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®|e toeeMj) (Efywttitfo & CrnistifttHonaifet OLO SERIES—VOL. ICII. NEW SERIES—VOL LI. Cljromclf anft .gmimtl WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 6. 1877. EDITORIAL NOTES. Tee lovdy young woman In the Treasury Department whom •entler MsDonaldU •atd to be about to marry D Mr*. Sub Trl rbt. Ssnatohs express the opinion (hat an nnuaually large number of nominations will be returned to the President without aetion, at the close of the session. Twe people of Eastern Maryland are growling because, in the scarcity of quails, sora, snipe and woodcoek, they are reduced to oysters and canvas-back ducks. A New Orleans man went deck hunt ing last Sunday and died of apoplexy while engaged in that sport The leeal press said : “In his loss our city loses ene of her beet citizens and the State a patriot’* Grn. Grant wouldn’t go behind the scenes at the Grand Opera, Puri?, although invited by the director.— Exchange. When General Hhernan read this paragraph he sighed and said : “The service aint what it used to be.” —Cinointiali Gatehe. A boot. Hamid, Sultan of Turkey, is haviDg built a marble staircase which will cost $1,350,000. The Providence Toel Company, which is making arms and am munitian for the Turks, doea not like ta hear this any more than it did the fall of Kars. According to Buell, that elongated agony of avarice and treachery which goes by the aameof John Sherman seems en dowed with a quality of lock that is abso lutely Irrepressible. The meaner he is the more he succeeds. He reverses the old rule tliat virtue is its own reward. I dbolabb, in the name of Almighty God, that no man has the right to be worth $100,000,000. — Talmage. We declare, with a full realisation of the awful enormity of the offense of trying to come in on brother Talmage, that we are not guilty,— Wor euUer I‘rtm. The Baltimore American asserts that there is a crusade against dancing in Baltimore society, and nearly all the young ladies who belong to the church are excluding that amusement from their parties this season. The German clubs are also poorly patron ized this year. Goi.dwin Smith writes a letter on public opinion in England on the Husso-Turkish war. He says the party which stood by the North during our civil war now stands by Russia, and the party which sympathized with tiie South and aided it, sympathizes now with Tmrkey, and would aid it if it could. A lady correspondent of the Cologne Go estie saw Mkiiemkt A t.t at his house in Constantinople. While there a telegram was brought in and he asked her to trans late it. The message was from Mr. K., of Amsterdam, and read : “Baw your face in the papers. Are you my long lost brother John P” * Mean of the corruption among Russian women arises from licentious books which ure smuggled by booksellers. It is just as easy to buy a wicked book surreptitiously as it is to buy a John Stuart Mill or a -Charles Dickens. The principal seller - of literature of this kind in Russia is Trik nikff, a Pole. q Bismarck is credited with a rather sav age tnot, apropos of the recent report that the Duchess of Edinburgh, who is Colonel ■of a Russian regiment, wished to go to the -war and become an officer in reality as woll as In name. “Why not f” replied Bismarck, “The Russians have been led by old women hitherto ; let them try a young one for a change.” Eighteen thousand men are now en gaged in the express business. Express and it is estimated that its messengers daily travel 800,600 miles. Three thousand five hundred horses are employed, and over 8,000 offices are required to transact their business in, and an amount of capital Is in vested not less than $80,000,000. Ths England of to day, according to the Missouri Jlejmblican, is a sturdy shop keeper, who believes in attending to his own business, letting other people’s alone, and making money thereby. If insulted, or if an attempt is made to rob him, he will fight; but not otherwise. In the present sase John Bull will bark load and long, fie will not bite. 4*. When I was a girl, the gentlemen eame •out in their true colors over their wine. Now they are as close ns wax, drinking, and oveu when they are tipsy they koep their secrets. Rut once let them get by themselves and smoke, the very air is soon 'filled with scandalous secrets none of the ladies in the hou-o ever dreamed of.— Miss Maitland. TnE general committees on church ex tension of the Methodist Episcopal Church, at its session in Philadelphia, adopted a report of the committee on the amounta asked for in various localities. These in clude for Alabama and South Carolina $1,500 each; Virginia and West Virginia, $1 ,000 each ; Florida, Georgia and Tennes see, SBOO each ; Delaware, S(H). Sharon at first thought of coining, and it was so announced, hut ho telegraphed, under date of Thursday, from San Fran • cisco, in a private dispatch to Geo. C. Gor ham, Clerk of the Seuate, as follows : “I have 3,000 tons of silver bricks waiting for the Silver Bill to pass, and am engineering ■.a movement in Ophir stock. Senate can go to hell 1” Hence it would be useloes to wait for him. Continental Europe has 19.500,00fi spi utiles and Great Britain 89, 000,000. But Ike continental spindle takes fifty-three guilds at a time, while the English takes thi'.riy-thres pounds. This country has 10,00'0,000 spindles, each taking sixty-three pounds. The annual consumption ia the United S , * tes *® 830,000,000 pounds; on the Continent, 1,088,000,000 pounds; and #reat Britain, I,S*'Boo,ooo pouads. Mb. M. L. B.ve’bergf.k, a wholesale wine dealer of Berlin, ha,s lately publishetl the eoiupouent parts of iJ*e various brands of German, French, and Spanish wines on sale in Germany. All weve analysed, and found to contain deleterioits matter. But few were made from grapes, and two wers found entirely destitute Jf natitral product. Is this a sample of France’s terrible re venge ? Thk Boston Globe has this item : “While A. H. Stephens, of Georgia, voted for the Silver bill and will rote for the Resumption n tpeal bill, be is of opinion that it will be dis. N * ,rou * to tha country if the anti-re* sump tionists gain control of the country. — And h. w Mr. Stephens no conscience in this matt, v ? 18 he deliberately voting for a measure th %t ** ruinous to the interests of the natio.' £ix ** Mr. Stephens she v uid explain. It appears tha ' 2# Republicans and 104 Democrats voted l"* r llle repeal of the re sumption act, while . Republicans and 88 Democrats voted again '•* **• rw England voted solid against re pea/- except Ben But lbr, who dodged, and Ph Democrat, of Connectieut New YorWe ,New Jersey, Michigan, California. Oregon, Jifvada and Nebraska, without regard to th# party, voted solidly against repeal. N'orth Caro lina, (leorgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Kleu'- tucky. Arkansas, Kansas, and A Vest Vir ginia voted solidly in favor of re pea.’,. "She East cast fourteen for repeal and dixty aeven against. The West, a matter of sur prise to all, cast only thirty-nine for to forty-one against. The South, seventy nine for and thirteen against. Of these thirteen, nino were Republicans, being all feat one of the Republicans from Mm Seath. THE UEOKHIA MABBHAMRIF. We publish this morning a letter from Senator Gokdcs to Mr. W. A. Busy, of Macon, correcting some misapprehen sion* of the latter concerning the Geor gia Marshalahip, and incidentally show ing that it is a dangerous game for even the shrewdest politician to assume the Janur- like part of affecting to be a Re publican and Democrat simnltaneoasly, and, like Orator PtwWv having two tones to his Yoice. Senator Gordon exposes Mr. Hu Ye so completely that no further words are necessary from ns. The President seems to have been disgnsted with the sharp practice attempted, and hence the very acts deemed most potent to defeat 001, O. P. FmasiMONß were effectual in his favor with an Execntive who “rises above party” and is “every inch a man.” RBPUBMOAN KACm. The Republican papers all over the country are howling at Sharon for re maining away from the Senate and at Pattrrbon and Oonothb for voting with ths Democrats and thus, for the first time sinse 1861, securing a party tri umph to what has hitherto been con sidered the minority of the npper House of Congress. Great stress is laid npon the faot that this disoomfitnre has been brought abont by carpet-bag gers. It is a case of righteous retri bution. The oarpet-bag Senators were created for a certain infamous purpose. They were used as long as suoh a thing oonld be done with im punity, but times have changed and the few carpet-baggers in the Senate