G®b. 'Gordon, a suggestion thar. I desire the place he now occupies, and that I am assailing his course because I wish to be elected at the end of his pres ent term to fill his place; and also a ref erence to my course in 1867-8, I will simply remark on those points ttat I am not a candidate for jon tjo the United States Senate, fo Qir foe place now filled by h*en. , ‘G°i'don at foe eipi ratiofi 6’fhis term; npr {a ft B>y purpose to he a candidate lor that position. Qn the other point, I will only state that I acquiesced in the reconstruction acts and in the proposed constitutional amendments in 1868 because I saw there was no other way out of the difficulty. And I apfoq then in good faith wifo foe party that uns tained the carrying oat oi those meas : ures, ’ At that time, after solving the long donbt which side he should take, General Gordon, if I am correctly in formed as to his position, assured the people of Georgia, upon tbo atqmp, that the Democratic party ‘Which he then supported Vonld set aside all : those reconstruction measures; and that the proposed constitntional amendments were unconstitutional and void; and would never be car ried into effect. Since then, on enter ing Congress, he has sworn to snpport the Constitution with those amendments ! in it. And the Democratic party, ip two last national platforms have un qualifiedly and unreservedly acquiesced in the of the reconstruction measures and in the constitutional amendments. In the last national plat form of the party, adopted at St. Lonis, they have even expressed their devotion to said constitutional amendments.' Tiiis if further than I ever gone. As al ready gfofod, while the party fought madly against them, I did not sustain it; but so soon as It declared its acquies cence in them, in 1872, I acted with it, and have done so ever sinee. In a word, I saw no reckon foe abandoning the po sition which I had in 1867 and 1868, because the Democratic party and Gen. Gordon thought proper afterwards to change their course and plant them selves upon the same position of, acqui escence in the measures ani] the ooustUntional amendments which t then fieonpied. 1 I have never at any time since I have been old enough to vote failed to sup port the Democratic candidate for pres ident and Vice-President except the can didate of IBCS,. At that time the then so-called Democratic party stood upon neither the platform of the Democratic prior to the war nor the Democrat ic platform of 1872 and 1876,_ I therefore, never failed in a single in stance tq support the nominees of the Democrat jc party when the candidates stood upon the principles of the Demo cratic party as recognized prior to the war or as at present recognized. General Gordon’s partisans cannot, therefore, justly charge me with any such act of disloyalty to the party as I have proved he committed. I never was a party to the sale (call it by wbat name you may) of four years of Democratic administration for the performance of a single act by the opposition. And I cer tainly never would assume the responsi bility as he did of making a trade for my party, if I could not make a better one than was made by him and his asso ciate. I ask, as an act of justice, that each paper in the State which published General Gordon’s denial of the charge I made against him publish this reply, containing the evidence upon which it was predicated. If some of you as edi tors are not my friends, or if you are even the partisans of General Gordon, fair play and justice to your readers, who doubtless desire to see both sides in a controversy involving a question of such vital importance, require that you should give them that opportunity. You can neither acquit your friend by attempt ing to suppress the evidence against him; nor can you divert popular atten tion by raising collateral issue. Is he guilty ? That is the question, I have shown by incontrovertable evidence that in this transaction an enormous weight of political guilt rests upon his shoul ders. Joseph E. Brown. HOW TO HE MAKKIEI). Tlie Very Latent Forms that English Etiquette Dirt U dm. The old timo fancy for distributing wedding favors is again iu vogue ; di rectly after the ceremouy and while the newly married pair, with the immediate relatives, are signing the register, the bridesmaids are dispense them. The gifts desigued for the lady guests con sist of small bows of white satin rib bon tying little sprays of jasmine; those for the gentlemen are a spray of oak leaves aud acorns without ribbon, while the bridesmaids’ favors have some dis tinctive mark, such as a spray of for get-me-not. Their banquets are tbegift of the bridegroom, and are sent before the ceremony with the locket or other souvenir which he presents them. He also furnishes the bride with her flowers for the occasion. When the service tfitesf place in ohuroh, the ceremony, is generally performed entirely at the com munion rails ; but in high churches the actual ceremony, in Eugland particular ly, takes place in the body of the