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Silt HeeM® (£ljfollicle & Constitutionalist
VOLUME XCV
WHAT IS DEMOCRACY!
Upon that generation reputed to have
been constantly seeking for a sign, fell the
most stinging rebnke from the Master of
men. The lore of truth and of principle
should be sufficient to attract the devotion
of men without those corollaries of thrift
and utility; but in all ages, and from every
people, has arisen this practical inquiry—
this seeking for a sign. In politics of the pres
ent day, principles without practicability are
esteemed dead letters by those persons
who measure progress by daring enterprise
and giant strides; and those statesmen who
align themselves with the reckless and ex
acting spirit of the day—however doubtful
their principles and flexible their creed—
are deemed most worthy to float the colors
of their country. Temporary advantage,
uncertain trophies and doubtful victories
are the standards of success to those who
reck not of rights forfeited nor of principles
surrendered; and are upheld by the multi
tude, even of Americans, as spot in opima
from battle fields “where more than blood
is spilt.’’
From the rank and file of the Repub
lican party in the United States to-day,
rich in the gains which expediency has sug
gested, and drunk with the excesses of na
tional victory, comes the reproachful banter
—“What has Democracy done?” Nor is the
answer suflicient, that Democracy is the gov
ernment of the people; that the essence of
Democracy is truth. “Where are your
achievements?" “W'hat tributaries follow
them to Rome; what conquests bring they
here ?” are questions asked. What are the
material gains of Democracy, can be readily
shown. Under three score years of its in
fluence it has reared a republic from the
ruins of revolution; it has governed a peo
ple, born in war and reared in bloodshed,
with ways of peace; it has secured for them
the refining influences of civilization; it
has successfully repelled British invasion
from American waters; it has enlarged and
fixed the trontiers of our country, and hurl
ed back the Mexican from our provinces; it
has caused itself to be felt in every land and
made America respected at every Court; it has
planted and protected our commerce,
strengthened our influence and unfurled
our flag to the winds of the world; it has,
in fact, "scattered plenty o’er a smiling
land, and reads its history in a nation's
eyes.” It has been the motive power and
balance-wheel of this great Republic for
three score yearH; it stood the storm of for
eign toe; it can survive the shock of domes
tic derision; for with all of defeat and neg
lect, the Democracy of the Union remains
to-dny, neither dethroned nor discrowned,
but full of strength and full of honor.
In answer to an invitation to accept the
Presidency of the Jefferson Democratic
Association ot New York, no lesß a person
than Samuel J. Tilden is led to say ;
At a time when powerful tendencies are at
work to subvert the original character of our
Government—to break down the limitations of
power established by the Constitution— to cen
tralize tho action and iuflnenoe of official au
thorities-to create a governing claas, using
the machinery of Government as a corrupt
balance of power in the elections, and then
shaping legislation and administration in the
interests of tho few against the many—the pre
cepts and example of such a man as Mr. Jef
ferson cannot be too often invoked.
Mr. Tildes is right. Democracy can now
act best as the balance-wheel of the Union.
This Republic of ours needs, just now, not
so much artificial stimulus, as it does curb
ing and restraining. Wild theories and
hectic ideas are in the air. Agitation and
enterprise are afloat; business is on a wild
cat basis, and thought runs in lightning
lines of zigzag. Tho original character of |
our Government is lost sight of. Talk to a j
jman of .States rights, and he tells you there ]
aro none; tell him the Constitution estab
lished limitations of power, and he an
swers that the Constitution is old-fogy
uah and fetid ; spoak of centraliz
ing iaiiuences, and he welcomes “the
star of empire." Mr. Tilden is an hun
dred times right. The signs of the times
are fevered and the symptoms seriously
distempered. From using the machinery
of government as n corrupt balance of
power in elections, that powerful machinery
is turning now towards the money power,
gathering under it central departments of
education, of agriculture, of railroads, of
banks, of postal roads and telegraphy. Of
what good is the riddance of bayonets at
the polls if we aro to encounter bonds at
the ballot box ? What Mr. Tilden rightly
characterizes as “shaping legislation and
administration in the interest of the few
against the many” is the greatest menace to
National Democracy and to popular liberty.
What the royal householders of the British
Lords have done for Ireland, the Corpora
tion King and Government Nabob will do
for the laboring man in America. But it is
most assuring to think that what Democracy
has done for nurturing the young Republic,
it can do towards correcting, chasten
ing and restricting the abuses of its
strength.
These, then, are the reasons why the pre
cepts and examples of such a man as Mr.
Jefferson should be invoked, and such the
mission of that citadei of conservatism—
castle as well as council chamber —the
Democracy of America—“from whose bat
tlements banners have waved, and from
whose embrasure artillery has thundered.”
WHO IS Ills FKIESiU!
The gtast slogan ot the Republican party
since the Democrats came into poweT in the
South has been the treatment of the colored
voter in this section, the suppression of his
vote and a denial of his political rights.—
This cry has formed a goodly part of their
stock in trade, and it has been time and
time again retailed to the Northern masses
as the true metal when those who had taken
-the trouble to look into the matter knew
that it was the tawdriest pinchbeck. The J
•colored people themselves have gone on
voting for the deceivers, deluded by false
ideas and false hopes, but the constant re- ;
ward of their fidelity has been the chaff j
while their white allies took the grain, j
Fortunately for them, there are be- .
ginning to rise intelligent and courageous j
ajcit of their own color who are not afraid j
<o speak their minds even if what they feel :
impelled to say does hurt the Republican .
party. The last number of the Athens
&u<ir\ a Republic vn paper edited by W. A.
Pledgee, a colored man, puts the whole
matter iu a nutshell in the following :
Considerable is being said just now about the
•suppression of the uegro vote in the South.
While i: is true that there is in many parts of
the South a kind of suppression of the Repub
lican or negro vote, it is in coming with the
present system of political party management.
Take, for instance, the negro in hie own party—
the party that complains of suppression—it
suppresses the voice of a million of negro voters
in the whole Union by not according to them,
after an almost unanimous request, a negro
member ef the Cabinet. Suppreeaion is but
suppression, let it be in the selection of an hum
ble Justice of the Peace or in selecting a Cabi
net otcer. If colored men have a right to have
a sav iif selecting Mr. Maceet to represent a
District ia South Carolina in Congress, they
have a right U say something about who shall
represent this section in the Cabinet. If the
Republicans suppress in the latter, they must
expect others to profit by the example.