are only following the fashion set them by higher powers. The ability to back up carpet-bag governments in the South, ala Grant, no longer exists. Patter son and Conover understand this, and they very properly look out for them selves and endeavor to make amends for long years of villainy. The con tract is broken on both sides by fail ure on one side The Repub lican Senators surely do not in sist that they made these men in the image ef slavery t Are they not peers of Edmunds and Conklino ? Did not those worthies and their colleagues so constitute them T Are Senators to be bulldozed ? Shame npon Republicans for snch arrant treachery to truly loyal principles and the boasted rights of man, without distinction of color and condition 1 Sinoe Mr. Summit was displaoed from the Chairmanship of the Commit tee od Foreign Relations, principally by the votes of carpet-bag Senators, who owed everything they had politically to him and his machinations, the mills of the gods have been grinding slowly and snrely. Retribntion has been on the march and it will not stop nntil the crimes of Radicalism are fully punished. Ay, the Avenger is abroad, and the chief instrumentalities of vindication are jnst those weapons employed to destroy the South. “Time,” says a contemporary, “makes all things even, and it is bntthe justice of fate that the usurpation which a single vote made possible should be so completely undone by a single vote, less than a twelvemonth after the parti san majority in the electoral tribunal set their seal upon the fraud. Oontrol ing neither the President nor the lower branch of the national legislature the Republican party now finds itself abont to be dispossessed of its only remaining remnant of power. It is the old story over again and the orimes by which thejf have sought to perpetuate their power have only served to speed its ending the faster.” Patterson and Conover may be whipped-back into the traces. Blainb may break his pair with Grover, and Sharon may come in the niok of time to preserve temporarily the ascendency of the Revolutionary party daring this session. Bnt the hand writing is on the wall, and, before many months, the Democratic party will con trol the Senate as it controls the Honse, and as it will control the whole country in 1880. A NOTABLE WBDDINB. The marriage of the Duke of Norfolk to Lady Flora Hastings ia the aooial event of the day in high life. The pres ent Dnke is the fifteenth of the line and head of the illustrious family of How ard. After royalty, he stands at the head of the English nobility, being Premier Duke and Hereditary Earl Marshal. He is 80 years of age and more oonspioious for a blameless life and religious prominenoe than for world ly ambition or great talents. His gifts are eminently praotieal and a large part of his 81,500,000 annual income is devoted to the improvement of bis tenantry. The Duke and his wife are Roman Catholics, the one born so and the other by recent adoption. The Earldom of the Duke dates from 1185 iu the family of Biod, and the Duke dom from 1488, in the family of Howard, the latter title having been granted by Richard HI to the Lord High Admiral of England SDd France, who was killed at Bosworth Field. The seoond Dnke was the famous victor of Flodden Field. The third Duke repeatedly in vaded Scotland at the head of English armies, and presided over the tribunal that condemned Anns Bolbtx. His niece was the third Queen of Henry VIII. The poet of the family, Hhnrt Howard, Earl of, Suekht, aspired to the hand of Princess Mart and was beheaded. His eon be came fourth Duke, intrigued for the hand of the Queen of Scots, Mart, and also lost his life. The title has been often attainted, but always restored. The most celebrated member of the family was probably Lord Howard, of Effing ham, who destroyed the Spanish Ar- mada. The New York World gives a most interesting sketch of the bride and her surroundings. We are informed that the first Marquis of Hastings was our old Revolutionary friend, Lord Rawdow, who divided with Tableton the honors, suoh as they were, of the British campaigns in Virginia and the Oaro linas. In 1793, by the death of his father, he became Earl of Moira, and in 1804 he married Flora Campbex*,, Countess of Loudoun, in her own right. Twelve years afterward he was created Marqnis of Hastings. He died in 1886; his oldest daughter, Lady Flora Hast ings, was a lady to the bed ehamber to the Duchess of Khjw, the mother of Queen Victoria. After her aooession to the crown the yonng Queen, it was said, conceived a certain jealousy of Lady Fbora, in connection with the attentions paid her by a nobleman, Lord Elphinstonu, for whom, it has always been rumored, the youthful sovereign felt a regard not recognised by the roy al marriage aot of Great Britain. Be this as it may, suspicions were provoked as to the conduct of Lady Flora, which led to decisive action on the part of the young Queen and to a terrible social scan dal in London. The friends of the yonng lady were intensely exasperated by the course pursued by the Queen, and the young lady herself fairly broke down died under the shame and suffering inflicted on her by the notoriety of the whole affair. After her death in 1889 an autopsy demonstrated her entire inno oenoe, and naturally evanomed the views taken by her widespread and powerful family connection of the whole mat ter. Lady Flora’s brother, the eeo ond Marquis of Hahtinos, married the Baroness Gbbt db Ruthin in 1881, and died in 18*4, leaving by her two sons and fonr daughters. The eldest son, who succeeded as third Marquis, lived only seven years after accession, and was succeeded by his younger brother, Hbnbt - Wbsvord - Chaslbs- Plantaga wet, fourth and last Marquis. This yonng noblemas, born in 1842, died in 1868, having contrived in his short lifa to “ran through” his magnificent pa trimony in a career of splendid dissipa tion and reckless gambling quite un rivaled since the days of the wioked Duke of Wharton. Fonr years before his death the last Marquis married Lady Florbhch Paoht, a daughter of the Marquis of Anolmssa, who, after appear ing one night at the opera as the afflano ed bride of Mr. Hbnby Chitlin, the next day drove to a shop in Oxford street, passed through it, came out in Vere street, got into another oarriage, and wont'off to become Marchioness of Hant 15os. On the death of the fourth Mar quis all his titles except his Scotch hon ors became extinot or fell to abeyanoe, and his sister, Lady Elkh Maud Hast- ings, succeeded him as Oountess of Lou doun, Baroness of Loudoun, Farrinyean and Mauchline in the peerage of Soot land. In 1871 she became also Baroness of Botreanx, Hungerfard, Hastings and de Molevns in the peerage of England. With extraordinary energy she devoted herself to clearing off thejinenmbranoes left upon the great family estates by her spendthrift brother, and before her death in 1874 she succeeded completely in doing this, so that her son, the pres ent Earl of Loudoun, and the brother of the newly made Duohess of Norfolk, en tered then npon the enjoyment of a noble property pnt into order by the skill, patience and oonrage of his moth er. At her death the Gonntess of Lou doun, who had never set foot in the Court of Queen Viotobia, charged her heirs to out pff her right hand and to bury it olenched under a column of white marble, ornamented by a cross, at an angle of her seat of Donnington Park, in Derbyshire, which overlooked a long range of the railway over which the Queer; yearly travels northward to Balmoral. On the oolnmn she ordered them to inscribe the grim and menacing motto : “I byde my time.” So stem and superstitious a hatred, belonging it wonld seem to other times than onrs, testifies at least to the resolute and fear less temper of the blood whioh flows through the veins of the yonng bride. AT BAT. The Republican Senators are reduced to their last ditoh, and tremendously do they struggle to extricate themselves from a very unpleasant predioament. To be at the mercy of Patterson and Con over is gall and wormwood to Conklino and Edmunds, bnt they are simply drinking from the ohalioe so long com mended to Southern lips. The Presi dent they antagonise has, it is said, been appealed to for help in persuading Con over to retnrn, bnt he does not seem in clined to do anything of the kind. Fail ing in this, they try to drive him clean over into the Democratic oamp, so that they oan raise the same hneand cry they raised against Andrew Johnson ; bnt the President remains neutral. Any thing in reason he will no donbt do to please his party friends, bnt he does not intend to throw over Lamar, Gordon, Stbthbns