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®Joe weeklj) & Crttgtttaticmalist OLD SERIES ~0l ICII M# SERIES-0l II Cfpomde an& jSmlmri. WEDNESDAY, - - JULY 11,1877. Hatei sipped his wine, like a little mao, at Boston. Boss Packard is trying to make Mr. Dates either mad or uncomfortable. A Michigan undertaker inform* the public that it is ‘‘a pleasure to show his goods." a ( B The HhKrman family connections are pensioned on Uncle Ham to the tune of $55,530 annually, _ A precocious youngster has found out that twins were made so that cannibals may eat philopenas. m • m< - The Baltimore Gazette pokes fun at the marksmanship of the Savannah po lice, anentthe Judge Chisholm robbery. The New York Timet predicts that Turkey’s greatest disaster will come from the Russian forces in Asia Minor. It is wittily said that for a monument commemorative of the late dree, a Mar blehead of Hr. John would be appropri ate. Six per cent, interest is regarded in New York as a profitable investment. This would tally with Mr. Geo, Adairs theory, that anything above seven per cent, is bankruptcy. Hath is one of the most favored re gions of the earth, but since its aban donment to negroes it is as barren of commerce as of morale. The illegiti mate births there aie as 330 to 18. The Houthern Policy, so oalled, is res adjudieata. The President cannot give it up, if be wished to. Ho, the Radical- Republicans are howling over spilled inilk, and cutting off their noses to spite their faces. On with the danoe ! The Grand Army of the Republic is petering out. Only seven States were represented at the Natiouai Encamp treat, anil of these six were in New Eng laud. Grant's telegram, through Vio, was a fraud. Oar foreigu commeroe for the 11 months ending May 31 foots up a sur plus of exports over imports of $156,- 459,000 merchandise, aud $9,912,000 specie, making a total favorable balance of $167,372,000 The Springfield Republican thinks that “as the office holders go to the rear, the people can come to the front." They will not go to the rear if they can help it, aud they buve a powerful wuy of se curing the best seats in the house. 1m the tight between the President and the Machine, Mr. Dana, of the Hun, when uot sympathizing with the latter, appears to be like the woman, whose husband “rastled” with a bear. Re does not care a darn which whips. The New York Bulletin puts it pithily thus : “Mr. Hayes, iu his civil service reform polioy, has taken the bull by the horns; but if the people stand by and took on without helping him, the bull twill win.” If Hayes is not guilty of imutwl cowardice, that bull will go to the wall. The Baltimore Sun, an expert, truth fully states that millions of dollars are wasted io the United States by business meu in useless aud illegitimate adver tising. The way for Georgians to do is to advertise in a paper that everybody reads—that is the Chronicle and Con stitutionalist. If Secretary McCrary really went Westward to ffx the lowa Gouveutiou iu the iuteretft of the Administration, he violated the President’s civil service re form order, and, the President, if a “Roman father," should mak6 an exam ple of Ilia Cabinet officer before decapi tating General Wilson. Referrino to Lonfkllow, Mr. Stead man says: •'Oue whoe sagas ever at ilia will answer back the ocean tone for tone/’ In Savaoe Landor’s sonnet to Brown ing he wrote: Beyond Sorrento and Amtlfi, where The Siren wooa thee, singing song for song. The new Minister to Hayti, Langston, is, we believe, a bright mulatto. Elliott A Go. should look into this wheu they see the President. If Mr. Hayes wants a very smart black man to send out of the couutry, he will not find the supe rior of Elliott, aud South Carolina will gladly spare him. President Hayes is troubled about the poor workiugmeu of tbe country, and k*p*B to be able to help them. Tbe New York Sun, which distorts every thing the Administration does, aud hates tbe Southern Pacifio Railway, says “the name of the poor Caucasian who is out of houeet employment is Tou Scott.” Bbn Hill describee Blaine as a man "with a tongue that never tires, an am bition that never sleeps, a face tbat never Hashes, a conscience tbat never hesitates.” True ; but the Senator will, of course, greet Blaine heartily in Oc tober, aud, as in tbe case of Blodgett, draw the line somewhere between the lawyer, the stump speaker ao* the Senator. It must be amusing to Grant to hear Me. Hayes abused by Radicals for aim ply carrying out a polioy tbat had be come inevitable, aud wbieh had become -so by Grautism. A million majority of white voters called a halt, aud they, through their representatives, wonld Dave.broken up the regular army, if ne •cesa&ry. Poor Mr. Hayes is cursed re auoraetesaly for simply letting go what he •could not bold. ever the Electoral Commis sion, and inside viwws of that affair,from DorsHximeb and others, have brought Sato conspicuous prominence tita name Of Wm. W. Eaton. The N. O. Demt,- cred happily depicts him as a Bourbon, to wboca a reverence for tbe principles and me* of tbe resolution is something more than a delusion or hypocritical lip eervioe. Hence he could not ugrronder to a battalion of artillery what they bad won by a seven years’ war. Senator Whyte, of Maryland, s*j that Him’ late civil service order js. jo bie opiuion, alt bosh; that it eannot be •earned oat, if bo intoaded, bat that it is not intended to be. The Senator oalls it an attempt to create a “silk-stacking party.” He says: “The idea of the fee-, pablican wire-pullers and workers re maining oat of conventions and commit tees is simply to give my side an easy victory. We do not intend to disband oar party, and if Hatbs keeps all the office-holders off, and prevents their nooey being used for eleotion purposes, why, then, it is about all we can ask of him; bat, rely upon it, the rales laid down in the letter referred to wiU never be carried oat.” The Senator alluded to the Federal office-holders in Balti more, remarking that if they were with drawn from active participation in poli tics, why, then, there would be no Re publican party left in his State. BtTXOt K A.ND THE DI.BOtBATS. Commenting upon the Bullock cases and the advice of the Chronicle and Constitutionalist to expose the guilty Democrats, if there are any, the Gaines ville Eagle says : It will never do. They are all in high places now, and it weald be a pity to topple them over. When Bullock left they first cried ‘thief' to divert public attention from their own depredations; and finding the people will ing to be galled, shouted more lustily and in creased the volume of their vehemence to a ‘tidal wave'of blatant ratriotiem, upon which they rode into places of trust,honor and profit. We beg the Eagle to be more explicit iu its statements about so important a matter. Who were the Democrats that shouted “thief” so lustily when Bul lock fled, in order “to divert public at tention from their own depredations ?” Who are the men that rode “into places of trust, honor and profit’’ by abusing their accomplices in crime ? What “high places” do they bold now ? The Eagle seems to know these men and to be acquainted with the details of their villainy; we trnst that it will not hesi tate to expose them to the public. It has c ften been intimated before that prominent Democrats of Georgia—men who have been trusted and honored by the party which they must have worked secretly to destroy—were accomplices in the fraud and beneficiaries of the ex travagance of the Bullugk -Blodgett regime, but names and facts have never yet been given. We do not agree with the Eagle that it would “be a pity to topple over” such men. On the contra ry, it would be a most oommendable act to expose them to the world. They de serve no sympathy, for, according to the Eagle, they are double traitors— traitors to the people of Georgia and traitors to the Ring whose spoils they shared. Let the uames be published. THE KATE OK TI'BKEY. If Turkey is left to fight Russia single handed, her fate woulj seem to be al ready decided. And yet thiß may turn out fallacious reasoning, Russia has crossed the Danube in overwhelming force, but she may uot so easily oross the Balkan. If Turkey can make any thing like the stand she should south of the Balkan, aud on the plain of Adrian, her invaders may rue the hour they ventured so far inlaud. About twenty miles from Constantinople the Turks have the finest defensive position in Europe. It was there that Atilla was bullied back, aud there too Beiisabius defeated the Huns aud saved the Lower Empire. If the Muscovite legions penetrate thus far iuto the bowels of the land without a fatal overthrow of Abdul Kerim’s main army, they may be halted permanently aud forced to retire to their lair beyond the Danube. It will be difficult for the great at miss of Russia to be supplied from Roumania and Bulgaria, aDd a crossing of the Balkans may put them in the plight that Diebitsch found him self in 1829, when he reviewed at Adrian ople an army which had shrunk from 150,000 to 14,000 men. We shall pres ently see how much better a fate is in store for the Russian commander