Exactly. It will not do for the stalwarts
at the North to talk about suppression of
the negro vote in the South when they
themselves, who owe their political exist
ence to the negro, deny him any participa
tion in the Government. Let see how
the two pictures compare. In various
places in the South can be shown examples
of office-holding by colored men, in places,
too, where they hold them by Democratic
appointment. We need not go any further
Chan Richmond county. The public school
system in this county is, as a matter of fact,
absolutely under the control of the Demo
crats, who could, if they chose, put white
teachers in all of the schools. There is
nothing in the law creating the Board that
prevents them from so doing, and yet every
teacher in the colored schools is colored,
.from the primary to the high schooi grade,
is paid a good salary, and treated in the same
manner as the white teachers. In Charles
ton, which is entirely dominated by the
Democrats, there are colored men on the
polioe force and there are colored Trial
Justices in varions parts of the State. Turn
tp the other side. We bare yet to hear
of a colored office holder in a single North
ern or Western State—States where the Re
publicans are largely in the majority. In
i diana would have cast her electoral vote for
Hancock and English but for her colored
citizens. Are there colored men in office in
Indiana? New York and Ohio's votes would
have been reversed if the the colored voters
of those States had abstained from voting
altogether, or had cast their ballots for the
Democratic candidates, but we have not
heard that any of their number occupy any
office in the gift or control of the Republi
cans, in either of those States. They are
asking now that their claims be recognized
by the appointment of a colored man to a
Cabinet position, but there seems to be lit
tle prospect of any attention being paid to
: their demands. The reception of the dele
: gation which recently called on General
! Gabfield, at Mentor, foreshadows this.
The suggestion made by the President-elect
at that time, that the best thing for the
negro to do was to seek after education, was
a good one. The more educated a man is
the less apt is he to be deceived, and when
the negroes of the country, as a mass, have j
acquired a knowledge of even the rudimen- |
tary branches of education, they will no
longer be hewers of wood and drawers of
water to the Republican party. They will ;
be able to discover where the shoe pinches
and to judge for themselves, independent
of outside dictation. Consistency is a rare
jewel and especially so in the Republican
party.
The following from the Fort Wayne (Ind.)
Gazelle, a Republican paper of the deepest
die, is a specimen of the manner in which
journals of that ilk Bpeak of the desire of
the oolored people for a Representative in
the Cabinet:
“Brain” is the standard by which all the se
lections should be made and doubtless will be;
the selection oi a man because of his color or
nationality is not Republican, it is un-American.
If the colored citizens are not represented in
the Cabinet by one of their own race, it is to be
hoped that they will not feel that they are not
represented at all. The Republican party has
long since pledged itself to the millions its
bayonets made free, and their needs will be
considered at all times. The selection of a
Cabinet withont a colored member will mean no
disrespect or danger to the race. It will simply
mean that a better man bas been fonnd, one
more fitted to the work at his band, than would
be either of the men chosen by the colored
people, and m this selection, which will be for
the good of the whole people, none will more
quickly concur, we believe, than the intelligent
portion of the colored race.
This is a clear intimation that no colored
man is to be appointed to a Cabinet posi
tion, bocanse the colored voters have no
representatives " fitted to the work." This
is a startling declaration in the face of the
constant asserverationg of the Republican
press that there sire numbers of colored men
who are “fitted to the work ” of Governors,
Legislators and Judges of Southern States.
If they are fitted for the one they are fitted
for the other, and no amount of crawfishing
will make the country believe the contrary.
DR. FELTON.
We regret that Dr. Felton should wind
up a Congressional career which, in many
ways, has been a useful and honorable one,
by the display of a spirit and the adoption
of a policy which some of his best friends
do not try to defend. We published yester
day morning from an esteemed correspond
ent, an article in which the writer seeks to
divert attention from the Doctor’s most un
wise and indelicate attack npon the Gover
nor of the State upon the floor of the House,
by an arraignment of Mr. Hammond. The
communication is in answer to an editorial
of the CnaoNicLE of the 9th inst., in which,
while commenting upon tho electoral error
of Georgia, we remarked:
Asa Representative to the National Congress,
and one supposed to be interested in securing
the vote of Georgia for the Democratic candi
date for President, Dr. Fn, ton cannot shift all
the responsibility upon other parties.
This point we still maintain. Our suppo
sition that Dr. Felton was interested in the
observance of the National laws, and in the
casting of the electoral vote, proved to be a
most correct one; for when the question was
sprnng in the House ho was the first Geor
gia member to be beard from, and has since
busied himself in every * disoussion
over the error. The fact that he
takes so much pains in the matter now,
presupposes that he must have been
interested in the,casting and the counting
of the vote, even before the Georgia Elec
toral College met; unless, indeed, his pres
ent spirited championship of the vote is
warmed up for an especial purpose. But
Dr. Felton was as voiceless in the matter
nay, was as “ignorant or perverse," if yon
please, as others of our State and National
Representatives, during the session of the
late Legislature, when the State law might
have been changed to conform to the Fed
eral law had attention been called to tho
discrepancy of dates. Neither the Gov
ernor nor the Attorney-General noticed the
mistake; none of our Senators or Congress
men knew of it, net a member of the Leg
islature called attention thereto; none of
the Hancock electors, especially interested,
detected the error in time, so the eleven
votes of Georgia in joint session last week
were sealed up in a sort of subjunctive
package, and cast in an equivocal way.
We submit, in all candor, that Dr. Fee
ton’s remarks in the House, even viewed
from “the cold types," were indelicate and
unwise. A plain, business-like explanation
of the error was all that was necessary.
Even leaving out the charge of disloyalty,
every Republican and Democrat in the
United States knew that the people of Georgia
wanted their vote cast for Hancock and
English, and that we would not have allowed
any ridiculous contortion of States Bight
doctrine to jeopardize that count. Why,
then, should Dr. Felton have so pointedly
attempted to mortify the chosen Executive
of his own State '.' If Dr. Felton was no
more to blame than other Congressmen, and
no one says he was, he certainly could have
| felt no more deeply the] chagrin at the pros
| pect of the electoral vote being lost. Dr.
j Felton dealt in some “glittering generali
i ties," and pointed impersonalisras in bis
speech; he was even so intent upon heap
ing confusion upon the Governor that he
| did not absolve the people of the State from
! the alleged charge cf disloyalty, as he had
| doubtless intended to do; and failed to ex
plain his proclaimed purpose to a colleague
from Kentucky—Mr. Carlisle— who called
upon him to be explicit.
Our correspondent calls attention to the
fact that “no other member from Georgia,
either in the House or Senate, rose up to
defend the Executive.” This was eminently
proper. The question of domestic mistakes
was not one to be aired on the floors of
Congress. It is also noticeable that “no
other member from Georgia, either in the
House or Senate, rose np to" assail the “ig
norance or perversity” of the Executive.
We respectfully submit, in conclusion, that
the arraignment of Mr. Hammond, in the
communication signed "Independent,” was
unjust. It is true, as alleged, that Mr.
Hammond was a member of the Constitu
tional Conventions of 1865 and of 1877.
But in neither instrument does any mention
or any regulation of the Electoral College
of Georgia, which is controlled entirely by
Federal statute, occur. This "important
State document—the highest law known to
Georgia”—has nothing to do with the Elec
toral College. Provisions for its meeting,
however, are made in the Code, in which
, this carelessness of compilation is apparent.
We are not prepared to sav who is responsi
nle for the error; but every one knows that
the State was under Republican discipline
when State and Confederate laws were
merged into statntes to conform to Federal
laws; that no mistake in the casting of the
electoral vote of Georgia had been made np
to the present time under any Democratic
Executive, hence the possibility of the
blunder of 1868 being now repeated.