and other Democrats who have dealt with him most kindly and honorably. The New York limes, with ill-oon oealed wrath, says : “The events of the next few days will show whether the Democrats are engaged in the man rauvre which is attributed to them, and whether the votes of Messrs. Conover and Patterson have been obtained by them. If they are so engagod, and if they snooeed for the time being, we ad vise them, before they go any farther, to refresh their memories as to the fate of the party whioh sought to rule through Andrew Johnson.” The Times before it goes any farther should remember that this is 18T7 ; that the days of Johnson and Grant have gone never to return ; that Morton is in his grave, and that Radicalism will soon be bnried or at ail events made harmless. By no feat of necromancy oan the Times make its menace a prac ticality. It is too late. The tables are turned. Old goblins and spectres have oeased to materialize. U RUMINATION AND RECRIMINATION. While the liberal journals of all par ties peroeive that the so-ealled carpet bag defection in the Senate is simply a case of retributive justice, the hide bound organs of Radicalism fairly foam at the mouth, but in the midst of their rage they oonfess to the faot that all of their attempts to “circumvent God” have been vain. Hear the Tribune: Now the carpet-bagger is abont to retire, un • regretted and nnhonored, from the field on which he has been so long a conspicuous fig ore, it is pertinent to inquire, as he goes wriggling away, “Did it pay to keep those fellows in pnblio life in order to maintain the party organisation in the Southern States ? Take Mr. Oonovbb, of Florida, and Mr. Pat terson, of South Carolina, for instanoe ; were either of these men ever of any serviee to the party that sustained them ? The simple truth is that, after the Republican party has dishon ored itself and forfeited the oonfldenoe of the country to an extent sufficient to endanger its supremacy by upholding and defending these men. they turn around at the only time they oan give it any servioe in return and deliber ately betray it. Is it not pretty clear that it does not pay to uphold such men ? It has oost the Republican party several Northern and all the Southern States, and what it has got for it In return the present condition of things in the Senate shows. This is only a sample of “late re morse.” The carpet-bag Senators, Rep resentatives and Governments saved the Republican party from overthrow time and again. It is true that they finally worked dire disaster to the oanse they espoused, but it was in the naturo of things that such should be the ease. If it had happened otherwise ; if an&ohy, ignorance and vioe had been permanently enthroned in the Sonth, society would have perished and God would have in deed been “circumvented” by mac. This could not be, and so the replacing of the pyramid on its apex entailed the de molition of the whole Radioal plan, which the New York Tribune did so much to foster. The carpet-baggers did their level best to dislocate soeiety and perpetuate the inverted pyramid. It is base ingratitude for “loyal” brethren at the East or West to abase them now. We observe, too, that one of the viotims of this abnse is disinclined to receive wholesale obloquy without retort. In answer to a charge made in the National Republican that Gen. Bctlbb profanely ordered Patterson Thursday to go and vote for a certain motion, that per acn sends the following oard for publi cation: “'Washis*tos, D. C., November 53,187 T. "Hon. A. 31. Ctapp, KdtLcr Sectional Republi tan ; Dear 8m —You have been misinformed, and I ask you to publieh this statement of what actually did occur. I ask this ae an act of jns tioe to General Butler as well as myself. My son oalled me out of the Chamber into the cor ridor of the Senate. It was just after the mo tion was made to strike out the name of M. C. Bwtlkb and insert the name W. P. Kellogg. I met General Butler in the oorridor, and he said to me: * I cannot expect you to vote against the motion, ae it* will plane you in a false position with your own party. I have AUGUST A, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 5, 1577. told Senator Conover the same, and I wonld advise yon to refuse to vote.’ I went into the Chamber and ascertained the qiact state of the question, and voted against the motion, contra ry to the adviee of General Bunas. I did so because I wanted the motion of Senator Tkfb jca* to bring the case of General Butler be fore the Senate, and then I wm ready to vote for a eeparate motion to bring the ease of Mr. Kellooo before the Senate. Hid the latter been made before the motion of Senator Thur man I would have voted for it. I am not re sponsible for that neglect. General Butlsb's language was on that occasion, as on all others in hie intercourse with me, courteous and re spectful. Very respectful lly. "John J. Pattkbson.” In addition to this, Mr. Patterson has submitted himself to the interviewer, from which manipulation we learn that he had agreed early last Spring to vote for Butler’s admission ; had published a letter stating that he should so vote, and that every Senator on the floor onght to have known it from the free dom with which he had announced his intention; that there was no canse for surprise. He stated positively that there was no bargain abont it. No one had agreed* that the suits against him shonld be suppressed, and he bad never asked any one to make snch an agree ment. He knew his action wonld be ap proved by the people of South Carolina, and as President Hairs had made it im possible for him to live there withont his doing something to oonoiliate the Democrats whom the President was conciliating, he did not know as his ao tion was any more a betrayal of the Re publican party than the action of the President. HaTbs had given Sonth Carolina a Democratic Governor, and he intended to vote in favor of giving them a Senator. If Hampton was en titled to be Governor, Butler was en titled to a seat in the Senate. He should act with the Repnblioans on every ques tion except those involving Butler’s admission. He shonld vote for Kel logg's admission, and, had his adviee been accepted, Kellooo would have been in a seat to-day, and the Demo crats wonld have ono lass majority.— He had told Wadlbioh, Mitchell, Don Cameron, and others, that the Demo crats wonld spring Butlbb’s ease, and oatch them in a trap, if they did not hnrry Kellogg's ease out of the Com mittee of Privileges and Elections, bnt they paid no attention to his warnings, and then he was blamed for the situa tion the Republicans found themselves in. This is a beantifnl family qnarrel, and, as the stereotyped phrase goes, “ speaks for itself.” The extra session of this Congress is getting to be mighty interesting. KB. STWHUNS* OPINION. We recently quoted from the Eastern press, notably from Washington corres pondence, that while Hon. A. H. Steph ens favored and would vote for the Sil ver Bill he predicted trouble in case of its passage. We now learn from speoial dispatohas to the Washington press from the Federal Capital that Mr. Stephens recently declared that if the Senate does not pass the anti-resump tion bill whioh the Honse has already passed, or some similar measure, that ruin and riot are inevitable in this oonn try. Mr. Stephens will probably, at his convenience, let ns know exactly how he stands on these questions and what he really did say concerning them. •TRKRNGY AND OTHER REFORMS. The Cincinnati Enquirer says : "The friends of currency reform are indebted to the Southern members of the Honse of Representatives for the unexpected unanimity with wliioh they voted for the repeal of the resumption part of the Resumption act. Of eighty-three Dem ocratic votes cast upon the Repeal bill, on Friday, seventy-nine were in favor of repeal. We have been aoonstomed to think the currency question little un derstood in the Sonth, It has not been so vehemently discussed in the South ern press and by Southern public men as it has been in this State and in the West. The Sonth has been absorbed in other questions. Her representa tives have not heretofore appeared with snoh prononneed?emphasis npon the people’s side of this vast question whioh, though affecting all sections vi tally, affects that section most which is most crippled financially. The Bonth has put the West to shame by its reo ord on this issue. The remedy for the people of the West lies in selecting members of the next Congress. Let Greenbaok Democrats hereafter repre sent the people of the West in the Na tional Legislatnre. While the West cast forty-one votes against the