who shall emulate Diebitsoh. The friends of the Ottoman power, however, aro already losing heart. The other day, in an address before the Lib eral Club, in New York, Gou. Franz Seigel expressed sympathy with the Moslem as against the Rneao Greek, but was of opinion that the hour of Turkey’s destiny had Btrnck. He was very sarcastic in finding reasons why Americans should sympathize with the Russians, and hit upon finally the fol lowing: Whatever we knew of Russia, he thought, is the produot of the West ern civilization. Her social order, her politics and her literature, had their origin elsewhere, and there was really nothing Russian in Russia except the Russiau Church, Russian leather and Russian hemp, aud each of these three was au agent of progress aud civilization in about equal degrees. Russia, how ever, was a great country—it was over twice as large as the United States, counting eveu Alaska, with its icebergs, seals and walruses. Russia, historically considered, was a “big thing,” and Americaus liked the Czar because the grip of his irou baud was felt from pole to pole. Aud then Russia, like our selves, need not eliminate her own popu lation from her shores. She keeps all she has and takes all she can get. Fur ther, she had a huge national debt, con sumed an immense quantity of whisky, and was very fond of “reconstruction,” as might be seen on every page of her history—her last effort iu that direatiou having been made as late as 1868, when she “reconstructed” Poland for the third time by killing about thirty thousand of the population and sending 85,000 more to Siberia. The General then drew a startling picture of Russian religious in tolerance, aud the propagandism of the popes and Cossacks. He concluded that Turkey’s chance of sucoess without aid from abroad was bop*fow f aud that exteri or help was not now apparent anywhere. Russia, he said, had a population of 85,000,000 to draw from, while Turkey, which recruited its army from her Ma hometan inhabitants only, could only draw on some fourteen millions. Rns sia had 400,000 meu io the field aud proposed to bring 100,000 mofg. The remainder of her vast army had to gne£* Poland, the Black Sea and the Canoaaus, or was useless ou account of the vast uess of the oountry and the lack of the facilities of transportation. Tarkoy had about 360,000,, one-third of whom were in Europe. The Rusefon advance, be | understood, was from two points, some what far apart, on the Danube, and would iu all probability be directed so that the two columus would meet, if left unopposed or unsuccessful in overcom ing opposition. at Adriauople, where all the various roads jrogr the north, east and west concentrate. Tim Tiiyjrish de fense coaid only be made in one war', COW, and that was to mass their troops in Bulgaria, between the lines of the two Russiau columns, and strike at either one or the other iefqje they cross ed the Balkan mountain range. *et even if successful, it would do the Turks little good. Russia could keep her armies up to the strength they start ed out ou, aud Tunmycspld not do this, as she had no reserves. The g*uc4 SJ> shot would be a general division of Tur key all round. Russia would get the 1 hoas share, Austria would oome next, and then in some way wonld be compensated, whits £oglar>d would take Egypt. Granting, for the sake of argument, that tula partition shall take place, who oan predict that pesec will follow when the doge of war begin to paieci ont their quarry and quarrel over the bonce. Both honsee or tec Missouri Legisla ture passed an insurance bill. It osyer reached the Governor. The Clerk of the Hoase, when oalled upon for an ex planation, fled to Canada. Was the Clerk bribed by the insurance compa nies ? The tackiest minister in New York is £ev. Mr. Pottos, of Grace Gbnrcb. He goes to £nrope every year, owns a New port residence, has a salary of SIO,OOO, and rarely gets less than SIOO for marry ing the bon ton. Grace Ohurch has no flpob#- SECRET" OK THE CHARNEL HOUSE. Mr. W. H. Kemble, of Pennsylvania, “ Big Ike ” of the Cameron Machine, popularly supposed to be the Republi can party, has been leaking to the inevi table interviewer. We have already published bis statement that SIO,OOO sent into Ohio by himself and Zaok Chandler saved that State for Hayes in October and barely saved it in November. He avers, too, that the oash was seut at Mr. Hayes’ special request, and proves that Kilpatrick was not far wrong when he advised his co-conspirators that the campaign to be suocessfnl must be fought on the bloody-shirt programme with plenty of money. Now Mr. Kem ble ia no small potato. He has beeu, as we learn, State Treasurer of Pennsyl vania, and a member of the Republican National Committee for twelve years. He has a reputation for shrewdness and ac tivity excelled by but few men in politics. To a reporter of the Philadelphia Timet this astute bnt disgusted politician un bosomed himself. Replying to a ques tion how he liked the civil service re form order, he said : It is palpably in.wcere It came from a I‘reddeut and a Cabinet who have never prac ticed it, and who can’t believe iu it now. The bead of the Cabinet 1 elioves in being raid aud well paid for all be does. He defended Beeches for a liberal cash consideration, and that only. Tbe tail of tbe Cabinet is a Ger man wbo, as a role, never makes a pobtical speech without being paid for it ; and, so far as I can learn, neither of them troubles him self to inquire from a bom tbe money is col lected. Beporter— Do you mean that Mr. Bchubz al ways requires pay for bis political speeches ? Mr. Kemele— Yus, I mean that. Some time ago, I think it waa 1868, Mr. Scbcbz wrote out a fine speech, which be agreed to deliver three times a week for SSOO per week for us, and we took it in Pennsylvania to tbe extent of $1,600 We raised tbe money partly by assessments on officials and partly by contributions from Re publicans of means, but Mr. Hcnoaz didn’t stop to inquire wbo paid tbe money. He knew that somebody bad to pay it, aud must have known that office holders paid part of it. Ido not have faith in iho sincerity of civil ser' ioe reform that comes from such Cabinet officers. We are sorry to hear such unfavorable accounts of a reform Cabinet, bat Mr. Kemble is one of tbe pillars of the Radical conventicle, aud entitled ta his views. He evidently thinks tbe Cabinet ought to be purged before it attempts to purge others. Perhaps it has done so, and, burning with the zeal of recent conversion, is determined to make tbe Kembles et al as virtuous as its own membership assumes to be. Mr. Kemble goes on to say that but for tbe efforts of office holders, aided by liberal contributions of money, not only South Carolina, Florida and Louisiana, but also Ohio, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin Oregon, California and Nevada would have been lost to Haies. We dare say there is much truth in this revelation, and the certification of it is something to be thankful for eveu at this late day. We quote again from Mr. Kemble : Reporter—How could Ohio and tbe other Northern States you name have bean lost to Hayes ? Mr. Kemble—Hayes bad everything at stake in carrying Ohio m October of last year. Had be lost that State there would have beeu a Tii.den whirlwind in November that would have swept not only Ohio, bat Pennsylvania. Wisconsin, Nevada, Oregon aud California; and Ohio was saved by President Hayes and bis friends appealing to us for money to put into tbe cii tost. Secretary Hhebman and Governor Dennison wrote tbe moat importunate letters to us fr money. The State tbat gives us a civil service President, a Cabinet officer, and any number of other officials, practiced civil service so far as uot to pay tbair own money to tbe campaign, but they called upon Pennsylva nia to do it for them; aud Secretary Shebmah then appealed to man wbo be knew bad profit ed by tbe Oovernmeut, received money from them, aud has since r< warded the parties by profitable contracts. As to tbe President, bis case is Wors >. We made assessments here in Philadelphia on office holders, every dollar of which we sent to Ohio io additiou to other large amouuts sent there, aud some of which was sent directly to President Hayes himself. It would be uncharitable to say tbat ilia Presi dent did uot use tbe mouoy fqr political ppp poses, as any other use of it would be a breach of tiust tb it would warrant tbe Pennsylvania politicians in calliug upon him to render au ac count. ,Iu 187a, when President Hayes was dragged through Ohio by tbe ears, tbe same ap peal was made upon us, the same measures employed to raise money to save him, and a liberal contribution was made from tbe city just on tbe eve of tbe election, tbat bad much to do with bis narrow escape from defeat. This terrible PeiinsylvaniaD, wbo has turned State’s evidence, concludes thus: The public will gladly sustain any adminis tration in preventing officials from uuwarrant able interference in polities, and from being bled by political sharks; but every Cabinet officer excepting Key holds his plaoe as a re ward for political survices, aud public eenti