One word with Dr. Felton, in all kind
ness. It is true he "was not se'nt to Con
gress to apologize for anybody’s failures”;
we also trust he will see the impropriety of
creating any domestic discord. attack
upon the Governor, his arraignment of j&n
litical methods in Georgia and .his charge
of unfairness upon some of the electors of
his own District can do him no possible
. good. Personally, the Chronicle has high
I regard for him, and although politically
differing from him, it bas found time to
speak well of him on more than one occa
sion. Standing in the House where he is
completing the sixth year of Congressional
life, even in the last hours of public ser
vice, Dr. Felton should not show either
anger or disappointment. If he has been
unkindly treated, he can much better af
ford to retire than his district can to have
him retire. His course is about finished for
the present, and if he is conscious of the
purity of his own motives and the rectitude
of his own career, he can safely leave his
record with his people, and his vindication
to time “which ovei throws the illusions of
opinion and establishes the decisions of
nature."
LETTER FROM WASHINGTON.
[Editorial Cor. Chronicle arid Constitutionalist.]
Washington, D. C„ February 12, 1881.—
No Spring day in the South is more beauti
ful and balmy than this February morn in
high latitudes. All nature rejoices and
there is a thrill everywhere, summoned
forth by tbe magical wandof the sun.
Along the river, however, a feeling of ap
prehension makes every hamlet quiveT, be
cause with the breaking of the ice-blockade
a tremendous freshet may ponr through the
mountain gates of the Potomac and “swal
low navigation up.” There is never any
thing perfect in this world, and so this
glorious season must perforce have its draw"
backs and flaws. But we who have no fear
of an inundation, perched high above its
impetuous onset, thank God for a respite
from the cold, and welcome the soft wind
from the sweet South.
The most conspicuous event of Thurs
day last was the unmerciful overhaul
ing given the River and Harbor bill
by quite a number of gentlemen under
the lead of Sam Cox. Tbe little giant from
New York has always been, daring his long
service in Congress, the thorn in the side of
the Commerce Committee, and I marvel
greatly that his gun has not been spiked by
making him a member of it. Last year, in
a speech of unrivalled wit anil wisdom, he
punctured the absurdities and injustice of
the appropriations. Then the Kiskituinotas
and kindred damp spots were held up to
ridicule. This year he pursued the Elk of
Mr. Kenna, while Mr. Chittenden satirized
the Sumpawamus, that makes a slight dent
in his own commonwealth. The barb
launched at the capacious paunch of Mr.
Rkaoan, relative to the enormous slice that
Texas was accorded, galled that gentleman
into very tart expressions, some of which
punctured, in return, the tough cuticle of
Cox and made him utter language connect
ed with “rebellion," for which amid a
storm of hisses from his own party friends,
he was prompt to apologize. He recovered
himself nimbly and extorted good humor,
even from the burly and ruffled Reagan
an audible smile, when he proposed to
settle the difficulty outside with harpoons.
As Cox is not much bulkier than a healthy
harpoon, and as Reagan is a ton of a man,
this sally had in it more than meets the eye
of a reader unacquainted with the facts.
The member of the Commerce Committee
who generally comes in for special atten
tion is John E. Kenna, of West Virginia,
who bas contrived to get very large appro
priations, and whose re-election has been
twice insured unquestionably. His im
portance, I hear, is principally because
Speaker Randall took a fancy to him and
made him one of his principal fuglemen,
aloDg with Feenando Wood and Heisteb
Clymeb. It is a feather in a Congressman’s
cap to have the Speaker for a patron, and
somehow Mr. Kenna, early in the day,
caught the Speaker’s heart, if not his eye >
much to the delight of tbe sparse popula
tion along the trickling Elk and the pro
fusely dammed and d— and Kanavraha. This
time, he was lot off with moderate
critioism, possibly because he is what may
be called “a good follow” and, for the fur
ther reason, that Mr. Samuel J. Randall
will never more have a chance to distribute
patronage in the House. That he should
ever have had it at all is one of the paradoxes
of the century; for he has been a dead-weight
on the party, and loudly accused of being
sent to Congress for no other purpose than
to catch Democratic gulls from the South
and make them harmless against high pro
tective tariff monopolies. This is what one
can hear most vociferously around the
Capitol, and the proof of it would seem to
be that no gerrymander of the remorseless
Republican Ring has ever crippled his
District.
I agree with Senator Brown that the Gov
ernment should be most liberal in its poli
cy toward all internal improvements, and
principally in its expenditure in such locali
ties where the best return can be relied
upon. The old, ruffled-shirt policy of the
South, which had a lofty scorn of appro
priations, is as dead as the dodo, unless
the kicking of some galvanized corpse,
hero and there, be taken for a symptom of
vitality. The South at last perceives that
she built up a hostile North to rob, invade
and desolate her. She will not do it again,
if there is any way to remedy the mistake.
There will be excessive opposition at the
East to any improvements of our harbors
and rivers; but we can break down that
barrier by judicious political alliances.
Nothing has been so hurtful to the Demo
cratic party as its Diggardness in fostering
valuable improvements and I should not
at all be surprised if the Republicans, at
the next session, adopt a liberal policy
which will create for them something like
popularity in the South, provided they do
not eviscerate it by another reconstruction
dragonnade.
I notice that while Mr. Reagan was dili
gently explaining how well treated were
the States not represented on his commit
tee, he failed to mention Georgia. I also
remarked that not one of the Georgia dele
gation criticised his bill. That some of
them are indignant at it I know ; but they
gave no utterance in debate to the tempest
in their souls, and I charitably presume
that their disgust was too potent for articu
lation. Probably, they conld see no sub
stantial good to accrue, and await the time
when Senator Brown shall “ take a whack
at the evidence," in the Senate. I have
some solid reasons for asserting that he
will do that very thing, but with what suc
cess I cannot venture to declare. As to our
river at Augusta, which the Senator heartily
sympathizes with, I can only say that,
though the sum named in the bill is not
what we wanted and deserved, it is an en
tering wedge for final success. The Com
merce Committee will be tremendously
shaken up and reformed, next session, and
Georgia, banished now, may have a con-
spicuous place in the picture then.
There is some complaint among the
Georgia delegation that they are frequently
misrepresented by an alleged Republican
correspondent of one of the Democrats
newspapers. This correspondent is ac
cused of inventing anecdotes that have no
basis of truth, or retailing them with all the
flavor of invention. One of the latest re
ports is that Senator Hill has been much
worried at some sharp notices of a so-called
interview in the Philadelphia Press, and
that he is very anxious and alarmed about
the Senatorial snccession. I can state with
| some authority that the Senator does not
lose any sleep or appetite in consequence
of these reputed troubles, but I dare say
he does resent misrepresentation. It is
rather early in the day for him to trouble
for his seat, and I have not witnessed any
: exhibition of anxious care one way or the
other upon that subject. He looks at least
ten years younger than his actual age, and
might easily pass for a son of Senator Ed
munds, who is abont five years his jnnior.
As Colonel Pitzsimoss’ requisitions have
been accepted, and as he will not be re
moved, the presumption is that the Atlanta
petition has proven more of a boomerang
than anything else.
If Congressmen are to be believed, very
: little dependence can be placed upon the
I veracity of Presidents. One old politician
j told me that since the days of John Ttlkh,
there was bat one President who habitually
kept his word, and that was Grant. And
I yet the late Andrew Johnson was of opinion
that Grant nttered falsehoods. That was,
however, before he became President.