Repeal bill and only thirty-nine in its favor, the Sonth appears with a shining show ing of seventy-nine to fonr—among Democrats—in favor of repeal. There is hope for ths future.” We notice that while other seotions do most of the talking the South puts ia the solid licks, in matters of great mo ment. Our publio men and people have had to wrestle with fearful problems of soeiety and government inflicted by East and West. These are either solv ed or in the way of solution. We now come to the front on all questions con cerning this Union, and, what is more, we intend to remain at the head of the oolumn. We have been fooled loDg enough. The South alono can extricate this Union from the miserable degrada tion of the last sixteen years. There was one New England Conn who saw in to the future clearly— Wendell Phil lip*. In Akdbbw Johnson’# day, when the Sonth seemed most down-trodden, he predicted that she would be finally victorious. Mr. Phtt.iiw’ plan for re taining eonquest was not hnmane, and would have failed as Thad Sthtens’ project did. The rale of the South will be benignant and prosperous. She wili establish true relations and co-operate with instead of foolishly trying to “cir cumvent” Divine Providenoe. She will, 1 npon the rains of the Radical Ring pHblio, re-erect the Repnblio of the Fathers. war ras north is rich. The North is everlastingly boasting of its prosperity, its money, what it has done for other sections, etc., eto. We leave out the msgnifloent domain the Sonth has given to the Union, oat of which great States have been formed, and come down to the inequalities of pnblio pat ronage. Mr. Riddlb, of Tennessee, in a recent speech, summed np the enor mous disproportion. Premising that the Sonth asks only justice, he said she would be perfectly satisfied with a pres ent equalization of the bounties and benefactions of the Government in the light of itheir distribution under the legislation of Congress from 1789 to 187S. Daring that period there was ap propriated for pnblio works, railroads, canals, rivers, etc., in the Northern Btates nearly 8208,000,000 And in the Southern States only 18,500,000 Making an exoess of. $189,500,000 in favor of the Northern States, which is greatly oat of proportion to the wealth and population of the two sec tions. There was donated daring the same period for railroad construction in the Northern and Southern States the number of acres of the pnblio lands and of the value stated below : Northern States. 196,000,000 acres, valued at $18,000,000 Southern States, 32,000,000 acres, valued at 6,000,000 Excess, 1ff,900,000 acres, valued at $89,000,000 He also gave a tabulated statement showing that the United States Govern ment has granted lands to Paoific rail roads in Northern States and Territo tories to the extent of 115;486,T66 acres, while other land grants for internal im provements to Illinois, lowr, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota and Kansas swell the aggregate of Northern land grants to 178,760,804 acres. For the same pe riod land grants to Southern States amount to only 89,461,908 acres; leaving an excess to the North of 184,898,801 acres. By another table are shown the expenditures of the United States Gov ernment on account of railroads, wagon roads and esnals from 1799 to 1873, amounting in the Northern States to to $92,757,274, and for the Southern States to $6,951,400, an excess in favor of the North of $86,806,874. For the Central Parade Railroad ‘the cash ex penditHres have been $9jt,267,704; for the Union Paciflo, $34,35%708; for the Kansas Pacific, s7,7o6,2l'jLsnd for the Sionx City and Pacific, l&l §2,703. In the face of snch facts and figures can any one fail to understand why one section has prospered and the other re mained or else decayed 7,The South must have her share of the pub lic patronage. She must have her grand trans-continental railway system. She must be bnilt np. Too long has she been made the hewer of wood and draw er of water. No donbt these intima tions are unpleasant for the New York World and the bond-holding Belmont organs, bnt the sooner they get aoons tomed to them the better. A HOOD WORD ISK TBRBIEY. Now that Rnssia has apparently driven the Moslem to the wall and made his oomplete surrender probable, it will not be amiss to review some of the pros pects of the campaign and contrast them with actualities to date. It was confidently predicted in some quarters that Rnssia wonld have a promenade to the Golden Horn and Erzeroum ; that in less than six mouths she would cap-1 tnre half a million of prisoners and fonr thousand oannon. She has hardly come within 90 par cent, of this, and after seven months she holds only a small part of Bulgaria and the barren vsileys of Armenia, To accomplish this her losses have been at least 80,000 men, whioh is 10,000 more than Germa ny lost in the French war. The New York Sun shows, in a most graphic manner, how grievously over matched the Porte has been and that the Turk has shown a robustness not equalled by Western Europe. Our con temporary eaye : “While Franoe had no enemy bnt Germany to think of, Tnr fighting the Northern Colossns, is engaged at the same time in an ardu ous campaign against the Montenegrins in their monntain fastnesses; she is compelled to keep a large corps of ob servation on the Servian frontier, for she is menaced by an invasion at any mement from this quarter; she is obliged to maintain another force on the Greek frontier in Thessaly, where the popula tion is ripe for a revolt in support of a declaration of war on the part of Greeoe; Crete has to be strongly garrisoned; and finally, another oorps d’armee is posted along the Persian frontier, lest advant age be taken by her perfidious neighbor to make an inonrsion into her terrftofy in alliance with the lawless Arab tribes on her border. “Rnssia, on the other hand, has none of those exigencies to contend against. She is relieved from all fear of a Polish insurrection by the German surveillance over that part of her empire; and the inhabitants of the Caneasus are well nigh exterminated, and no longer afford oanso for alarm. Then, again, Rnssia has an ally without whose assistance, there oan be no donbt, her armies wonld have been driven back across the Danube before now. ’ It may be humil iating to admit that the safety of the Russian army is due to the timely suo cor afforded by 70,000 Ronmanians, but it is none the less true, and now the as sistance of Servia is earnestly implored, “This recapitulation of the extraordi nary disadvantages under which Tur key has oondnoted her oampaign is ne cessary in order to present a oontrast to the conditions nnder whioh France car ried on her war against Germany. Both straggles are instructive as showing how egregrionsly mistaken the most sa gaoions Cabinets in Europe may be when the forfanes of war are in ques tion.” We have no sympathy with Moham medanism per 89, bnt we cannot help extending something like sympathy to a power that is invaded under false pre tenoes and then overborne by a big bul ly, who calls in his neighbors to help whip a smaller boy, who has no friends at aIL THE POVND OF FLESH. The New York World is reading Sonthem men jnst snoh a lesson as the New Fork Herald recently delivered to the Western people, auent the anti-re sumption movement. The West hurled back defiance to the East. We will not imitate that example. It is easy to com prehend that the East is muoh disturbed by the attitude of the financial question, but the West and South oan not go oh forever in the same oM rut. The World says : “When a Southern man of energy and integrity seeks to borrow large amounts of poney to promote his busi ness purposes, whither does he go ? To New York or to Cincinnati ? And does he look npon, or does he say he looks upon, those to whom he oomes for as- sistance as friends or as enemies ?” We dare say the Southern man who wants to borrow money goes where he can get the best accommodation, and it is presumable that he carries along with him good and valid securi ties in order to effeot the loaD. Snoh a fortunate Southern man—fortunate that he has securities at all—most likely looks upon the money-lender with that oold business eye which implies neither friendship nor enmity, bnt may become one or the other as the ease may be. Bnt one thing appears to be certain : the East has had an nndne amount of favoritism from the foundation of the Republic, and has oontrived, by hook or orook, to reap a financial harvest at the expense of other seotions. What has the South with her enormous natural advantages of wealth-production ever gained by submission to Eastern