ment will always sustain the promotion of men who fairly and honorably earn their poaitions by party services. The people do not care hot lynch officials contribute for legitimate party pyi|,Oßes eiflief in efforts or money, but they do oayo that otgeefs *h)ll be (jonest and capable; that they siish fgfthjiijffy peffof'ig their dalles, and that no more ien shall be employed to do Government work than would be required to di tbe same work for an indi vidual. That's the otvil service tbe oountry wants ; it is tbe best that any party can ever get, and those who profess to do more will And their sincerity always doubted by honest men. An unsuccessful policy of course can’t last, and a Uteral enforcement of the polioy just an nounced by the President would be a disas ftajje failure. The lieftQCfficy get tbe benefit and the Republicans tbs disgrace of this washing of dirty linen. The presides! is told some truths which be probably wonld prefer to Lave remained un spoken, and bie Machine adversaries **£ Httffod up to confessions of knavery whieb *a feat put the people on their gnard, sb iwiog foe yetjenness and disintegration of tbe Radical laouo*. j The President has a “hard row to hoe.” If be is sincere in bis self-imposed task, be will secure tbe backing of tbe peo ple, irreajjegjiye of party, and tbe Ma chine will be smseued, It he js nifgpjy experimenting and coquetting, he will find himself before many months be. tween tbe Devil and tbe deep sea. Un til better advised, we shall have some faith in tbe honesty of his intentions, and his ability and determination to en force whjt jjp believes to be right and patriotic, hart whom it msj, The Springfield Republican nomi nates Wadb Hampton and Fred IX) T° re ident and Vice-President in 1880. —■■ m If Mr. Haybs really means “biz” he sbonld let bis trip-hammer swiftly de scend upon the head of the Chairman of the lows GdUfS^fjOD. Mr. Hates was “ovated” in New Eng land and would be handsomely received in the South. We are rather doubtful qf a trip Westward, as far as lowa. Hon. Rosooe Conklino will soon be thanking England for making Grant a lion. He may want an andience if be ticee not make haste. Perhaps he will play the ass to Grant’s lion. Thxt have a plucky editor in St. John. We learn that on the morning after the terrible fire the Daily Tele graph wis issued in a aingle sheet, about a foot square, with a description of the city’s ruin and two small adver tisements. Packard is Euza Pinkston’s succes sor. He shows bis wonnds to the sore beaded Republicans st so mnch a wonnd. The wounds were principally received in rapid retreat from J*ouiai ana. They are each wounds as a gen tleman wpald not show. AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 11, 1877 THE ELECTORAL FRAUD. JUDGE J. 8. BLACK EXCORIATES THE INFAMOUS COMMISSION. Tbe Carpet-Bagger*—Tbe Louisiana Return ing Hoard—lts Impudent Forgeries—Presi dent drum Au Accomplice—Pettifogging ol tbe Electoral Eight—Thimble-Rigging in tbe Florida Case—Tbe Notion Betrayed. ■ In tbe North American Review for July Judge Jeremiah 8. Black appears as tbe contributor of au article entitled “The Electoral Conspiracy,” which is by all odds tbe moat complete, eloquent and scutching exposure tbat has yet been made of tbe fraud by which Ruth erford B. Hayes was foisted into the Presidential chair. We regret that oar space will not permit ns to repriat it iu fall, and that we must confine onrselves to the most striking passages. After briefly adverting to tbe indigna tion felt by honest meu throughout tbe country at tbe great outrage upon tbe rights of the people, Judge Black pro ceeda to depict the condition of affairs iu the State of Louisiana previous to the Presidential election. First, he de scribes tbe carpet-bagger: ( What I lie Carpet-Bagger la. The people would not have been whol ly crushed, either by tbe Boldier or tbe negro, if both had not been need to fas ten upon them the domination of an other class of persons whose rule was al together unendurable. These we cal) carpet baggers, not because tbe word is descriptive or euphonious, bnt because they have no other name whereby they are known among tbe children of men. They were unprincipled adventurers, wbo sought their fortunes in the South by plundering tbe disarmed and de fenseless people ; some of them were the dregs of the Federal army—the meanest of the camp followers ; many were fngi tives from Northern justice ; the best of tbe n were those who went down after tbe peace, ready for auy deed of shame tbat was safe and profitable. These, combining with a few treacherous “scalawags” and some leading negroes to serve us decoys for tbe rest, and back ed by the power of tbe General Govern ment, became the strongest body of thieves tbat ever pillaged a people. — Their moral grade was far lower, and yat they were much more powerful, than the robber bands that infested Germany after the close of tbe Thirty Years’ war. They swarmed over all tbe Stales from the Potomac to the Gulf, and settled iu hordes, not with intent to remain there, but merely to feed on tbe substance of a prostrate and defenseless people. Tbey took whatever came within their reach, intruded themselves iuto all private cor porations. assumed the functions of all offices, including the Courts of Justice, and in many places they “run the churches.” By force or fraud they either controlled all eleotiona or else prevented elections from being held. They return ed sixty of themselves to one Congress, and ten or twelve of the most ignorant aud venal among them were at the same time thrust into the Senate. This fulse representation of a people by strangers aud enemies wbo had not even a bona fide residence among them was the bit terest of all mockeries. There was no show of truth or honor about it. The pretended representative was always ready to vote for any measure that would oppress and enslave bis so-ealled con stituents ; bis hostility was unconcealed, and he lost no opportunity to do them injury. His Descent Upon Louisiana. The agricultural and commercial wealth of Louisiana made her a strong temptation to tbe carpet-baggers. Those vultures snuffed tbe prey from afar; and, as soon as tbe war was over, they swooped down upon her in flocks that darkened the air. The State was de livered into their bauds by tbe military authorities; but the offioers imposed some restraints upon their lawless cu pidity. They hailed with delight the advent of negro suffrage, because to them it was merely a legalized method of stuffing the ballot box, and tbey stuffed it. Thenceforth, and down to a very recent period, they gorged them selves without let or hindrance. Tffe depredations they committed were frightful, They appropriated, on one preteueq and another, whatever they eould lay their hands on, and then pledged to themselves the credit of the State for uncounted millions more. The public securities run down to half priee, and still they put their fraudulent bonds on the market and sold them for what tbey would fetch. The owners of the best real estate in towu or country were utterly impoverished, because the bur dens upon it were heavier than tbe rents would discharge. During tbe last teu years tbe city of New Orleans paid in the forti) of Jirepf taxes lpore than tbe estimated value qf g)) fhp property within her limits, aud still has a debt of equal amount unpaid, jt js not likely tbat other parts of the State suffered less. The extent of their spoliations can hardly be calculated, but tbe testi mony of tbe oarpet-baggers themselves against one auother, tbe reports of com mittees sent by Congress to investigate tbe subject, and other information from sources entirely authentic, make it safe to say tbat a general conflagration, sweeping over all tbe State from one end to the other, aud destroying every building und every article of personal property, would have been a visitation of mtirsy iu comparison to tbe corse of such a government, i The luveutiveuesH of Scotindrellffim. This may seem at first blush like gross exaggeration, because it is worse than anything that misrule ever did before. The greediest of Roman proconsuls left something to the provinces they wasted; the Norman did not strip the Saxon quite fo “the sjsin; the puritans under Cromwell 4’4 not ’{Jtterfy (Jesolate {re land. Their rupsojty Was eQufinefi to the visible things which they could presently handle and use. They could not take what did not exist. But the American carpet-bagger has an inven tion nnknown to those old-fashioned robbers, which increases bis stealing power as much as the steam engine adds to the mechanical force of mere natural muscles. He makes negotiable bonds of the State, signs and seals them “ac cording to the forms of law,” sells them, converts the proceeds to his own uae, ijniJ then defies justice “to go behind the reiurhs.” ” Jiy-tJas de-ice his felon ious fingers are jaa'de ‘l&jfjfr fchwu&h to reach into the pockets of posterity; he lays his lieu on property yet uncreated; he anticipates the labor of coming ages and appropriates the fruits of it in ad vance; he coins the industry of fntnre generations into cash, and snatches the inheritance from children whose fathers are unborn.