When Chief Magistrate, Grant, I presume,
was’ faithful to .his promises; very often,
too, when it was not profitable to be ae.
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 23, 1881.
The apportionment bill will not pass this
' session. No apportionment has ever been
made in the as the census. Then
again it does not suit the Republicans to
let the Democrats arrange the new Congres
sional status. They have the power to pre
vent it, and will do so accordingly.
Mr. Stephens was 69 years of age on Fri
day last. He is in excellent physical
health, and his mind is as active and lu
minous as ever. Fifty years ago, he deem*
ed that his life would be a brief one, and,
daring that half century, he has been face
to face with death many times. And vet,
he has outlived two generations of athletes.
From present appearances, he will survive
another generation of robust contempora
ries. How so frail a body should so long
defy time and disease is one of the per
plexities of science. He has been sustained
in some miraculous manner by Providence
for the performance of a task that is not yet
completed. Until that period, the atten
uated body will register the greatness of the
soul. Last Summer I envied him the little
health he had, Last night, I heard Colonel
J. T. Pickett, of Confederate fame, and
once of iron constitution, wisttully declare
that he envied him for the same reason.
Luckily for me, the crisis of sicknesß pass
ed; but Colonel Pickett is a palsied wreck,
to be compassionated by any person who
has a fragment of vigor. That the grand,
good old statesman of Georgia may still re
main upon earth for many years to come,
is the wish and prayer of thousands; for
when he has been translated where shall
we find his like again !
Yesterday, in the Senate, the ordinary
tedium was slightly relieved by Mr. Maxey,
of Texas, who grew very indignant at Mr.
Beck because of some real or fancied attack
upon the Post Office Committee. Mr. Maxey
is as thin as Saba Bebnhabdt and not near
so handsome. His remarks about Beck,
who is grumpy and bullish, were red-pep
pery. As the Texan made some savage
lunges at the Appropriation. Committee and
its Chairman, I noticed that Mr. Conkling
beamed into smiles of approbation. If Mr.
Beck had reminded Mr. Maxey that while
he was in Texas General Logan had cap
tured the Military Committee and reported
the Gbant Retirement bill, as a Republican
measure, I think the Lone Star gentleman’s
irascibility would have been toned down.
Unless some stop be put, by the estab
lishment of a special court or something of
that kind, upon pension olaims, this Gov
ernment will be bankrupted by its bum
mers. The Commissioner of Pensions
protests and refuses payment; but the bum
mers rally to their Congressmen and filch
money, world without end, from the Treas
ury. Mr. Speaker Randall has aided in
this outrage by appointing] the mushy
Coffeoth, of Pennsylvania, Chairman of
the Pension Committee. He has rushed
through the House a vast amount of this
kind of fraud, and, although defeated at the
last election, there seems to be no limit to
Pennsylvania pap. I heard a dißgusted
Southern Democrat swear that he would
vote for any respectable Republican for
Speaker rather than give Mr. Samuel J.
Randall a complimentary ballot. “Sam
Randall,” he said, “is our evil genius. Re
publicans send him to Congress as a Dem
ocrat just to hoodwink and make fools of
Southern Congressmen, who bite at patron
age as Adam bit at Eve’s disastrous ap
ple. ”
Senator Hoab’s protest against the as
sembling of military companies here on the
4th of March is significant. Not less sig
nificant is the statement of Senator Ed
munds that he approved of that part of Gen.
Hancock’s letter commending the simplicity
of Jeffebson’s inauguration. When New
England expresses alarm at this “result of
the war,” it is a sign that all is not happy
in that quarter. The new nation brought
about by Hoab, Edmunds & Cos. is opposed
to the plain methods of the old Republic,
just as the man they have made President
is no more like to Jeffebson than Senator
Bbuoe is constituted in the same mould as
Epaminondas. Still, it is refreshing to hear
Hoab appeal to first principles and Edmunds
commend Thomas Jeffebson and Gen.
Hancock. This feeling may grow—in
New England. But, in what is called
“the best society” of Washington, thore
is a profounder dread than Mr. Hoab’s j
warlike apparition. The tickets to the
inaugural ball cost $5, but quite a num
ber will find t heir way into the posses
sion of ladies and gentlemen of color, who
assert themselves frequently here, and who
regard Gabfield as peculiarly their Presi
dent. They know that, but for them, Han
cock would be in the White House on
March 4th. Therefore, they propose to
celebrate the event alongside white people
of quality at the ball. President Gabfield
might open the festival in a waltz with
Mrs. Bbuoe, and Blaine, Conkling, Gbant
and Pig-Iron Kelley might “turn in the
dance" with dusky dames and damsels,
That they will scrupulously avoid that con
tingency is my firm belief. Meanwhile, to
match New England’s horror at the tri
umphal march of a Republican President,
escorted with militia bayonets, the social
terror of the inaugural ball projects its
shadow into a thousand homes. J. R. R.
GEN. M. C. BUTLER.
Distinguished Family Antecedents of the
South Carolina Senator.
[ Correspondence of (he Graphic
Washington, February 8. —To see the
galleries crowded for the first time in weeks
to hear Conkling reply to Senator Butler
shows that the gladiatorial appetite is still
strong in this city of affrays, where Sumner
was beaten, where Sam Houston beat Con
gressmen Stanton, where Sickles shot Key
and Graves killed Cilley. The Butler family
now, as in 1856, is the subject of all physi
cal notice.
Story of the Butlers.
Senator Butler, of South Carolina, is a
probably clear descendant of Walter the
Bntler, who went with Henry 11. to the
conquest of Ireland, was made Chief But
ler, and whose descendant soon afterwards
adopted the name of Le Botiller, the bot
tler, or the buttler. Had Ireland come to a
like independence with Scotland, the royal
line of the Butlers might have cut as wide
a swath historically as the line of Walter
the Steward, which became the Scotch and
English Stuarts. The Butlers, as Dukes of
Ormond, rose to the highest dignity in Ire
land, and though of Ivorman origin, be
came “more Irish than the Irish.” While
the Stuarts were fighting for their crown
the great Butler Ormond was his Viceroy in
Ireland, and at the expnlsion of the liish
from all their country east of the Shannon,
Pierce Butler, hunted like a beast, made
his way to Cromwell in person and was for
given. Like all aristocratic families, the
Butler name was adopted by a large tenant
ry, yet it is pretty distinctively Irish. Lut
lers were with the Tory Johnsons of New
York and with the patriot settlers of
Wyoming, and Pierce Butler, Major of a
British regiment in Boston, joined the
Americans, operated in South Carolina,
and, having assisted to make the Constitu
tion, became the first Senator from that
State, and lived till 1822.
When the Constitution was under debate
this Major Butler was a leader in extending
the foreign slave trade to 1808—significant
ly the end of Jefferson’s Presidential term —
and he was the author of the fugitive slave
law of 1788, though fair and reciprocal on
other questions. The Butlers of Pennsyl
vania and Kentucky also kept the name of
Pierce, aDd came from Kilkenny; one of
them was the Democratic candidate for Vice-
President with Cass. In 1840 Samson H.