policy ? Whose money built np the cities of the North; whose crops saved the country from bankruptcy since the war ? Who was it that put the knife into the hands of Wz. H. Seward to cut the throat of this section ? What sort of policy was that which constituted August Belmont— the agent of Roths child and emissary of Seward—Chair man of the National Executive Com mittee ? Who established a money system that has fairly ruined the conn try, West and South, by rates of inv est that always lead to rain? The Sonth will do no wrong to any section, but she will, for the future, look to her own in terests more closely. Her true positioa politically, we think, is as a balance of po*?er between both East and West. Neither section can do withont her, and the one that proves the more substantial friend may reasonably oonnt npon reci procity. Meanwhile, we are impressed with the fact that it will be a glorions day for onr people when they cease to be dependent npon any olass beyond their own border, bnt gladly wsloome friends from all parts of the Union. THE TUG OP WAR IN THE SENATE ON THURSDAY. " Conn, Like Chicken* "—A Day at Excite ment In the Senate Chamber—The Straggle Over the Adnalwlon of Bailer—Pattersen and Conover Converted. [Telegram to 1/m Amt York TYmra.l Washington, D. 0., November 82. The contest of to-day Bhows precisely how the majority of the Senate will stand nnder any possible circumstances, and how, if at all, the Democrats will secure and retain oontrol. There are now 78 membere of the Senate. Count ing Judge Davis with the Democracy, they have 85 Senators, and the Republi cans, oonnting with them Conover and Patterson, 88. There are three vacan cies. The general expectation has been that Kellogg wonld be admitted, and that probably Bntler would be admitted. Supposing this shonld happen, the Sen ate wonld then stand 89 Repnblioans to 36 Demoorats. This will be the situa tion if the assuranoes of Patterson and Conover are redeemed, that they intend to vote for Butler and for Kellogg. Both are understood to have stated, in the strongest terms, that they wonld vote for the admission of Kellogg whenever his case shonld be brought np. The only point new with the Demoorats is to hold them to vote for Butler before the case of Kellogg can be considered. If Bntler shonld be admitted by the votes of Conover and Patterson, the Demoorats wonld then have 86 votes and the Repnblioans 38, being a majority of two, which is suffi cient to seat Kellogg, even after Batler’s admission. The case of Kellogg will certainly have parliamentary precedence over that of Enstis, so that the next question after disposing of Bntler’s case wonld arise on Kellogg’s admission, and the Republicans would still have votes enough to give him hit? seat, provided Conover and Patterson, or either one of them, shonld vote for his admission. The admission of Kellogg, after the ad mission of Bntler, wonld make the Senate stand 39 Republicans to 36 Dem oorats,, and the latter number wonld be swelled only to 37 by the admission of Eustis. There has been no expec tation that Enstis wonld be refused a seat when the time eame to vote on his oase, so that the Senate would, in any event, stand 39 to 87. Even if Enstis and Bntler shonld both be admited be fore Kellogg, there is one Republican majority left to give the latter his seat, which wonld again bring abont the same relative strength of the parties. Taking the extreme supposition that Enstis, Snofford, and Bntler wonld all be ad mitted, the Senate wonld then stand 38 to 38, the Vice-President having the casting vote. It thus appears impossible for the Demoorats to secure control of the Senate unless they absorb perma nently into their ranks one or two Re publican Senators. The probability of their being able to do this is rather a re mote topio of disonssion at the present, and still it is noessary to consider it as possible. If the present oonrse of Pat terson and Conover is pnrsned because Democrats have the power to put them in the penitentiary, as they claim, it would seem to be equally practicable to oontrol the same two Senators hereafter on other partisan measures whenever the Demooratio lead ers might deem it neoessary to their party success. It is a humiliating posi tion for the Republicans to find them selves in, with their majority made np of two men, who are thus nnder Demo cratic control, and who oannot be relied upon in any party emergency. As stated last night, the contest will be long and bitter, particularly on the oass of Bnt ler, if the resolntion to discharge the oommittee is carried, so that the merits of hia case will be under disonssion. His record and career, as well as the le gal propositions involved, will enter into the debate, and he will find himself pnt on record before the country, which knows little abont him, except his con nection with the Hamburg massacre. A Radical View of the Democratic Victory. [Tdagram to the N. T. Tribune.] The effeot of to-day’s proceedings npon the fntnreof the Democratic party is one of the questions which has been earnestly disonssed in Washington this afternoon and evening. While many Democratic Senators disolaim all knowledge of any bargain or arrange ment with Patterson and Conover by which they were to receive any con sideration for their desertion of their party associates, and while there are on the Demooratio side of the Senate many men who wonld never assent to a bargain which contemplated the com pounding of a felony, yet the impression that most certainly goes abroad, and the belief that will be entertained not only by Repnblicans, bnt by Democrats throughout the country, will be that the votes of Messrs. Patterson and Conover were bought. This, it is believed, will more than counteract all the advantages whioh the Democracy oan obtain from the control of the Senate. The infamy of the proceedings will rest not only upon those who were parties to it but upon those who profited by it. Some of the Demoorats apparently appreciate this faot, and their satisfaction over the triumph they gained in the Senate is not nnmixed with apprehension as to the efiect of it npon the future of their party. HACJUAHOX easing off. The GoTirnmoit Assumes a Tone a Trllle Tender—The President Asked to Form no Acceptable Cabinet. Pabis, November 28.—A correspond ent niscusaing the assertion of the Moni teur that President MaoMahon may sub mit to the Senate alternative of dissolu tion on his resignation, if the Chamber refuses to vote the budget, says the others believe, and they are probably right, that if tbe Senate refuses a second dissolution, President MacMahon will hold himself absolved from his rash promises and take a Cabinet acceptable to the Chamber. Reports are also cur rent that the Left intend to send a deputation to urge the Marshal to re turn to the national system of Govern ment by the majority. It is understood that the Budget Committee ignoring Minister De Welohe’s motion for the separate consideration of four categories of direct taxes will themselves submit a recommendation to the same effect. Squabbling Over the Budget. London, November 28.—The French situation is unchanged, because the next move is expeoted to come from the Senate, which stands adjourned until Thursday. General opinion seems to be ■ that this adjournment is for the pur pose of giving time to the Government to win the support of Orleaniats for extreme measures, nevertheless dis patches this morning indicate a calmer feeling than on the previous day. The non-issue of any circular by the new foreign Minister to French representa tives abroad, and countermand of re ceptions of their subordinates by sev eral members of the Cabinet, are cited as indications that the Cabinet does not expect to last long. Tbe report of the Budget Committee on the special ao oonntß opened by the De Braglie Min istry during the recent dissolution, which was read in the Chamber of Depu ties yesterday, but not discussed because the Ministers were absent from sitting, amounting to 18,006,000 francs. It de clares accounts illegal, and they oannot be sanctioned by the Chamber without compromising the rights of the nation. By a rejection of the bill by the latter Cabinet the Chamber would not definite ly refuse to sanction the expenditure, bnt would simply reserve its ulterior decision. A correspondent says: “This report strikes by anticipation at one of the experiments which probably had been retired or for expending money without previous authority of the Cham bers. The partisars of resistance thns find themse.ves more and more hemmed in by a net-work from which there is no escape except by criminal enterprises, which have no advocates, even among the most ardent and heedless advisers of Elysee. ” Fatally Meiofd. Nhw Yobii, November 28.