* Projoatisg £49 cheat for ward by this contrivance ancTaperating laterally at the same time, he gathets an amount of plunder which no country in the world would have yielded to tbe jC-oth or the Vandal if Security of life can never bp PQUPted ou where property is not protected. When the public authorities wink upon theft tbe people are driven by stress of sheer necessity to defend themselves tbe best way they can, and that defense is apt to be aggressively violent. Jus 1 lice, infuriated by popular passion, ui ja poim*} tP it* '.'iqtims in a fearful shape. THkorders* therefore, tSph tiwt have been, and bloodshed and violence, and loss of life, though they are not ! enumerated, or clearly desonneu in tne reports. It is known that bands of ‘•*pg;j}at;:rg” traversed many parts of the State, and the fact is established that seven of the storehouses used as places of receiving stolen goods were burnt to tbe ground in one night. The officers of tbe carpet-bag government “oared for none of these things.” They saw the struggle between larceny and lynch law with as much indifference as Gallio looked upon the controversy be tween the Jewish synagogue and tbe Christian church at Ephesus. This horrible condition of society was cansed solely by tbe want of an honest govern ment. Bat this is not nearly the wont of it, if carpet-baggers themselves and their special friends are worthy of any cre denoe at all. They testify to nnmerons other mnrders, wanton, unprovoked, and atrocious, committed with impuni ty under tbe very eyes of their Govern: ment. general Bheridap says he col lected a list of 4.OQQ assassinations per petrated within three years. Senator Sherman and his OW 00 ! 1 !*® 8 of fhh visit ing committee swell this number great ly, and add that “half tbe State waa overran with violenoe.” No effort wee made to repress these disorden or pun ish the criminals. Nobody was hnng, nobody tried, nobody arrested. Tbe morderen ran at large; tbe victims fell at the awfnl average of about four every day, and the public officers quietly as sented to let “the rifle, the knife, the pistol and the rope 4o their horrid work” without interruption. Are snob <seu fit to govern a free State ? Fit to gov ern ! No, not to live.”’ The Geaekls of the Retirnisc Beard. The wretched system of carpet-bag government could not possibly last. From tbe first it had no real support. Tbe native people and the honest immi grants, who went there for purposes of legitimate business, held it iu abhor rence, and tbe negroes were pot long in finding out tbat it was a sham and a snare. As early as 1870, and before tbat, the handwriting was seen on the wall which announced that a large and decisive majority of all the votes, black and white, bad determined to break up this den of thieves. They mnst, there fore, prepare for flight or punishment, unless tbey could contrive a way of de feating the popular will whenever and however it should be expressed, Then tbe Retnrning Board was invented. This was a machine entirely hew, with powers never before given to any tribu nal in any State. Its object was not to return, but to suppress tbe votes of the qualified electors, or chauge them to suit the occasion. By the terms of the law it can exclude, suppress, annihilate all the votes of a parish for violeuoe, in timidation or fraud, which it finds to have been committed aud adjudges to have materially influenced tbe result of tbe poll. This is judicial authority so broad tbat no Court wonld consent to exercise it—inflicting tbs fearful penal ty of diefrauobisemeut upon thousands at once, without a hearing and without legal evidence, not for any offeuse of their own, but for the supposed sin of others, over whom they confessedly have no control. Of course it is in direct con flict with the State Constitution, which declares that all judicial power shall be vested in certain ordained and establish ed Courts, and forbids it to be used even In them, except upon trial before a jury, and oonviotion on tbe lestimouy of credible witnesses confronted by tbe aocused and cross examined by counsel. It is, besides, a most insolent affront to tbe fundamental principles of an elective government, for it makes the poll of all people a mere mockery, which decides nothing except what the Re turning Board does not graciously favor. Its power to veto a popular vote extends to all elections, for every olass of offi cers, judicial, legislative, ministerial and executive, including electors of President and Vice-President. How ll Did It* Work. The Board consisted of five parsons. They were originally appointed by a carpet-bag Senate, without end of their tenure aud with power to fill vacancies, which made them a close corporation and gave them perpetual succession. To put on some s how of fairness, the law required that all parties should be repre sented. This was at first thought to be met by tbe appointment of one Demo crat, but when a deed of more than com mon business was to be done, tbe Demo crat was got rii of, and the other four, desiriog to work in secret, refused to fill bis place. This suppressing Board did its work thoroughly from tbe start. It was never known to falter. Since its first organi zation iu 1870 tbe majority of the whole people has been decidedly against the carpet-baggers at every election. But tbe Board always intercepted tbe re turns, and so altered them as to make a majority the other way. Kellogg was a candidate for Governor; he was largely defeated, but the Board certified him elected. The certificate was so glaringly false that carpet baggers themselves would uot help to install him, and Democrats determined to assert their rights. It was then that Get}. Grant, to the uuspeakable shame of the nation, lifted him into office on the bayonets of the army. Afterward the outraged peor pie rose in revolutionary wrath, drove him to shelter in the Custom House, and inaugurated the man tbey had law fully elected. Again the President made war ou the State, aud restored the usur per to the place which did not belong to him. The Democrats regularly elected a majority of the Legislature; as regu larly the Returning Board certified a majority of their seats to carpet baggers or scalawags or negroes not chosen; and when the true members met to organize for business the army was punctually on hand tp tumble them opt of their hall. Applied to Ike Kregldential K|ep|ipu, The election came off' on the proper day, supervised and controlled at every polling place by officers of the carpet bag interest. According to their own count, the result was a majority of 7,- 639 for the Tilden electors. It has never yet been denied tbat this majority was made up of ballots cast by citizens legal ly qualified. The vote was regularly taken and properly counted, and a true record of it made in perpetuarn rei ‘fflernpriftti}. Those facts being fi'nflis puted jt fellows that thp'fJildpu ejeotprs were duly appointed, if the people of the State have the appointing power, which they certainly have# unless the Oonstitntion and the statute book are not to be relied on. But the opponents of Tilden and Hendricks determined tbat the reoord of the appointment made by the people should be mutilated and changed so as to make it appear as if electors for Hayes and Wheeler had been obosen. They pretended to believe that violence and intimidation frightened tbe African Hayes men from tbe polls, and that their cowardice ought to I e visited, in the form of disfranchisement, on the heads of others who had interpiqity „uough to perform their political duty. The alle gation was utterly false. It was made not only without evidence to sustain it, but in tbe face of overwhelming proof to the contrary. All the places of regis tration and voting were guarded by tbe creatures of tbe Federal and State ad ministrations, superintendents, commis sioners, deputy marshals and soldiers, and all‘of rjrfeee slth dne j'pjc'p oaiff that the eipetfons peaceahip aqd‘ free. Indeed, it is Jitenply ijpppssible that any intimidation or violence could have been praotiaed. No sensible person ever gave credit to it for a moment. Not withstanding muoh mental anxiety about tbe result, various reasons oombined to make tbe election in Louisiana probably tbe most quiet and undisturbed in tbe Union. The Character at Its Members. The personnel of the Board justified the faith of the carpet baggers and their allies. If the evidence eouoerping its menjwwpg righto ig the in vestigating committee, they were mark ed out by the history of their previous lives, noted and signed to do any deed of shame which might be required at their bands. Wells was a Custom House officer at New Orleans, and one of tbe worst of that bad lot; a defaulter to tbe State of long standing, witbont charac ter fov or veracity, and for thirty year'd regarded as unworthy to be trusted. Anderson’s character for hon esty was equally bad; he bad earned it in part by aiding while he was a Senator to PH 1 BE ? j 6b BPPH % State. taking thjl pro ceeds' ta himself, uf the two mniattoes, one was indicted for larceny, and, after admitting his guilt, was allowed to es cape punishment, and prompt!