Butler, of South Carolina, made a speech in
Congress defending slavery on Scriptural
grounds. Andrew Pickens Butler was the
most celebrated of the family, and was born
at the Irish settlement of "Edgefield, the
most lawless and duelling point of South
Carolina, in the year 1796. This was the
man against whom Sumner leveled his
speech on the “Barbarism of Slavery.” He
was educated at the celebrated South Caro
lina College, at Columbia, where free trade
was first taught by Cooper, of Pennsylva
nia, the English son-in-law of Joseph Priest
ley. Calhoun seized on the party cry of
i free trade to elect himself President, and
the nullifying laws were therefore passed
against the Federal protective duties. It
would seem that all South Carolinans, Un
ionists as well as Kaliifiers, were free trad
ers. Andrew P. Butler became a Judge at
forty, and so remained twelve years, nntil
George McDuffie died, when he was ap
pointed United States Senator about 1847,
and was in the Senate till his death in
1857. His father had been a regular army
surgeon and a Congressman, and his broth
er William . was also a Congressman, and
married the sister of Commodore Perry,
grand-aunt of Mrs. Belmont, of New York.
Recollecting the friendship between Bel
mont and Tom Bayard and the recent cor
respondence between Bayard and Senator
Conkling, you will see a possible analogy
between it and Senator Butler’s outbreak.
He ia the posterity of Miss Perry and a
cousin of- Perry Belmont, Congressman
elect. Another Butler, Pierce M., was Gov
ernor of South Carolina in 1836, and was
killed leading his regiment on the field of
Cherubusco. The regiment marched to
Mexico nearly 1,200 strong, and returned
with only 300 men and few of its officers,
and to it the Palmetto tree monument at
Columbia is raised. The Pierce Butler who
married Fanny Kemble and resided at
Philadelphia was of slight relation to any
of the public men foregoing, though it is
suggestive that through the Kembles the
Butlers are connections of General Grant,
whose daughter married the son of Fanny
Kemble Butler’s sister.
In the dispate over carrying slavery into
Oregon, 1848, Senator A. P. Butler said
“he would tell his constituents to go into
the territories with arms in their hands and
settle at all hazards. * * * lam ready
to embark in the boat with my State and
trust it to the care ot Heaven.”
One month after Charles Sumner was
elected to the United States Senate he pre
sented a New England petition to repeal the
Fugitive Slave law and in the excited de
bate which followed he chose the old vet
eran Senators of the South, Butler and Ma
son, as the representative agents of slavery
extension. Butler asked if Mr. Sumner
would send back fugitive slaves if the law
was repealed. “Is thy servant a dog that
he should do this thing ?” replied Sumner.
"Then you tell me in my presence as a co
equal Senator that it is a dog’s office to exe
cute the Constitution of the United States ?”
So began the exasperating animus between
the Southerner of fifty-five years of gge and
the Massachusetts champion of forty. Sum
ner’s appearance in that Senate created as
much curiosity and disgust as Cadet Whit
taker did 30 years afterwards in the military
aristocracy of West Point. The father of
Thomas Bayard cast in his Jot with the rad
ical Southern element, though he had mar
ried in Philadelphia. There was an old
feud between South Carolina and Massa
chusetts made personal by the mission of
the father of George Hoar"to Charleston as
the State agent to protect the freedom of
Massachusetts colored sailors, and the de
bate between Webster and Hayne, when
Sumner §was only nineteen years of age,
had appeared to make these two States the
moral champions of the slavery question.
After the repeal of the Missouri compro
mise and the aggressions of Pierce’s admin
istration on Kansas, Sumner levelled all the
personalities of a set speech entitled “The
Crime Against Kansas” upon Stephen A.
Douglas and Andrew Pickens Butler. The
air was full of fight, and scalp takers from
Kansas were lying drunk around Washing
ton hotels threatening to “lick” somebody.
Two days after the speech, which had
painted a godless state of things in South
Carolina, and paid no great respect to the
intellect orgood intentions of Senator Butler,
the latter’s young relative, Preston S. Brooks,
who was 37 years old, and Sumner, then
forty-five, assaultod the latter with a stick.
The assault killed all three of the parties, it
is said. Mr. Sumner suffered from the as
sault for eighteen years, and, it is believed,
to have been among the causes of his death.
No more was heard of the Butler family of
South Carolina for nearly twenty years, till
the present Senator appeared in the Ham
burg massaore, near Augusta, Ga-, but in
the interval, Benjamin F. Butler, an Or
mond, too, as his grandfather was in the
Revolutionary war, and his father in the
war of 1812, made an immense reputation
against the rebellion, though he was a
Breckenridge elector for Massachusetts in
1860. Roderick R. Butler, of Tennessee,
late candidate for Speaker of the Legisla
ture, is a Republican and was a mechanic,
born on the mountains of Virginia, in the
same county with John S. Mosby. All the
Butlers are of strong Irish temperaments.
DR. FELTON.
The Law of Georgia on the Counting of
Eieotoral Votes.
Editora Chronicle and Constitutionalist:
I have just read your editorial essay upon
Georgia's electoral vote, contained in your
paper of Wednesday, February 9th. You
say: “The unfortunate error which called
“ together the electoral college, on the first
“ Monday in December instead of the Mon
“ day preceding the first Wednesday in De
• ‘ cernber, has been fully exposed in Con
“ gress. It was a matter which the voters
“ of the State regretted, but in which all
“ were equally interested, so that no person
“ may charge especial blame upon another.
“ Dr. Felton cannot shift the blame upon
“ other parties. * * * * *
“ The effort to link the error with want of
“ loyalty of the people of Georgia, was as
“ sickly as the innuendoes in Dr. Felton’s
“ iiighflown defense were unnecessary.”
Now, Messrs. Editors, I trust you will read
again jour own editorial and ask yourself
if you have not been resenting Dr. Felton’s
assertion in the House of Representatives,
in which he declared “that the ignorance
or perversity of Georgia’s Executive had dis
franchised our State?”
Dr. Felton made no attack upon tho loy
alty of Georgia—he deiended her loyalty in
the most unqualified terms. He used no
innuendo or any word of doubtful mean
ing. He did not try to “shift the blame”
on anybody who did not deserve it. He
told that House that Georgia cast her votes
for Hancock according to law in the ballot
box, and the failure to call the electors on
the proper day by Georgia’s Executive had
made her vote void and without effect.
He put the responsibility where it be
longed, and he told the Congress of the
United States that the Legislature of Geor
gia was then in session and could have con
formed the Georgia law to the Federal law
if their attention had been called to it by
proper authorities. This was true, as you
are compelled to admit. Somebody waR to
blame, and it is left to the Augusta Chroni
cle to rise up and make the effort to “shift
some blame" on Dr. Felton, when no mem
ber from Georgia, either in the House or
Senate, rose up to defend your Executive.
The “error” has not all been exposed
either, as you confidently remark. Mr.
Hammond “shifted the blame" on the
“carelessness” of the compilers of the
Code, as far back as 1862. Let us see
whether Mr. Hammond was the proper per
son to charge “carelessness” upon any
body in this particular matter. If I remem
ber aright, this Code of 1862 was the Con
federate Code. In looking over the Con
gressional Directory, put in by Mr. Ham
mond’s authority (furnished by himself), I
find his record before he went into Con
gress. He says he was a member of the
Constitutional Conventions of 1865 and
also of 1877. With all deference to his
superiority as a law-maker, why did not his
own astute legal mind penetrate this error
and correct this “ carelessness ’ ’ of which he
complains ?