—A sound steamer C. P. Northern, lying at the foot of East Seventh street, was bnrned with three negroes, who were asleep aboard. Origin of the fire is supposed to have been a spark dropped from a to baeee ptpe. InsuMsse, SCI9,tOO. THE NIW CONSTITUTION AND THE CAPITA!, QUESTION. Letter from Ea-Senator ThemaaM. Norwood. Hon. J. A. Green, Milladgenille, Oa. ; Drab Sir— Your eommnnioation and that of the “Citizens’ Oommittee on the Capital,” in whioh-yon and they reqnest me to give my views on the proposed Constitution and on the removal of the capital, have been received, and I givo you, in as condensed a form as I can, my opinions on both snbjeots. The proposed Constitution, as a whole, is excellent; in detail, it is open to many objections. There is too mnoh legislation in it. This defeot grew out of abuses of legislative power, and hence the Convention, in its effort to restain the Legielatnre—to reserve and to pre serve the rights of the people—went be yond the limits of generalities, which are the beanty and strength of organio law, into the rigor and striotness of par- ticulars, which belong to statute law. This, however, is a fault that leans to virtue’s side, as it is far easier to expand than to oontraot—to surrender than to resume power. And, as inconvenience from these violent restrictions may or shall be experienced, amendments oan be made to remedy the evils. Another defeot, and a serious mistake, is the redaction of the salaries of judi oial officers. This is retrogression. It is an invisible bnt a certain calamity to every man, woman and child in Geor gia. The salaiy of a Judge of the Su perior Court will not sustain a family of average number and pay the expenses ineident to the office. The office of a Judge is the highest in the State. He is arbiter of life, liberty and property. He shonld be dedicated by the people to his work, and maintained therein, free from all thought of to-morrow. He shonld be ehosen for his parity, his ability, and his earnest devotion to jus tice and truth. Snch men are not readily oommanded at two thousand dol lars, beoanse they make more at the bar. If wealthy, a man oan hold the office; if poor, be may take it for the honor, but cannot hold it; if ambitions, he may nse it as a ladder; if fond of power, he may well covet the offloe; but ambition and love of honor and power are not at tributes of a Judge. A stable, wise, learned pare, independent jadiciary gives property its value, security to liberty and life, and repose to a people. With inadequate pay, we oannot have a stable, a learned, or an independent judiciary. I hope the next Legislatnre will exercise the discretion committed to it by the Constitntion, and give all judicial officers compensating salaries. There are other defects of minor im portance, bnt they will no donbt be cor rected by amendments as their inoon venienoe shall be felt. The proposed Constitntion, as a whole, is good, and will, I donbt not, be ratified by an al most nnanimons vote. On the second head of your inquiry— to wit : the removal of the capital—l will give yon my views as briefly as J oan. Let me premise that I do not consider this a question between Atlanta and Milledgeville. I oaunot see why Atlanta should look on any one who prefers Milledgeville as unfriendly to Atlanta. This is a State question, and every citi zen of the State is interested in it; and I have no sympathy with that feeling of )roscription against any oitizen, high or ow, who prefers one place to the other. Every voter has the right to think and act for himself, and no man or com munity has the right to complain. I have heard that my preference for Mil ledgeville springs from my defeat, last January, for United States Senator, whioh Atlanta effected. This is not true. I have always been opposed, not to the removal to Atlanta, bnt to the removal from Milledgeville, because of the out rageous manner by whioh it was done. Bnt, while this is true, I will state frankly that if I considered the ad vantages to the whole people of having the capital at Atlanta or at Milledgeville equal, I shonld personally prefer Mil ledgeville. And why? I have never forgotten a kindness, broken a promise’, nor deserted a friend. In the late Sena torial raoe Milledgeville was my warm politioal friend—Atlanta was my most aotive, zealous, effective, politioal oppo nent. I say opponent, not fos or enemy, for her gsod people so far as I know are personally my friends. Indeed, I was assured by many of them that the oppo sition of Atlanta was not personal to me, bnt beoanse I was opposing “Atlanta’s idol.” As I knew the people of Georgia are not idol worshippers, I thought, but said not, “Little children I make not unto yourselves idols.” But the politi cal power of Atlanta was almost solid against me, and that alone defeated me. It was strong enough to change a hand some majority in my favor to a minority, and thus, as I conceive, to defeat the will of the people of the State. No just, fair-minded oitizen of Atlanta would ask or expeot me to turn my back on my political friend and kiss the hand that smote me. Having said this much personal to myself, I will now give the reasons for my preference. There is but one consideration whioh shonld influence the whole people in de ciding on the location of the capital, and that is the greatest good to the greatest number. Into this question enter fonr main inquiries. First, Which place of the two is more economical; second, whioh is more con venient to the whole people; third, which is better adapted for quiet, de liberate, well matured, unbiased legisla tion; and, fourth, in which can the poli tioal equilibrium of the State be best maintained. And first as to economy. The State is burdened with debt, taxes are high, property very low, agricnltnral pro ducts sell for little, and we mast live as any prndent man in debt would. It is evident that the Capitol in Atlanta is a failure; it mnst be remodeled, or an other must be bnilt. The Capitol in Milledgeville was good enongh for sixty years. We used it when the State was worth near seven hundred millions; we certainly oan use it when our prop erty is only .two hundred and fifty mil lions. Competent engineers estimate the repairs necessary to the Capitol in Milledgeville at 810,000, No one oan tell what it would cost to repair the Capitol in Atlanta to make it suitable for legislation. The Bepresentative Hall in Atlanta is the worst for n delibe rative body I have ever known. It is impossible to hear what is said, and I doubt not that the defective construc tion of that hall has cost the State enough to erect anew Capitol. For this defect in acoustics is the cause for most of the reconsiderations. Neither the Speaker, nor the Clerk, nor the mem bers can be heard distinctly, and mem bers often vote without understanding the (nestion. Besides, the ventilation is bad and the light worse in both the Bepresentative and Senate chambers. As to the Supreme Court room in At lanta, it is much better fitted for ex hausting the bench and bar than for “exhausting the argument.” The pro position of the City Gonnoil of Atlanta to build a Capitol is an admission of the unfitness of the present building. But the halls in the old Capitol are lighted from three sides, are well ventilated, and tbe Bepresentative Hall is tbe best adapted for distinct herring that I have ever spoken in. Eat Atlanta offers to erect “as good a building as the old Capitol.” This is too indefinite for serious consideration by those who desire economy. If the argument of one of her leading oitizens and ablest lawyers, Hon. N. J. Ham mond, who has written an elaborate and strong article in favor of Atlanta, be good, the old Capitol is worth bat little more than old bricks; for he maintains that at least SIOO,OOO mnst be expended to mske the public buildings in Mil ledgeville habitable and convenient.