® *'’ Ken into the Board. The Other was'too ig norant to koow his doty, but his testi mony showed such indifferent ♦- r- e obli"etjp r au uain that he'WSs’tfeeffi e4 1 w' as eilber of his bol league*, They comprehended the situation, saw the diflicultv n worit u e f ore them, and resolved to make it pay in some thing better than mere promises of “re cognition” however ’(generous and am ple." Wells, who was their spokesman in private as in public, wrote in strict confidence to a carpet-bag Senator then at Washington a letter which, being con densed into plain English, means this: “ There’s millions in it. See our friends gnd act promptly. Bqy us immediately or we will sell out to the other aide. Talk freely to the gentleman who pre sents this ;be knows the moves,” To tbe bearer of tbe letter be explained that it was very hard work to count in tbe Republican candidate -the democratic majority w 4B too large to handle—be wanted to serve his party, bat be would not take this job without compensation; be must have “$200,000 apiece for him self and Anderson, and a smaller sum for the niggers.” Qn this basis he au thorized his ambassador at Washington to negotiate with the Republican man agers. Af tbe same time be was offer ing himself at New Orleans to tbe Demo crats, at first for half a million, but af terward proposed that be would leave in enough votes to elect Mr. Nicbolls (Democratic candidate for Governor) if $200,000 cash were first placed in bis bands. Their Violation* or the Statate. The action of tbe retnrning officers in this whole bnsiness was unsupported by legal authority. The Legislature of the State did not, because it could not, give them power to disfranchise qualified electors. They lacked, therefore, tbe general jurisdiction which they assumed. Bnt that is not all; they proceeded in the very teeth even of the void statute which they professed to follow. That statute pretends to give them no snob authority as they exeroised over any re turn to which a protest or statement or oharge of intimidation is not attached when it is sent in by the Supervisor of Registration or the Commissioner of Eleotion, and the oharge so attached to the retarn must be supported by the affidavits of three citizens of tbe proper parish. Wanting this, tbe Board was abso lutely without tbe pretence of power to touob the return from any parish or polling place, except for the purpose of compiling it aud adding it as true to the others. By the election law of Lou isiana the Board has no more author ty to examine or decid j a question of in timidation which is not raised by the election officers than a private individual would have to steal it from tbe records and burn it. So stands tbe law. The fact is established by conclusive evi dence that from every one of the Demo cratic parishes tbe returns came up without any oharge, statement, or pro test. In all those cases they were there fore without color of jurisdiction. Foi-glni Affidavit* and Returns. But the conspirators could not afford to be balked of their game by tbe failure of tbe local officers to make a false charge of intimidation. These votes must be excluded per fat aut nefat, and tbe Returning Board must do it; tbat was wbat the Board was made for. The returning officers went npon the princi ple aut inveniam aut faciam. They made the protests whioh tbey conld not find; affidavits whioh no creature in the parishes was base enough to back with his oath were fabricated in the Custom House, and used by tbe Board with a full knowledge that tbey were mere counterfeits. The exclusion of returns on the ground of intimidation was in every case dishonest, for in none was there a particle of evidence to justify it. When nothing else would serve the pur pose, they did not scruple a resort to plain forgery. Of the return from Ver uon parish every figure on the whole broad sheet was altered with elaborate pains under the special direction of Wells. Pei jury and subornation of per jury entered largely into the business. There is hatdly any species of the cri men falsi for which tbe law has a pun ishment that did not become an ele mentary part of the great fraud wbiob was committed when the defeated elec tors and State officers of Louisiana were falsely certified as chosen by the people. President Ornnl’* t'uiiiplirity. Another question arises here, which the Muse of History may answer at her leisure: Is there auy justification of General Graut’s conduct in this busi ness? Within two or three days after the election it became perfectly well known to the whole country that in Louisiana there had been a full poll, and a large majority for tbe Tilden eleotors. No reason was suggested by anybody tor falsifying this result. The apprehen sion tbat it would be falsified in tbe re turn arose solely out of the fact tbat tbe election machinery of the State was in tbe hands of mere knaves who were just base enough to do it; and these were General Grant’s own knaves, whom for vears he had kept in their places by law less force. It was then that he said no man oould afford to be President by a fraud, und sent a committee to see that a true count was made. This was fair seeming enough, bnt he did not row the way he was looking. Every one ot his committee favored the fraud, and their report, which he endorsed and sent to Oongress, was a defense of it from be ginning to end, He bad supported and enforced frauds of tbe same kind sever al times before, and now bis troops were at New Orlerns avowedly to protect the carpet-baggers while they were repeating them ou a large scale. Besides, when Chandler promised tbe fraudulent Gov ernor of Florida to send troops and money to that State after tbe election— troops and money to count the votes—he declared in one of his dispatches that the President had been consulted. Still fur ther, while his party in Oongress were hplding up the frqud. he quswered the arguments iu fkvoy qf Tijden’e righfby oredring to tbe eftjiital all the eavalry,ar tillery aud infantry within reach.— Whether these oiroumstauoes be suffi cient or not to convict him of participa tion in the fraud, let the world judge. Tlie Creation of (lie Coioiui*ion. But how was the object of tbe con spiracy to be accomplished ? The House of Representatives was Demo cratic, and without its consent, express ed or implied in some form or another, the £jenatc could not give effect to a false count. The ffrst intention was to claim that the E rß of the Senate had power tp ffetprmige fth§Plfftejy anff arbi trarily wb<lt elegtoraJ vptoa' should be counted and wbat pot. This ws tbe great rallying point until Mr. Doubling took it up, and, in a speech of surpass ing ability, utterly demolished and re duced it to invisible atoms. It became settled, therefore, tbat tbe two Houses must count tbe votes, and this clearly implied the power to inqnire and deter mine what were votes, ft conld not be denied tbat the voice of the Houso of Representatives was at least as potential as tbat of the Senators ; and it was not supposed that the House would anger a fragd SO gjaring as this"to'be thrust down the throat of the oountry, “against the stomach of its sense.” But if the two bodies would declare inconsistent results of tbe count aud proclaim the election of different Presidents, a state of things might come which would sub ject our institutions to ?, strain severe enough to endanger fhera greatly. It was in these difficult circumstances that a mixed Commission of fifteen pro posed, cot smting of sye Senators, five qnff gve fudges of the Suprpfflp Onnrt. 'the mods of appoint ing them made it pertain that fourteen would be equally divided between the parties; ana as the fifth Judge wonld be named by the consent of his brethren ou both sides, he might be expected to stand between them, like a daysman, with a hand as heavy ou one head as the other. The Democrats consented to this in the belief tbat no seven Republi cans conld be taken from tbe Court or from Congress who wonld swear to de cide the truth an'd then uphold a known fraud if ibistakeii in that opinion of their adyerkj|ri iiccgsty, they fejt sore, at all events, that tire umpire would be a fair minded man. They were bitterly disappointed; the Commission went eight to seven for tbe great fraud and all its branches ; for fraud in the detail and in tbe aggregate ; for every item of fraud that was necessary to make tbe sum total big enough—eight to seyep all the time, -.- "’lt Refuse* to (fa It* Dutj. We must }oo£ qt sfote pf cage as it wpnt before the Op(atfljßift, rfjl de ftad fleudrie|,s Lad 184 eiector*l votes .dear and free of aii d>- ' less than a majorit” .. 