Why did he allow the Confederate “tail”
to wag the Federal “dog” in that important
State document—the highest law known to
Georgia ?
Georgia’s vote was also set aside in 1868;
that fact alone should have stimulated great
pains-taking in preparing for a correct
count of the electoral vote. Furthermore,
the difficulty which the famous Electoral
Commission of 1877 bridged over was not
yet stale or quiet in Georgia, when Colonel
Hammond engaged in preparing the Con
stitution of that year.
He was right in seeking to divert blame
from the Executive when he was so much
concerned in the “carelessness” himself,
bnt with all respect for his great legal
knowledge and reputation, it would have
been only kind in him to have warned the
Executive of the fatal effect of his blind
compliance with this “careless” law before
he left Atlanta for Washington.
Mr. Hammond made considerable diver
sion in the House by comparing Georgia
Independents to “dangerous wild beasts,”
who walk singly and alone—calling especial
attention to the wonderful excellence of the
gregarious “sheep and elephants, who go
in crowds and attend conventions.”
This was all right and proper when the
country understands so well the “grega
rious” policy which has cut down the
handsome majority of seventy in the Demo
cratic party of 1874 to a hopeless minority
in 1880; but we would advise Gov. Colquitt,
through his undying friend, the Chronicle
and Constitutionalist, to think for himself
in ordering the electoral vote to assemble in
1884, as he will appear more statesmanlike
in the role of “Brer Fox,” than in blindly
following the notable elephants who have
been unable to hide his blunders by snort
ing at the Independents.
Dr. Felton was not sent to Congress to
apologize for anybody’s failures; he spoke
the truth when he said the people of Geor
; gia were not responsible for this egregious
’ faux pas. Will the Chronicle tell us who
was to blame in its clearest and most candid
way ? Your journal has a reputation for
great fairness, and you will not refuse to
allow a friend of Dr. Felton to defend him
1 from your editorial criticisms, when you
can always come back at him at your own
time and pleasure. Independent.
Reduction of Passenger Rates.
Col. A. Pope, General Passenger Agent of
the Richmond and Danville Railroad, an
nounces, in a communication to the Rich
mond Dispatch, a reduction in fares over the
roads under its control as follows : By di
rection of the management local passenger
fares are now being revised (and in printer’s
hands), in which material reductions are
made, 'lhe commutation ticket system is
also undergoing revision, embracing reduc
tion of rate and enlargement of territory in
which available. For instance, it is intend
ed, when ticket are in hand from printer,
that the rate of 1,000 mile tickets shall be
2%c. per mile; 2,000, 2V4C. and 3,000 and
4,000, 2c., with the provision for acceptance
of the larger denominations over either of
the roads of the associated system. With
the issue of said tickets free transportation
of one hundred pounds commercial baggage
will be granted at Richmond as well as at
othei points where these tickets and per
; mits are sold.
There were one hnndred and ninety-five
marriages in Monroe county during the
year 1880, of which one hundred and
thirty-four were colored and sixty-one
white people.
THE OLD WORLD.
I THE BEST POLICY FOR THE IRISH
LEADERS.
: Death of an African Explorer—Emperor
William Makes an Important Appeal
to the Working ClaJaes—Fight Between
Turks and Christians In Rryrout—An
Interesting Letter From Mr. Parnell.
(Bv Cable to the Chronicle.)
London, February 16.—A dispatch from
Alexandria states that Henri Lezeret, the
French explorer of Afrie a, and all his snite,
! have been murdered by Gallas tribes.
Nicosia, Februarj’ 16. —News has been
reoeived here from Beyrout, as follows : A
Turk murdered a Christian on Sunday last,
and a number of Christians thereupon left
the town and went to their villages, where
they were met by Turks, and ten persons
were killed in the fight whioh ensued.
There was renewed fighting, but the result
at present is unknown. There is great ex
citement. Business in Beyrout is suspend
ed and bazaars are closed.
Beblin, February 16.—Emperor Wil
liam’s speech, read at the opening of the
Reichstag yesterday, contains an important
appeal to the working classes, which may
be expected to influence the election which
will probably'be held in June next. The
Emperor says a remedy for Socialist ex
cesses must be sought, not only in repres
sion, but equally in positive attempt to
promote the welfare of the laboring classes.
His Majesty says he hoped the Workmen’s
Accident Insurance bill will be welcomed
by the Reichstag as a compliment to legis
lation against Social Democracy. In the
same category is the bill to regulate the
constitutions of trade guilds, by affording
means for organizing the isolated powers of
persons engaged in the same trade, thus
raising their economic capacity and social
and moral efficiency. The speech an
nounces that the bill for biennial budgets
will be again presented for the considera
tion of the Reichstag, as the allied Govern
ments are still suffering from difficulties in
separable from the simultaneous sitting of
the Imperial and Provincial Parliaments.
London, February 16.—1n the House of
Lords, last night, Earl Cadogan asked
whether peace negotiations are proceeding
between the Government and Boers. Earl
of Kimberly, Colonial Secretary', declined to
state what negotiations are being conducted.
Lord Beaconßiield expressed the opinion
that danger might arise from negotiations
with belligerents against whom we are not
yet successful in war.
At a meeting of the Land Leagae in Dub
lin to-day, a letter from Mr. Parnell was
read, in which he says : “After a full con
sideration and consultation, I have decided
it to be my duty to remain in Parliament
and Ireland during the present crisis. |f
we are worthy of the occasion here, the
American people and the Irish nation in
America will give us proportionate sym
pathy and practical help, while the slight
est flinching or reaction in Ireland
will produce disastrous results in
America. The expelled Irish mem
bers have almost unanimously de
cided to remain in their places in Par
liament and offer every resistance that the
forms of the House will permit to the Coer
cion and Arms bills. Hence, the coup
d'etat on the passage of the gagging resolu
tion is most encouraging. I can also be of
some use during the passage of the Land
bill, in pointing out in what respect it may
fall short of final settlement. Two courses
were given to the Irish party—either to re
tire in a body from the House and announce
to their constituents that nothing remained
but sullen acquiescence, or an appeal to
force in opposition to that force which is used
against us, or else a steadfast attempt to deep
en and widen agitation by appealing to the
great masses of England and Scotland against
the territorialism and shopocracy which
dominate Parliament. The last alternative
has many elements of hope. There is noth
ing in the Coercion bill to compel the Irish
to modify their attitude of open organiza
tion and passive resistance. The Govern
ment, doubtless, rely much on the intimi
dation produced by the first arrests, which
would probably be widely scattered, but
not numerous. The future of Ireland,
probably for a generation, depends upon
the tenant farmers remaining firm in their
refusal to pay unjust rents and take evicted
farms. If they waver they will prove that
they are only fit for slavery.”
London, February 16. —The Daily News,
in a leading editorial article this morning,
says the Cabinet met yesterday on a some
what hasty summons to consider proposals
of negotiation from the Boers. Though the
proposals are vague and general, they were
nevertheless regarded by tbe Government
as affording at least a starting point toward
discussion of the terms of an amicable set
tlement. ——-
London, February 16. —1f the strike of
colliers in South Yorkshire lasts another
fortnight it will affect twenty thousand
men. The greatest destitution prevails.