— To erect a building “as good as the old Capitol,” therefore, is to oal! on the State for at least SIOO,OOO to be added. Besides, how is the com parative value of the old Capitol and the one Atlanta wonld build to be ascertain ed ? If, as Mr. Hammond says, the old Capitol is not fit, we certainly do not wish it duplicated in Atlanta. If Atlan ta would put the value of the old Capi tol in anew one, how is that value to be arrived at ? She oertainly wonld not allow the total cost, and to value it at what it is worth on the market as a building wonld be wholly unfair, while to value it as a State House, we are told, is to give it almost no valne, until at least SIOO,OOO are expended on it. Two facts are indisputable: the first is, that the legislative halls of the present State House are wholly nnsnited for a de liberative body; the second is, that the halls in the old Capitol are well adapt ed for legislation. And it follows that shonld Atlanta continue to be the capi tal, anew State House must, sooner or later, be built. When the State begins to bnild anew State House in Atlanta, or elsewhere, we will sea snrronnding it without using a telescope, more rings than Saturn has. There will be a ring in stone, a ring in briok, a ring in wood, *2 A YEAR—POSTAGE PAID in iron, .in glass, pntty, lime, sand, chairs, inkstands and spittoons—aud all these rings will, by msgic, be changed to gold, whioh must be supplied by the farmers, who are the fountain head of taxes. And shonld anew Capitol be built the State must build it. Atlanta ought not to bear the whole expense, and is under no obligation to build one any better than the old Capitol. But the State oannot increase her debt uuder the proposed Constitntion; and hence, the Legislatnre, to build, or assist At lanta in building another Capitol, must levy a tax for that purpose. As for my self, I have taxation enough. Much has been said of the expense of a removal to Milledgeville, the loss of paper, eto. Auy officer at the head of a department who has method enough to keep his papers arranged with system, can certainly paok them in boxes' with out any confusion or loss, and the trans portation of all the State's property would cost bnt a small sum. The libra ry room in the present Capitol is known to be unsafe, so much so (as I am in formed) that it is considered dangerous to plaoe all the State’s library in it, and hence some of the books have never been removed from Milledgeville and some are in the basement of the present Capitol. It wonld be much cheaper to transport the library to Milledgeville in sound oondition than to exhume it from the debris of the present Capitol and to pay for the lives of our Librarian and his assistants. Second. Which is more convenient for the whole people—Atlanta or Mil ledgeville ? Milledgeville is nearly cen tral; Atlanta is in tbo northwest quarter of the State. A central point equalizes travel, equalizes the mileage of legisla tors, equalizes the expense of citizens having business at the capital, acd equal izes the expense of parties haring cases in the Supreme Court. The lawyer who travels three hundred miles to attend that Court, if he understands geography and addition and substraetion, charge's more than to go one hundred miles; and hence, parties litigant in Southern Georgia are taxed higher to obtain jus tice than those above Atlanta. My brother lawyers who attend the Supreme Court, I am informed, favor Atlanta. This is natural. Atlanta is much larger than Milledgeville; has more attractions, and, being a commercial town, more peo ple go there. And a lawyer attending the Supreme Court wants amusement whila waiting for an opportunity to en lighten the Court. Speaking as a law yer, I prefer to atttend the Supreme Court in Atlanta for many reasons. But my preference or convenience as a lawyer is no reason why I, as a citizen, shonld vote to inconvenience a majority pt my fellow-oitisens. It is urged that more railroads termi nate in Atlanta than in Milledgeville and, therefore, Atlanta is more acces sible. Ido not exactly see the force of this. If a man could ride on five rail roads at the same time, I could appre ciate this logio. But when one railroad running through Milledgeville—the Ma oon and Augusta—connects directly with five other railroads and indirectly with every other road in the State, aud as no man can use but one railroad, or that and some other connecting with it, to reach Atlanta, I fail to see auy ad vantage arising from railroads in one place over the other. Ido see, however, very plainly that Milledgeville is more accessible than Atlanta to every oitizen who lives below any point in the State equidistant by usual line of travel be tween Milledgeville and Atlanta, and j this gives the advantage, in territory and population, largely in favor of Mil ledgeville. Third. On this head I need say but little. Any one who has served in the Legislature at Milledgeville aud in At lanta knows that deliberate, well ma tured legislation can be better done in Milledgeville. It is nseless to argue a proposition as plain as this. Auy one who would maintain that legislators are as calm, reflective aud undisturbed in a driving, bustling, aotive oity with thirty thousand inhabitants, and full of amuse ments and temptations as all large cities are, as they are in a quiet town of one-, teifth the population, would see no dif ference in the distracting foroe of a cy clone and a zephyr. More statutes have bei n sent forth since the war slipshod and “half made up” than were framed in Milledgeville during sixty years. And yet the legislators since the war were as intellectual as those before. If this be so now, what may we expect when, as we are told, Atlanta shall contain “a Jmndred thousand inhabitants?” We want but little legislation, bnt we should have that calmly and maturely consid ered, Fourth, Where oan the political equilibrium of the State be best main tained, in Milledgeville or Atlanta ? By “political equilibrium” 1 mean more than office. This is a small matter. I mean all legislative and execntive ac tion which effects all sections of the State. lam a Georgian, and I feel no sectional bias. I love all seotions of the B£ate, and I trust I may never see any one section of the State controlling another, Suoh a result engenders jealousy and strife. Northern, Middle and Southern Georgia desire and should have an equal voice iu all that pertains to the State. Bnt is this so ? Does not every one know that the political power of Atlanta is greater to-day than that of all the eities in the State com bined, and that her power is due to hav ing the capital and consequently the Legislature in her grasp ? The truth is, this advantage has enabled Atlanta to destroy the political equilibrium of the State already. For no one can deity truthfully that the election of Mr. Hill was effected by her influence on and over members of the Legislature. She has already made a long stride to wants a centralization of all political power of the State. If she can do theso things in her infancy, what will be her strength with “a hundred thousand inhabi tants?” She will then be to Georgia in controlling influence what Paris is to France. That would be to overshadow and dwarf all other sections of the State, and the consequence would be continual sectional strife. That result I should deplore. But there is still another fact which should influence every Georgian in de ciding whether the capital shall again be in Milledgeville. It is the fact that Georgians did not remove it to Atlanta. We (Georgians) had no voice or hand in that work. The brave, patriotic citi zens of Atlanta opposed the deed. Why? It was a part of a great wrong—a stu pendous infamy—a national crime. It was one act in a drama which no true Georgian can ever think of without in dignation and scorn—a drama of which the evil doers are now ashamed. Our State was invaded by the military after the "war was over—onr beloved Govern or driven from the Executive Mansion— onr Legislature dispersed—our treasury seized—expenses incurred and taxes wrung from us to pay them—our people compelled to deposit ballots with fetter ed hands, in mockery of free choice, in voting for a Constitution framed under military guard—and framed, too, by a Convention commanded to assemble, and composed, except ing _ an honorable minority of true,' brave Georgians, of adventurers, carpet-baggers, aliens, camp follow ers, brigands and thieves. And by such a villainous congregation—such “cntpnrses of the State”—among other wrongs, and against the protest of all good and true Georgians, the capita! was changed. Is this x fact forgotten already by freemen ? Have nine years obliterated this memory and reconciled us to this monstrous deed ? If this be sentiment, then, what was it that im pelled the people to call a Convention to stamp out the Constitution which was then forced upon ns ? Conld we not have altered that Constitution by amend ments, and have thus changed its ob jectionable provisions? Then why call a Convention ? It was to bury out of sight that symbol of onr degradation. And shall we do that work by halves ? Was not the removal of our capital a part of the same infamy ? And shall we leave that monument of our dishonor standing ? No