church, and the bridal party, preceded by the officiating olergy, moves on iuto the chancel for tho subsequent portion of the service. All arrangements as to fees, etc., are confided to the best man; while tho chief bridesmaid’s duty is to take the bride’s bouquet and gloves when the service begins. Tho interval between tho arrival of the guests at the house aud tho breakfast is generally employed in an inspection of the wedding presents, which are spread out for examination on a variety of ta bles—one for plate, another for jewelry, one for china, one for glass ornaments, etc., each gift being accompanied by a slip of paper bearing the name of the donor. Wedding breakfasts are now of ten arranged on the plan of a ball sup per, with several round tables and a long buffet, where the majority of the company take their lunch standing, the tables baing appropriated to the rela tives of the bridegroom aud the princi pal guests. Frequently, however, the old custom of sitting-down breakfast is adhered to, and if it is the wedding cake is placed iu the centre of the table and the bride and bridegroom take their places opposite to it. In the former plan tho cake is placed in the centre of the buffet. Wheu breakfast is announced the bride and bridegroom lead the way to the dining room, the bride’s father follows with the bridegroom’s mother, and seats himself next to his daughter; the bride groom’s father comes next with the bride’s mother, and places her beside the bridegroom. Very frequently the bride’s maids all sit opposite to the bride, accompanied by the gentlemen who have been desired by the hostess to take them down; the best man invariably taking the chief bridesmaid. Speeohes are now confined, when there are any at all, to the health of the bride and bride groom, proposed in a few words—the fewer the better—by the gentleman of the highest rank present. The bride groom in returning thanks sometimes proposes the health of tho biidesmaids, for whom the best man briefly responds. There should be no other toasts, and even these may well be dispensed with. The bride puts tho knife into the cake, which has been cut before the drinking of the healths, and it is expected that every one will out a small piece for “good luck.” When the bride comes into the draw ing room in her traveling dress to say good-bye, white satin slippers and lice are thrown, tho best man and brides maids dispensing the former, while the latter is showered upon the departing pair exclusively by matrons. The lash ion of sending cards aud cake has gone entirely out of style. When a widow marries the wedding differs in several points. There is neither bridesmaids nor favors, and the lady is debarred wearing white, a bridal veil, or orange flowers; indeed, she must wear a bonnet, acoording to English etiquette. If a young lady, however, marries a widower, there is no difference made between the arrangements for her wedding and those described. GENERAL. GARY'S POSITION. Why He ffogoxea the Election of Willard. [letter to Edgefield Advertiser.] Messrs. Editors— l see yon have copied in the last issue of the Adver tiser the allusion to streak rumors of my iutention of joining the Republican party, or words to this effect, contained in the Charleston News and Courier. There has been no word or act of mine that conld have given the slightest color for the origin of such a malicious and slanderous lie. I have refused to en dorse Hayes’ Southern policy, which is to form anew party composed of “old Whigs,” "conservative Democrals,” and '.‘liberal Republicans,” or to ally myself with them to build up such a party, and thereby destroy the solidity qf the vote of the South. I have refused to vote for Associate Justice Willard for the highest office in the gift of the Gen eral A BBRIn *dy> foe °ffi° e of Chief Jus tice. I have not forgotten that ho first came to Sonth Qaiolina as the Judge Advocate on the Staff of Major-General Sickle?, and that while acting in that capaoity he had the following citizens of Edgefield : S. B. Griffin, James T. Ba con, Jnlins Day, James Lanham, W. L. Coleman, M. P. Lowrey, Emsley Lott, James Mitchell, David Strother, Jesse Gomillion, Phillip Cook, Ww, Reuse ri, P. J. Coleman, M-. W. Gary, and others paraes J d° not now remember, qrresied and thrown into prison, which ! imprisonment caused the death of James Banham, James Gomillion, and Emsley Lott, and great annoyance and expense to all of us. I havo not forgotten that as a carpet-bagger he allied, with the Republican party nn<J has remained with it during oi, its past disgraceful qui t a jinking ship, and become a head ffght in th§ new party, being a splendid representative of the “Liberal Repub licans” of this State. N- r have I for gotten the charge of bribery and cor ruption made against him in regard to his decree delivered in the ease of Mor ton, Bliss & Go. *. ©omptroller-Geneial 4t.. vol, Riph., No. 8, page 430. He is the s£foioe of Governor Hampton for H the high office of Chief Justice. I have | announced my unalterable determina tion not to vote for Willard, although he | should become the candidate of a Do | mocratic caucus, which it now is ' a foregone conclusion, choice is at the dictation Qoyeraor Hampton. This YrOulcJ he carrying out “strict party qiucipline” a,nd “drawing the lines of ; party tight” with a vengeance. There are many political sins of commission and omission. If I am not the same straight-out Democrat I have always been, it is only becanae I have grown straighter as we are getting control of the government. Yours, foapectfnlly, M. W. Gary. HAVES NOT A MONK*. What the Negroes Thlpk of im hi Houtli Carolina—Turn adAwny. W ASIfINCiToN, April 30. —Silas M. Pat terson, oi South Carolina Supreme Court notoriety, a son of Honest John, who represents South Carolina in the Senate, has jnet returned Sroa Colum bia, where he hah Lam in the interest of the Congressional Executive Committee of this city. He declares that Hayes has sent the Radical party to the devil, and that a Republican convention will never be held in that State again. Bte says the South Carolina negroes are very bit ter against Hayes, and that if the Pres ident were to undertake a tonr of that State, they would- pelt him with rotten eggs. Patterson says he is mortified to think that his father is obliged to min gle with such men as Hayes and Bvarts, both of- whom think Returning Boards are good enough to make Presidents, but not cteoent enough to make Gover nor?’ The Mayen Ciunj. Counsel for charged with mur der, have applied for a continuance of the ease, on the ground that his mental imbecility is such that they are unable to confer with him in regard to the case. Argnment on the motion will be heard Deservedly popular. We mean Dr, Bull’s Cough Syrup, for it never fails. Physicians recommend it, THE STATE. THK PEOPLE AND THE PAPERS. Flux prevails in Macon. Greenville has a brass band. Dooly county plants cranberries. Rome reviews her firemen, May 8. Milledgeville organizes a L. M. A. Wheat is not fair in Walton county, Walton county had frost on May day. South Georgia blackberries are ripe. The New Holland Springs are under weigh. Court in Lincoln county, second Mon day in May. Roseola, and not measles, prevail iu Waltoii county. Good Templarism is gaining ground in Social Circle. The stand of corn in Lincoln county is very irregular. The Carolina Rifle Battalion is on a visit to Charleston. Thomas county has not bought any Western corn so far. Macon is fitting up her park for Sun day School festivals. Mr. Wade S. Cothran, of Rome, is in a low state of health. Beu Hill was born iu Jasper county, and is 54 years of age. The Covii gton fishing party has re turned from Port Royal. Methodist revivals are going on iu many parts of tho State. A plentitude of eggs aud a scarcity of butter prevail in Dalton. It seems that the multitude have sat down upon the Bullock bouds. Five illicit distillers have recently been arrested iu Cbatooga county. The days of strawberries and conven tion communications are numbered. G. H. P. Tanuer, Esq., of Atlanta, has beeu admitted to the bar in that place. The Grand Lodge of Odd Fellows of the State will meet in Gaiuesville next August. Mr. V. H. Crawley, of Walton county, planted 12 acres of cotton in 10 hours, with two mules. Oapt. John C. Rutherford, of Maoon, delivers the Sophomore prizes at Mercer University, this year. An attempt was made in Savannah Saturday to burn the Anderson Street Presbyterian Church. „ . Geo. D. Case, Esq., delivers an ad dress before the Milledgeville Sunday School Union, May 6th. A petrified turtle was found by two geutlemen while fishing iu Georgia waters iu Hall county a few days ago. A man named Philips iu Dalton was recently found dead, aud Charles Far rell, Esq., is charged with the murder. Mr. W. A Cook died at bis residence, iu Newton county, ou Friday last, the 27th ult., of consumption, aged about 43 years. The Air-Liue Railroad Company have contracted with Col. Tom Alexander to widen and slope the cuts north of Gainesville. The “ raised check” war is still ra ging in Atlanta; the affair implicating two promiuout citizens creatos much in tersst there. Senator L. Q. C. Lamar, of Mississip di, is a native of Putnam county, Geor gia, aud is a graduato ef Emory He is 52 years of age. The Atlanta Presbytery, now iu ses sion in Atlanta, has a delegation of 18 ministers and 22 elders. Raised during the fiscal year, $23,067. Henry Dunaway was shot by Pleas. Gunner, both colored, at the home of the latter, near Pine Grove Church, in McDuffie county, last week. Mrs. Mike Shaw, of Baldwin county, was, last Monday morning, horribly mur dered by two negroes. Her brains wero beaten out with a lightwood knot. The trial of Geo. Clark, son of Judge R. H. Clark, charged with the murder of T. F. Tolbert, of Atlanta, last Novem ber, has been commenced iu that city. A Talbot county farmer promises to utilize tho surplus labor on liis farm this year, which finds its embodiment in lit tle nigs, by saving