Pabis, February 16. —M. Rochefort pub
lishes in the Intransegeant an account of his
interview with Mr. Parnell, who told M.
Rocheiort that one of the chief objects of
his journey to Paris is to contradict in the
press all calumnies of the English press on
his cause and on his friends and himself.
Mr. Parnell and his friends dine to-night
with MM. Victor Hugor and Henri Roche
fort.
ARK OUR JUDGES BRIBED}
Free Kailroud Passes ami tile .Judiciary
of Georgia.
Editors Chronicle and Constitutionalist:
In these days of political corruption, the
public sensibility has become so much
deadened by the constant recurrence of
high crimes in office, that we are apt to
overlook lessor evils in those who occupy
positions of power and authority. It will
hardly be controverted in this enlightened
day that of all branches of government
purity is most essential in the judiciary.
The legislative and executive branches are
a check upon each other, and both must be
corrupt to succeed in the accomplishment
of base purposes. But the judiciary stands
aloof in its administration, co-ordinate with
and yet wholly independent of the other
two. * In the hands of the Judge are our
Mghts of property and in many cases the
mo and liberty of person. Like the ancient
Tierglyphical representation of justice, he
should be blind-folded and hold the scale
to be turned by the law, not caring or know
ing which end of the beam shall rise or
fall.
Of late years there has arisen a custom in
Georgia, which the author conceives to be a
species of bribery, but which is more or less
sanctioned by the public because of the
ignorance of its existence and for the lack
of a moment's thought. In a judiciary for
the most part so pure as our’s its existence
becomes the more conspicuous, and hence
doubtless the reader has already guessed
that reference is made to the acceptance by
our Judges of free passes over the rail
roads. A pass is, to a certain extent,
the equivalent of money, and there can be
no rational excuse conceived for accepting
the one and refusing the other. To a very
great extent the large cases in our Courts
are those in which the railroads are either
plaintiffs or defendants, generally the latter;
very generally, the amounts involved in
those suits are large, and the great interest
of the corporation at stake. It therefore
behooves them to secure the good favor of
the Judge, and nothing so cogently and ef
fectively appeals to his pride and pocket as
a free pass. Were the railroads to offer
passes to the jury in the same Court, it can
not be doubted but that heavy punishment
would be imposed upon them by the very
same Judges who sits on the bench delight
ing in their ability to ride without the pay
ment of fare. How is it with other corpo
rations? Suppose a telegraph or express
company involved in a suit, would the ac
ceptance by any of our Judges of a frank,
be tolerated for an instant? Would a min
ing company dare to offer a part of the
profits of its ore to a Judge who was to pre
side over its case ? And is not the same
true of natural as of these artificial persons?
Were A and B involved in a law suit, and
were A to offer the payment of the Judge’s
fare on the railroad for a year (which would
be the equivalent of a pass) we are proud to
know that no Judge in Georgia would
accept the offer, and if he did, the peo
ple would not tolerate it. And yet
it is the daily custom of many of
those who wear the ermine, from the
Supreme Court down the scale, to accept
and use these railroads bribes. Undoubt
edly the railroads offer them with no other
intention than to secure the favor of the
! Judges; and, if the natural honor of these
i officers does not spurn the insult to their
j official purity and integrity, it ought to be
I prohibited by law. The eradication of this
evil would silence the cry of ‘‘corporation
I Judges,” and would put railroads on the
i same plane in the Courts with poorer but
equally honest litigants. It should, how
ever, be a matter of State pride and congra
tulation that there are now, notwithstand
ing the prevalence of this custom, some
Judges who have scorned the acceptance of
this petty bribery. It is vain to answer
that their salaries are so small as to justify
the acceptance of a pass. Without digress
ing upon that question, it is sufficient to
say that the office should be accepted or re
fused with the knowledge that, in the lan
guage of our Constitution, their “salaries
shall not be increased or diminished du
ring their continuance in office.” So jealous
was the old common law of the purity of
the bench, that no Judge wa3 allowed to
preside in the Circuit in which he lived,
lest the influence of kindred or friendship
might bias his judgment. How much more,
then, ought they to be free from the temp
tation to partiality by the acceptance and
use of these passes which are intended to
corrupt them. In the purity of the judi
ciary rests ultimately the.security of life,
liberty and property; thp justice of law,
the honest administration of government,
and the welfare and happiness of the peo
ple. Our Judges should be like Csesar’s
wife, “even above suspicion," and they
should rise above the greedy desire to save
a paltry penny, feeling that their adminis
tration shall be impartial and complete,
though it result in their own pecuniary
ruin.
Perhaps merely calling attention to this
species of corruption may suffice, for many
are captured by it heedlessly; but let us
hope that henceforth it will cease and thus
save the necessity for the passage of a law
which shall have for its object “the purifi
cation of the judiciary.” Such is doubtless
the wish of every good Citizen.
LA DAME ACT CAMELIAS.
A Glance at Sara—From Smith Clayton’s
•‘Glimpses of the Great West.”
[Atlanta Phonograph.]
“Yes, young man, I saw Sara B.—saw her
twice in Cincinnati, once in—well, I’m too
tired now to pronounce it—and once in La
Dame Aux Camelias, or as people who have
a very profound knowledge of French (to
acquire) call it, “Camille.” I did not care
for a seat, yon know, because they were all
occupied, so I paid a dollar and a half for
the privilege of standing up. There was
plenty of standing room, and I got along
very well, better than many who sat, be
cause, like the ghost of Hamlet, there was
“no speculation in my eyes,” and I was not
haunted with the thought of heavy financial
sacrifice made for low position. Then, too,
I could go out between the acts to take a
rest withont losing my “stand." These oc
casional rests had a tendency' to brace me
up, and I fancied that the gentlemen seated
with ladies envied me, and this made me
happy.
I had just finished reading the French of
the libretto, and was looking over the Eng
lish to see if the French was all right, when
Sara came. My eyes were still on the book
when she entered, and I noticed that she
came in in English, and I liked this. She
advanced to the footlights in English, and
after awhile she sat down in English. I
could see that she was tall, and slender,
ami symmetrical, and graceful, and sweet
faced, and glorious-eyed, and soft-voiced
in English. lobserved, also, thattheoolorof
her head was in English. It was read. This
is the real reason of her greatness. In all
ages, all countries the greatest of the great
have been red-headed. Shakespeare was
red-headed, Thomas Jefferson was red
headed, Ben Hill is red-headed, Joe Harris
has crimson tresses, and I myself have au
burn ringlets ! Critics have cudgelled their
brains to fathom the seeming mystery of
Bernhardt’s genius. The grand reason lies
in these magic words: “Sara is a red-headed
woman!” This accounts for her thinness,
her sensibility, her amiability, her artistic
power, her extreme naturalness, her fine
business sense, and her family history. The
truth is, that Sara couldn’t be red-headed
without having all these things.