people can be great who do not cherish historic and heroic mem ories. We have many connected with the old capital. We have bnt few con nected with the new. Acts of tyranny were done to us in the new capital which no Georgian can recall without indigna tion. Against all such deeds Atlanta fought to exhaustion. The whole State so accords, and gives her all praise and honor. She fought against removal. Bat removal was effected, and that through tyranny and fraud; and that memory is before us. There tbe Repub lican party—made np of suoh materia), with a few intellectual exceptions, as FalstaiTs regiment—forced us to go; and there the rump of that party is try ing now to hold us. There a man—who came with the invader—backed by mus ketry, sat down on a Democratic Legis lature, and smothered it by sheer avoir dnpois. There the same power held ns fast until we were robbed of millions. These are historic, but not very heroic, memories. These and many others are memories which cluster around the Capitol building in Atlanta like the loathsome serpents aiound the head of Medup. They are hideous, and the children should not select the building iu which their ancestors were crucified to make it their home forever. Atlanta is, in no sense or way, responsible for these deeds, and it would not, in the re motest degree, be a reflection on her to remove the capital. On the contrary, it would be a graceful act, were tho citi zens of Atlanta to say to their fellow citizens of Georgia: Our capital was removed by force—the act was tyranni cal—we struggled against it—it was forced upon ns—and we join you in re turning to the consecrated spot where we all can truly say, ‘We are in tho house of our fathers, our brothers, and our companions, and we are at home to stay, thank God !” Very truly, yours, T. M. Norwood. Savannah, November 23, 1877. THE STATE. TIIE PEOPLE AND THE PAPERS, Macon organizes another minstrel troupe. Streams in the State are very much swolleu. Cobb county is holding old fashioned quiltings. 11°^,''. os are beginning anew campaign in Griihu. Kerosine lamps are not above proof in LaGrange. Chureh nickle parties are popular in Sandersville. Gen. Gartrell is defending a client in Burse county. Mrs. David Bailey, of Washington county, is dead. l, k- Boss becomes Captain of the Macon Cadets. Columbus is still agitating the North aud South Railroad. rbey hauling six pound fish out of the Oconee this year. The State Grange will meot iu Macon on the 12th of December. An encouraging religious revival is go ing on in Emanuel county. The income of tho Atlanta Library ie 8600 less than its expenses. The Milledgeville Asylum turns out a crop of 1,70 Q bushels of potatoes. Judge P. B. Weaver, of Emanuel, thinks of moving to Sandersville. Atlanta closes tho concert season for the benefit of the Widows’ Home. Conyers poets are pouring rhythmic lava into the columns of the Courier, The Old Capital trusts that H. IT. Parks will be returned to Milledgeville. A colored man near Savannah was found floating down the river with his throat cut. Mr. Nolan, of McDonough, recently married Miss Lemon. Punsters wdl please forbear. Mr. Lumpkin Gresham, on old and well known hotel keeper in Forsyth, died last week. Dublin, Laurens county, adds a har bor, tinner and shoemaker to her vigor ous population. Mr. E. J. Hightower, an honest, hard working man, died the other day in Laurens county. Lieutenant-Colonel Boss, of Macon, has resigned his position iu the Second Georgia Battalion. A lemon tree has been shipped from Washington, Ga., to West Point. There were four lemons upon it. Rev. Mr. Hoyt, of Bainbridge, has been called to the Darien Presbyterian. Chureh, and has accepted. Jackson county organizes a brass band. You can’t “trump it” up against Jackson that she is behind the ago. Bev. W. A. Candler, of the North Georgia Conference, was recently mar ried to Miss Curt-right, of LaGrange. Mr. H. M. Bowman, of Jackson coun ty, shot aud mortally wounded a negro man on his—Mr. Bowman’s—premises. Hamp Giddings killed another negro yonth at Talbotton the other day, by striking him ou the back of his head with an ax. Col. B. W. Wrenn, of tho Kennesaw Route, has emblazoned tho coat-of-nrms of his famous and popular road upon cough lozenges. The late Mr, Wm. H. Tison, of Sa vannah, died without making a will. Ilia estate is valued at three hundred thousand dollars. Mrs. Burney, of Rome, Mrs. N. L. Redd, of Columbus, and Miss Porter, of Atlanta, are said to have books bow ready for the press. The young men of Milledgeville will give the first grand hop of tho season in. the “halls of our fathers,” on Tuesday night, December 4th. Mr. Thomas Ryan, aged 90 years, is the oldest registered voter in Colum bus. There are three over eighty and eleven more over seventy. Mrs. Addie Hodge, iu Jones county, was shot and killed tho other night at the residence of her brother, by some one outside of the house. Colored volunteer companies are or ganizing in all parts of the State, and are applying to the Governor lor orders to hold elections for officers. Two unterrified young people in Griffin, Mr. Peden Phelps and Miss Emma Casper, got up an elopement Saturday, and having eluded the old folks,sped away to bliss. The Toccoa Herald thinks that North Georgia farmers, among whom but little effort is used to raise cotton for market, are in a much better financial condition than those of the cotton belt. The bonded debt of Columbus is 8577,80% and it is suggested that, tho city dispense with her high school de partment and put out her gas lights. Bring in one more bell punch. The Grangers’ opposition to rail ways; that “they bring him home from town so quick he hasn’t time to get sober before he arrives,” is another ar gument for dirt roads and wagon trains. A Savannah burglar bounced two of his pursuers the other day and even af ter the arrival of a third opponent made an easy escape. A Savannah burglar is generally an earnest sort of a fellow, a person to be let aloneLy prudent men. In Crawford county, Mr. J. C. White, of that county, shot and killed a Mr. McCory, in a personal rencontre. Mr. White was knocked down by a heavy weight and shot twice before ho fired tho shot that resulted fatally to the other party. A Mr. Lockhart, of LaGrange, and Miss McLeod, of Columbus, were riding out the other afternoon, near Cusseta. The gentleman bantered the young lady to marry him upon reaching the town. She consented, and stopping at the hotel the twain were united. Mr. W. F. Darden, Tax Receiver of Monroe county, was recently halted on the road to bis home, by three masked men, and ordered to give up his money. Rather than have any disturbance he gave them all his pocket change, eighty cents, and went on his was in peace. A frightful death occurred Friday night in Columbus. The first intima tion which tho victim’s friends had of his sad fate! was to find the body bang ing cold and stiff, from which his vitali ty had long since taken its flight, pro bably to the “demnition bow wows.” The deceased had many friends, and was regarded by the neighborhood as one of the finest dogs in the city. Tlie Candidate; From .HclntosJi. We learn that Mr. Thomas Spalding, of Sapolo Island, is a candidate for the representation of Mclntosh county in the next General Assembly. While we are not disposed to interfere in local elections, we cannot refrain from expres sing the hope that Mr. Spalding will be elected. He is one of the class of men of whom we should desire to see the General Assembly composed. Young, intelligent, enterprising and industrious, he has made his way in life by hard and honest toil. The grandson of Colonel Thomas Spalding, who was a very prom inent man in hie day, and for some time a Representative in Congress, and the son of Randolph Spalding, a gentleman of large wealth and wide spread popu larity, he was born to wealth and But when the war closed, and his for tune was wrecked in the common ruin, he lost no time in complaint, but went to work, and has achieved an enviable position in his county, where he is uni versally considered one of her ablest, most useful and most popular citizens. Our remarks in commendation of Mr. Thomas Spalding are made in no wise with the view of antagonizing onr ex cellent friend, tbe former valuable Rep resentative from Mclntosh, Hon, A. S, Barnwell. It is stated in one of our exchanges that neuralgia (of the face we presume) can be immediately relieved by drop ping into the ears two drops cf lauda num in a half teaspoonful of warm wa ter. As this can hardly do any harm, even if it does no good, sufferers from neuralgia will be safe in giving it a trial