006 ber Te-- * •> ul ttje whole num „v>y also had in Louisiana eight, and in Florida four, appointed by the people, but falsely certified to Hayes and Wheeler by the Governors. In Ore -69,? tiiW Jl a d °’ee by the Gov ernor, puf against wpom a popular ma jority pad been cast for an ineligible candidate. To elect Hayes it was ne cessary that each and every one of these thirteen votes should be taken from Til den and given to Hayes, As this re quired many diatinot rulings based upon contradictory grounds, the path of the Commission was not only steep but crooked. The great and important duty oast upon the Commission by a special law and by a special oath of each member waa to decide, i e the case of contested votes from a State, “whether any and what votes from such State are the votea provided for by the Constitution of the United States, and bow many and what persona were duly appointed electors in such State." It is not denied that the sole power of appointing electors for the States of Louisiana and Florida is in the people. It was then and still is an admitted fact aat the people had exer cised the power of appointment in the prescribed and proper way; they did du ly make an appointment of electors, and tbeir act was duly recorded, and so made a perpetual memory. This thing was not “done in a oorner;” it was “seen and known of all men.” That each of the two States named had duly appointed Tilden electors at a regular election call ed for that purpose on the 7th of No vember, in pursuance of law, was a part of their history as mnch as the fact that they were States of the Union. All the members of the Commission anew it as well as they knew the geographical po sition of Tallahassee or New Orleans. It needed no proof; but if speoifio evi dence had beeu required, there was the record, from which the truth glared upon them as dear as the sun. They shut tbeir eyes upon the record, and re fused to see “how many and what per sons were duly appointed eleotors” by the people, bnt listened eagerly to the evidenoe (aliunde though it was) whioh showed “now many aud what psrsous” had been designated by the letnruiug officers. It was ultimately held (eight to seven) tbat tbe appointees of tbe Re turning Board were duly appointed, and the appointees of the people aero undu ly appointed. Did the eight suppose that the legal power to make suoh au ap pointment was vested by law iu the Re turning Boards ? Did they think it was not vested in tbe people ? No, that is impossible. But they may have con scientiously believed that the interest of their faction wonld be well served by Hayes’ eleotion. Tbey may have been prompted by a virtuous admiratiou of carpet bag government, and were sin cerely anxious to save it from Tilden’s reform. It* Peulfogglu*. But this decision in favor of fraud which so shocked the common sense aud oommon honesty of the nation was not made without some attempt to justify it. The eight gave reasons so many and so plausible that Kellogg aud Wells must have chuckled with delight wheu they heard them. One argument very seriously urged was that it would be troublesome, and require a great deal of time, te ascertain who was duly ap pointed by the people. It was much easier to accept tbe false vote aud say no more about it. To decide how many and what persons got certificates from the Retnrning Board was a short and simple process; but to push the inquiry behind that—to inquire whether the certificate was honest, to look for the evidence which would show who were duly appointed— hie labor hoc opus est. The seven reminded the eight, but re minded them in vain, that the due ap pointment which nobody iu the world, except the people, had the least right to make, was (he very thiDg whioh they were there to find out; and they oould uot be excused from a duty to wbieh they were pledged aud sworn by the mere ineonvenienee of performing it. Besides, the eight knew very well that there was no difficulty in it; it was but looking at the record of the nppoinment as the people made it up; they oould read it as they ran; tbe truth was plainer than the lie; the honesty of the case was as easily seen as the fraud. Bnt no per suasion could influence them to cast even a glance at tbe actual appoint ment. What did they think this Com mission was made for? Why was this great combination of learning and state craft set up ? According to tbe eight its sole purpose was, not to determine any matter in dispute between tbe parties, but merely to deolare tbat the Return ing Boards had certified for the Hayes eleotors; whioh everybody knew already, and nobody ever denied. If its object was what tbe law said—to deoido wbo were duly appointed-then the eight suc ceeded in making it merely a spleu.iid abortion, because, among other reasons, it was too muoh trouble to make it any thing else. Hedging far Oregon. But the Commission, following the lead of counsel for Mr, Hayes, insisted that the certificate of the proper State officer ought to be regarded as conclu sive evidence of the apf ointment made by tbe people. It is undoubtedly true that the State has a right to speak on this subject through her qwu organs, and when she ffoea so speak, her voice should be regarded as true. Bnt what officer is her proper organ ? The Gov ernor being her political chief, aud his certificate being required by act of Oon gress, it would uot have been unreason able to bojd tfi&t it was conclusive un less taiuted with fraud. The Hayes electors had the Executive certificate in Louisiana and Florida, and this, in re gard to those States, gave the eight a great legal advantage. But they threw it away, abandoned the utteatuliou of the Governor as worthless, claimed no faith or credit for it, and pronounced it open to ooutradigtion, no matter how houestly jt may have been given. What was the meaning of this phenomenal ruling which apparently opened the door of investigation eveu wider than the Democrats asked 2 It under stood by everybody, 't'he Commission was bedgigg fur Oregon. The eight were reaching across to tbe Pacific for the one vote there, which was just as importaut as the twelve on the Gulf of Mexico. But having goue behind the Gover nor's certificate for the sake of correcting errors, could there be aDy possible 'noti fication for stnppiug before the truth was reached ? If ihS head of the Com mouwealth, whose attestation is re quired by Federal law, went for nothing whenever it was contradicted, how oould tbe conclusiveuesß be asserted of a paper made by subordinate officers un known outsidp p{ the qtate, and power less eyen hy HIP local luw tq make a cer tificate of more than' ' yrinw tjav'w valid ity ? Yd the Electoral Commission (eight to seven) dapped that the Gover nor’s certificate might be act aside for a more mistake of taw or teat, while that of the Returning Board would stand, though knowu to be founded on false hood and saturated all through with corruption. Evidence Aliunde. The unvarying preference of the eight Commissioners for the over the true beoqmes striking at this point. Whan tppy got behind the Governor’s papers they found lying aliunde two other sets of documents, one of which was a record of the actual appointment made by the people; the other 2as a mere fabrication of the F.ctu*uiuj|<Board without anv se^bjapoeof truth; they embraced tHo latter with all the ardor of sincere Bisection, and rejected the former with all possible marks of their dislike. To giyb tjie decrees pi the Boards the epect claimed for them it wag necessary to hold that they were legally invested with judicial pow ere, apd that their jurisdiction, whether rightly of erroneously eserased, was ab solute over the whole subjeot matter. In Florida the statute which creates the Board gave it nothing except ministerial §owers, and the Supreme Court of that tate solemnly pronounced its claim of judicial authority to be "un founded. Brd Julfeeioral Commis sion 'could Hot be influenced by either the written or the unwritten law. The Commission conceded to the Louisiana Board all the judicial power i$ needed to sanctify its &>*fcanehisemet Q * the people in the face of the Constitution, which expressly forbade it. This general jurisdiction was not all they bestowed on those Boards; they declared in substance that it might be well exercised in partic ular cases where it was not invoked ac cording to the law whiofj ag ¥o them being, as, fof ifißtftnea, whßrfft l %oui- WM? lifted a proteSj Of ajgdayft. ’4'+.V Mftib The eight Uowwjw." stop Oiuio. TP— jners did not I*!-' -y went much further, -y practically justified and sustained all the infinite rascality of the Return ing Boards. They not only refu ed to take voluntary notice of the atrocious frauds perpetrated by them, but they excluded tbe proofs of tbeir corruption which the Democratic counsel held in their hands and offered to exhibit.