the blackberry crop. The following are the Sophomore speakers of Mercer University: Cullen Battle, T. N. Burke, I. S. Chuppel, R. R. Calhoun, M. T. Freeman, S. S. Gaul den, L. C. Goneke, D. Harris Holoman, P. S. Jessup, Goode Price, E. N. Reid, Orosby Smith, Credo Sasser, H. T. Smith, R. H. Walker. Atlanta eats over 1,000 chickens a day. Chicken cholera prevails in Gwinnett county. The Eucelypti Gobuli are dying out in Albany. Warrenton now enforces her dog or dinance, Mrs. Mary Hazelton, of Rome, is 103 years old. Grain and fruit promise well iu Gwin nett county. The Barnesvillo Cat Fish Club has re ceived its tents. The pointer dog poisoner is working around Newnan. Cerebo-spinal meningetis has appear ed in Fort Valley. Hancock county is putting in too much cotton, it is feared. The Cave Spring rats are now killed from treeß like squirrels. The Dade county furnace averages forty tons of iron per day. Pike county is raising a fowl which has two heads and three eyes. The Macon police have been furnished with new suits of blue flannel. Anew mineral spring has been dis covered in Washington county. Good milch cowp, as well as beef cat tle, are scarce in North Georgia. The Y. M. C. A., of Newnan, is still conducting a most interesting revival. Albany has sold this seasou about one million aud a half dollars worth of cot ton. Every man in Lawreneeville is a farm er and all drink out of the same mineral spring. A Rome divine is represented as say ing that all those who have no money and can’t get any need not come to eh n rob. The body of Mr. Cheek, drowned at Jewell’s some time since, has been re covered. Beck, who was hung in Chattooga county last week, met his fate calmly and firmly. Mr. Thad. Holt has been appointed by Gov. Colquitt Judge of the Bibb County Court. Dade county is still electing sheriffs and tax collectors, the first turn of offi cers failing to qualify. A crowd of Fayette county rr.wdies re cently got up a row in Palmetto and came near wiping out the toiyn. Arrangements are being made to build anew bridge across the, Ogeecbee at Rock Mills, in Hancock county. Young Givens, in frwinnett county, had his pistol to discharge in his body, the ball passing thrc.ngh his body. The weekly payers with a mortgage upon the press, nn agricultural column and Washington correspondence, now begin to pine a way. The Court House in Thomaston has been undergoing repairs, and, says the Herald , “looks like a pretty maiden crowned Queen of May.” Aamon A. Murphey, Esq., is now sole editor of the Barnesville Weekly. This paper is printed by horse power, and is no ODe-horse affair either. A widow in Washington county and her vonng daughter, last year, cultivated and picked without assistance nine bales of cotton and cribbed two hundred bushels of corn. The Columbus Times furnishes the only correct map we have yet seen of the Eastern war. The “Beautiful blue” Dannbe is so natural that one can almost see the “moonbeams quiver.” Judge John T. Shewmake writes a let ter the Handersville Georgian relative to the rejection of Mr. Luugmade for the County Judgship of Washington. A Columbus man now declares that the farmers are planting more cotton and less corn than last year. If death must come, why i.ot starvation, after all? A young girl in Warren county, Miss Chalker by name, was recently thrown from a male which she was riding and dragged a considerable distance. She survived her injuries only a few hours. AN APPARITION IN COURT. Alexander 11. Stephen# Argue* a Case Be fore tile Mu|l-eme Bench. Washington, April 30.— An argnment of peculiar interest was beard yesterday in the Supreme Court room before a full bench. It was a very complicated ease, involving the question whether the old Confederate money had any rights un der the laws of Georgia which the : United States Government was bound to protect. A mortgage bad been fore closed after payment had been tendered in Confederate scrip and refused, and the plaintiff claimed that the tender was legal, and that all rights of property ac cruing under the act of foreclosure should be set aside. The plaintiff’s at torneys were Alexander H. Stephens and Colonel Thomas Swann, of West Virginia. Mr. Stephens was wheeled into Court in his big, green chair, and looked healthier than for many months. His treatment of the ease was specially remarkable as showing his marvelous powers of memory. He spoke for a long while in presenting and arguing the case, and during his remarks alluded constantly to dates and figures uud inci dents without consulting notes. It was particularly noticed that in unraveling the complications of the case, bis mind and powers of analysis were as wonder fully deve'oped as ever, and that bin body alone was under a cloud. He wore white gloves all the time, and spoke in a nervous, piping voioe, but his language was vigorous and powerful. The scene created quite a sensation among those present, who could hardly believe that the half-decayed statesman still had his brain under suoh good con trol.