— These Commissioners choked off the evidenee, and smothered it as remorse lessly as Wells and his associates sup pressed Democratic returns. And this they put on tbe express ground that to them it was all one whether the action of these Boards was fraudulent or not. They would suffer no proof of corrup tion to invalidate the right claimed by a Hayes man to put in tbe vote of a State for bis candidate. This monstrous and unendurable out rage was resisted to tbe utmost. All of the seven implored and protested against it. Judge Clifford, the President of the Commission, laid it down as a maxim of the common law that frand vitiates what ever it touches, and proved it unde niably. He might Lave proved more. It is not merely a maxim of tbe common law ; it belongs to all countries and all ages; no code can claim it exclusively; it pervades all systems of jurisprudence; it bas its home in every honest heart; it is tbe universal sentiment of all just men; it applies to all human dealings. Judge Field looked in tbe face of the majority, and told them plainly that tbeir disre gard of this great principle was “as shoobing in morals as it was unsonnd in law,” and added: “It is elementary knowledge that fraud vitiates all pro ceedings, even tbe most solemn; that no form of words, no amount of ceremony, no solemnity of proceeding, can shield it from exposure, or protect its struc ture from assault and destruction.” But tbe eight were as deaf as adders to tbe voice of reason and justice. They would not permit tbe frand to be assaulted, much less to be destroyed. They stood over it to shield it, protect it and save it, interposing the broad segis of tbeir authority to cover it against every at tack. $2 A YEAR—POSTAGE PAID The eight persistently denied their power or that of Congress to do what they were commauded by the law to do that is, decide who were duly ap pointed. They would only decide that certain persons were named as electors by a Returning Board. They would not understand that the appoiutmeut by tbe people m>ght be one thing, and the ac tion of the Returning Board another, or that the latter, eveu as evideuce of the former, was worthless if it was fraudu lent. Tliiuible-lliaitiug Kioriilu iiul. They insisted that the Returning Board certificate must be received with all the houors; to questiou its verity would be usurpation upon State rights, whioh they (the eight) were most care ful to preseive intact and unimpaired. “But,” said they, “if a Returning Board behaves unfaithfully, the State herself, by her own authorities, must see to it and correct the wrong.” Thereupon came Florida, aud showed that she had, in fact, made the correction. AH the departments of her government—her Legislature, her Courts, aud her Execu tive —had at different times examined and revised the aotion of her Returning Board; pronounced it false, fraudulent, aDd void; declared tbat the Tilden eleo tors were duly appointed, and left the Hayes candidates without a shred of authority to vote for the State. There stood the State herself upright before the august com uissiou, with all the evi denoe in her hand, protesting against the fraud and demanding thut no vote should be received except the vote of her own eleotors duly appointed by her people. But the Commission answered that under the circumstances of this case she had no right to defend herself against the fraud of a Returning Board any more than she had to be defended by the Federal authorities. Whatever she might do, or deoido, or resolve upon, the great fraud was he.e master, and she must submit. So it appeared, after all the flue speeches about State rights, that Florida hud but one right—the right to be oheuted out of her vote by the same kuaves who had already rob bed her of her property. The right was sacred and intangible, and tbe Com mission promptly put her in full posses sion of it. A Jiidiciul Decision Disregarded. In the case of Florida there was one piece of evidence offered whioh not only commended itself strongly to tho con sideration of just men, but, being sup ported by eertain artificial rules of pleading aud practice, it was expected to fiud acceptance in the narrowest mind on tbe bench. This was the record of a judicial proceeding commenced iu a Florida Court by writ of quo warranto at the suit of the State upon the rela tion of the Tilden electors against the Hayes electors. The parties came into Court and pleaded, aud the issue made betweeu them was, whether one set or the other (the relators or the defendants) were duly appointed electors of Presi dent aud Vice-President by aud for the State of Florida. Evidenoe was taken, the cause was debated by counsel on both sides, and after consideration it was adjudged by the Court against the defendants and in favor of the Staff*, that the relators were duly appointed and the defendants not. This fact thus determined by the Qouvt, was precisely the fact afterward controverted by tbe same parties before the Commission. When submitted to the latter tribunal, it was res judicata ; uot only true, but fixed and settled beyoncj the reach of oontradietiou. Tne judgment was not impeached for fraud or reversed for error, It was iu full force and virtue. It was not denied that the Court which made the adjudication had entire and complete jurisdiction both of the sub ject matter aud of the parties. Ry W JI reason and all authority the Gommwaion was bound to respect tffis judgment as conclusive Rut to have done this wp.ulfi have made Tilden President UUd defeated the purpose of all the frauds in Louisiana and Florida both. They did uot do it; they allowed the judgmeut to have no effect tit all, They but looked to see wjjftt it was, aud im mediately swept jt out of sight. Tbey put it far from them, aud theu proceed ed to pronounce a different judgement, which suited tho Hayes meu better. How could they breuk all the bars of legal authority which fenced them about? What startling hoffi did they find to escape from (ho corner into which tbey were driven and penned up by the Ja\v y.j tie- land ? We shall see, Mtolb Action Nullified, They said tho judgment &* the Court was too late; it was pronounced after the Hayes electors had met and made out thejy yotes, aud sent them to the President of the Senate. Here were two sets of electors, each claiming the ex clusive right to vote for the State, and both of them actually seut up their bal lot*. Gue of them was duly appointed, and had tfie authority of mere pretend ers, who were not duly appointed, aud, having uq authority, tlieir vote was a mere nullity, Whioh party was right, aud which wrong? The oonfliot must be settled somehow. Where was the jurisdiction to determine it? Undoubt edly, and by universal admission, the power was in the Courts of the State from which both, ffiaimants professed to derive (heir authority. The proper Stutw Court did determine it; but the Commissioners said thut however com petent the jurisdiction of the Caurt.it was too late in making its decision, and then they proceeded, in ine exercise of a jurisdiction ex&utly similar, to deoide the questions of fact and law the other way. Now comes the query; If the Court’s decision was worthless be cause it was late, what wa* the value of the Commission’s judgment, which was later ? Toy eight did actually, not in wyyds, h.Ut io substance and effect, give vent tp, the hatd absurdity that it was too late in January to deoide the dispute in favor of Tilden, but uot too late in February to deoide it in favor of Hayes. In Favor of Fraud Every Time. Another thing they said : This judg ment, though it proved the foe* that the Hayes claimants were ae.* duly appoint ed, and had Uiia to the office of elec- moi invalidate the acts previ i ously done by them while they were de facto in the exercise of the powers rfeey usurped. There is a just find pedesaary rule of law which the va lidity of act regularly done by an offi cer afcail aid depend on the title by which he holds tbe office. You may re move aSheriff by a quowarranto without destroying the titles of all who purchas ed land at his sales, or a Judge VxdLO’pt vacating his decreuH, or a with out saying that in*, <4 a public debt ig but whwa a wsuwea U special authority ,J 0 a WtiWta (Mug Wife whdi7 of the act iIZ fe 1 Ui# to do U eia't - ui" applies bere. These S 1 - ° ... claimed a right to vote for the atate under a special appointment given them to do that one act. When a com petent Court adjudicated as matter of fact that tbe Hayes electors bad no ap pointment, it was a logical and legal ne cessity which declared the unauthorized votes to he null and void. If this were not tbe principle, then any impostor, or any number of impostors, might send up tbeir ballots, and one would be as good as another. But again, let it not be forgotten that the Tilden eleotors bad also voted at tbe same time in the same way. Why did not this fact make as mnch weight for them as for the others ? It will ex cite tbe wonder of the world to learn that, in the opinion of the eight, a per son who voted under an appointment given him by tbe people according to taw could not be even a de facto elector, but another person who had nothing to olaim by except the false, fraudulent, and void declaration of a Returning Board was good de facto, if he was good for nothing else. This doctrine of de facto sanctification, saving acts which have no other “relish of salvation in them,” and making the votes of unau thorized men as good as if they came from persons duly appointed, cuts a great figure throughout tbe whole case. It is not applicable, but the eight apply it everywhere, and, strange to say, they never use it when it does not make in favor of some frand or other. One who votes according to the public will of the State, legally expressed through the ballot-boxes, is de facto nothing. But if be was defeated or ineligible, he is de facto all he wants to be. One of tbe Haves eleotors in Louisiana was a Fed eral officer; bis election was forbidden by tbe Constitution of the United States, and be was not eleoted but beaten at the polls; de facto strained its utmost power on him, and pulled him through in spite of Constitution and people both. But his Democratic competitor, who had acted as an elector in the same way and to the same extent, was legally chosen by an overwhelming majority, aod con stitutionally eligible; therefore de facto conld do nothing for him. Frand Under the Faring of Law. In all the discussions of the snbjeot the men disposed to favor the oon spiracy professed a most profound ven eration for the “forms of law.” This was the keynote struck at New Orleans by the Visiting Oommittee, and it is heard in every subsequent argument of oounsel and commissioner on that side. It seemed to bo understood among them that a formal cheat was perfectly safe from exposure. If the sepulchre was whited on the outside, it made no differ ence that it was tilled with “corruption, dead men’s bones, and all unoleanli ness. ” No refuge of lies could be swept away, no biding place of falsehood could ever be uncovered, if it was built in the prescribed form. Only give it the legal shape, and the overflowing soourge would be turned aside. But legal form, however valuable as a covering for fraud, was, in their judgment, no pro tection for truth or jnstioe or publio right. The will of Louisiana was pro nounced at the election with all the solemnities required bp the laws of the State and of the United States. The appointment of the Tilden electors on the 7th of November was a perfectly legal piece of work: there was not a flaw iu the record of it as it oame from the hands of the appointing power. But it was looked on with perfect contempt. Neither the Visiting Oommittee, nor the Hayes oounsel, nor the eight Com mis sioners, bestowed on it any of their love. Their affections were otherwise engaged ; they gave the homage and deVotion of their heartft.to the beautiful regularity, the exquisite precision with which the Betnruing Board compound ed its false certificate. Another paradox of the eight is curi ous enough to be noted. They declared repeatedly that they had no right to try a contested election case, and for that reason they would not look at the evi dence which showed that persons were duly appointed by the people. Now mark! The case was this. Eaoh of these votes came accompanied by what was asserted to be proof that it was east by electors duly appointed. The con flict was to be determined by the verify ing power whioh Congress unquestion ably has, and whioh the Commissioners expressly assumed when they swore that they would decide who were duly ap pointed. To decide it one way or an other required precisely the same juris diction, andoalled into exercise the same faculties. Yet they held thr.'i if they decided according to the truth in favor of the eleotors actually appointed they would be trying a contested eleotion - but if they deoided in favor of the pre tenders, who had nothing but a fraudu lent certificate, they would not be trying a contested election; in other words, their jurisdiction was full and ample to deoide it falsely, but wholly unequal ta the duty of deciding it truly. Ineligible Electors Recognized. Perhaps nothing shows more plainly the animus of the eight Commissioners than the determination they made upon the case of Brewster, ineligible elector in Louisiana. Keep in miud that their defined duty was to decide who were duly appointed, and what votes were provided for by the Constitution, and think how they performed it in this part of the case. Brewster was not only de feated at the polls like the rest; he was besides a Federal officeholder, and the Constitution expressly deolares that no suoh person shall be appointed an elec tor, But for the purpose of electing Mr. Hayes his vote was worth as much as all the others. To get that vote for their candidate they were required to go further than they went for any of the rest, and so they held: 1. That the cer tificate of the Returning Board was propria rigor e an appointment. 2. That it was a due appointment, though cor rupt and dishonest. 3. That this was a vote provided for tne Constitution, though the Constitution in plain words provided against it. Tlie Fall Extent of the Outrage. After all, there was but on.u question before the Commission., Had the American people a right to elect their own Chief Magistrate ? They had the right. Their ancestors struggled for it long, fought for it often, and won it fairly. Being embodied in their Con stitution, it Cannot be destroyed except by a force strong enough to overthrow tne organic structure of the Government itself. Legislative enaotments or judi cial decisions arc powerless either to strengthen or impair it. The legerde main of law craft, the catches of special pleading, the snapperadoes of practice, do not help us to deoide a matter like this. A great uution must not be im paled upon a pin’s point. Precedents whioh might bind a Court of Quarter Sessions determining the settlement of a pauper cannot tie up the Lauds of the Supreme legislature defending a funda mental right of the whole people. When Grenville, in 1766, cited the au thority of divers cases to show that America might be taxed without repre sentation, Pitt answered : “I come not here armed at all points, with the statute book doubled down in dog’a ears to de fend the cause of liberty. I can ac knowledge uo veneration for any proce dure, law, or ordinance, that is repug nant to reason and the first principles of our Constitution. I rejoice that America has resisted." So spoke the defiant friend of our race in the presence of a hostile Parliament ten years before thei Declaration of Independence. And now, after this long interval of time, we be hold our greatest right—the right on which all other rights depend—success fully assailed in our own Congress with the samo small weapons that Grenville used. If brutal force had crushed it out, we might have borne the calamity/ with fortitude; but to see it circumvent ed by knavery and pettifogged to death, is too much to be endured with any show of patience. If the majority of that Commission could but have realized their responsi - bility to God and man, if they could on ly have understood that in a free coun try liberty and law are inseparable, they would have been enrolled among out greatest benefactors* for they wor.id have added strength and granduei to our institutions. But they could not come to the height of the great subject. V-orty passion so benumbed their facul ties that a fundamental right seemed nothing to them when it oame in con flict with some argument supported by artificial reasoning, and drawn from the supposed analogies of teohnioal proce dure. The Constitution was, in their judgment, outweighed by a void Btatute. and the action of a corrupt Returning- Board. these things be remembered by our children’s children; and if the friends of free government shall ever again have such a oontest, let them take, care how they leave the decision of it to a tribunal like that whioh betrayed, the nation hy enthroning the Great Fraud of 1878, J. S. Biaok. THE ORDER Of THE DAY,. tlac.Unliun’a military Review at tbe Bale de Balogae—A Tremenjou. Hen.aiiou— Military Despotism tbe Cry of Ills Poes. Paris, Jnly3,—The Olerieal and Bo napartist papers are delighted with President MaoMahon’s order issued on the ocoasion of the review in the Bois de Bologne. It haa caused a tremen dous sensation. Le Pays says, referring to President MacMahon’s order of tbe day to the troops who participated in tbe review on Sunday : “At last we feel that we are ruled by a hand that wields a sword. Tbe chief of tbe army bas appealed to the bayonets, and all must now return to their duty.” PRISTINE PURITY OP THE PARTY. Blaine at the Robesoa Dinner—Makes a Speech Aboat the Hood Days of Hrantlani— Hen. Kilpatrick of the Army Oh ! Tbrnton, July B.— At the Robeson dinner Mr. Blaine was received with great enthusiasm. He defended Repub licanism, especially as it was adminis tered by General Grant; the protection of the rights of citizenship in every State was its cardinal feature, and a Government that did not offer protec tion to every citizen in every State had no right to demand allegianoe. Nothing was said in reference to the present Ad ministration, except by implication. Tbe maintenance of the party intact was strongly urged. General Kilpatrick spoke of the army, and dealt some hard blows as to its present condition. It was long after midnight before tbe as semblage broke op. “Sea foam, indeed 1 Yon may talk about tbe froth of the ocean es much as you please, but my ideal is rather found in the lightness aod parity of snow,” said a lady to her friend. “That’s the kind of rolls, biscuit and cake made by that prince of domestic help, Dooley’s Y< “t Powder. I’ll use nothing else in my Louse.”