I enjoyed Sara immensely, but then you
see I’m one of those men who know French
when they hear it, and can understand it
perfectly—when it is properly translated. I
don’t suppose that there was a man in the
audience who kept up with the words of the
troupe better than I did. The only trouble
was that some of the actors spoke so very
rapidly that I couldn’t catch their meaning
until the next day, when I went over the
libretto to find out how I liked the perform
ance. Some stood near me, however, who,
I regret to say, were hopelessly ignorant.
One man asked what time they were going
to bring the “Camel” on. He said that he
had paid his money and he bed and if he
wasn’t going to see the animal some where
else besides on the programme. I heard
another fellow ask his companion if he
could tell him why they had come instead
of investing in beer. This same man wept
like a child when the death rattle sounded
in Marguerite Gautier’s throat. Another
chap cursed himself for coming, and swore
that Sara was not worth a cent. He looked
as solemn at the West end of a tombstone
at the end of the fourth aot, and
you wouldn’t have dragged him from that
theatre with a block and tackle. The truth
is, my boy, Sara Bernhardt talks in French
but she acts in English. She is the only
woman I ever saw who could make love, and
when she died I really thought for a time
that she was dead. You will forget the ac
tress to-night and see nothing but poor,
heart-broken, dying Camille.
1 thought that Sara’s support spoke
French until I was told by an Atlanta blood,
who had more tickets to sell than brains to
spare, that Sara spoke French while the
troupe spoke F,nglish. I asked him why
the troupe had been brought from Paris,
and he replied that he had two first class
seats for fifteen dollars.
Abbey kindly invited me to Sara’s art re
ception. I went and would have inter
viewed her, but she could not speak Eng
lish, and I could.
How a Woman Heart* a Newspaper.
According to Mrs. Gertrude Garrison this
is how she does it: "She takes it up hur
riedly and begins to scan it over rapidly,
as though she was hunting some particular
thing, but she is not. She is merely taking
in the obscure paragraphs, which, she be
lieves, were put in the out-of-the-way
places for the sake of keeping her from
seeing them. As she finishes each one of
them her countenance brightens with the
comfortable reflection that she has outwit
ted the editor and the whole race of men,
for she cherishes a vague belief that news
papers are the enemies of her sex, and edi
tors her chief oppressors. She never reads
the headlines, and the huge telegraph heads
she never sees. She is greedy for local
news, and devours it with the keenest rel
ish. Marriages and deaths are always in
teresting reading to her, and adver
tisements are very exciting and stim
ulating. She cares but little for
printed jokes unless they reflect ridicule
upon the men, and then she delights in
them and never forgets them. She pays
particular attention to anything enclosed in
quotation marks, and considers it rather
better authority than anything first, hand
ed. The columns in which the editor airs
his opinions, in leaded hifalutin, she rarely
reads. Views are of no importance in her
estimation, but faots are everything. She
generally reads the poetry. Bhe doesn’t
always care for it, but makes a practice of
reading it, because she thinks she ought to.
She reads stories, and sketches, and para
graphs indiscriminately, and believes every
one of them. Finally, after she has read
all she intends to, she lays the paper down
with an air of disappointment, and a half
contemptuous gesture, whioh says very
plainly that she thinks all newspapers
miserable failures, but is oertain that if she
had a chance she could make the only per
fect newspaper the world had ever seen.
Turnip* a* Food,
To cook a turnip, says the Caterer, is so
simple a matter that there should be very
little said about it. Generally speaking,
however, this wholesome vegetable is pre
sented in a washout state, so that it is quite
seldom we discover its real flavor. ’ Many
will, perhaps, say that the real flavor of the
turnip is too strong, and this may be argu
ment in favor of the reduction of its flavor
in the prooess of cooking. De gustibus non
est disputandum, and those who cannot en
dure the lull flavor of this root will have no
trouble in subduing it. But it should be
known that the saccharine and gummy con
stituents that are removed and therefore
lost in the customary modes of cooking, are
the most nutritious portions, and communi
cate to the dish when it is cooked, on
what we may call conservative prin
ciples, a far finer flavor than the major
ity of people have any idea of. That
we may be understood, we will ask the
reader to oook two turnips in two different
ways. The first is to be peeled and sliced,
and left to soak in cold water for an hour or
more. The slices are to be boiled until
quite tender, and then are to he drained
and nicely mashed with butter. This is the
most common method of cooking, and it
has the demerit of washing out the gum
and sugar and other fine constituents of the
root, and consequently the flavor is very
much reduced. The other root is to be
washed quite clean, but is not to be peeled
or cut, or soaked. Boil it whole in its
“jacket” It will take twice as long to oook
as the one that was cut. When, by trying
it with a fork, you find it quite tender, take
it up, peel it, press it moderately, and mash
it with butter. You will be surprised at
the difference. Instead of being, as per
haps you will expect, “strong, ” "rank” or
"bitter,” it be delicious, full-flavored, and
will contain all the nourishment that was
in it before it was cooked.
Chicago and the South Atlantic.
[New Tork Cor. Cincinnati Enquirer . j
Chicago capitalists are entertaining a
scheme for anew route from that city to
the South Atlantic coast. It is possible that
it may be very soon, and its execution may
be facilitated by the Louisville and Nash
ville, which already controls nearly all the
Southern routes. The object of these capi
talists is to avoid the obstructions of the
Northern lines, caused by the ice in the
rivers and lakes and snow embargoes on the
rails, and have a route which, for the great
er part of the distance, will be unobstruct
ed by the weather. The ports of Bruns
wick and Savannah, in Georgia, and Port
Boyal and Charleston, in South Carlina, are
open to navigation all the year round, and
they are not a greater distance from Chi
cago than the eastern terminus.
The roadß which may combine to form
the necessary links are the Chicago and
Eastern Illinois and the Peoria, Decatur
and Evansville. The former completes the
Chicago end of the line, and the latter
forms the link uniting it with the Louis
ville and Nashville system of roads in the
South. The Cleveland, Columbus, Cincin
nati and Indianapolis Boad would enable
the Cincinnati Southern to be reached, and
thence the Kentucky Central will carry the
traffic to Augusta, Ga. In addition to theee
two routes, connection may be made with
the Chesapeake and Ohio, and in this way
a large portion of the grain traffic may be
diverted from the eastern trunk lines to the
Southern routes.
A YEAH —POSTAGE PAID.
INGERSOLI. ARRaIGNEI’.
Denounced to a Grand Jury Asa Blas
phemous Violator of Law—Remarkable
Charge By Chief Justice Comegys.
The new Court House at Wilmington,
Del., was opened on Monday, tho Courts
having been removed thither from New
castle. In the course of his charge, Chief
Justice Comegys said —we quote the ver
batim report of tho Wilmington Ereru
Evening:
One of my reasons for removal was this:
That if the Courts were held in Wilming
ton there would be less crime. It was ar
gued that the holding of Courts here would
inspire the criminally inclined with a
wholesome fear of the penalties of the law.
We trust there may be no disappointment
of this reasonable expectation. It is cer
tain that, from some influence, no outbreak
against the law of the land has ever oc
curred in Newcastle that would make a
legal riot, nor has anything occurred
to offend the public conscience ; whereas
this city, not long ago, was the scene of a
flagrant breach of the peace, characterized
by tumultuous and terrifying conduct on
the part of the participators in it; and it
was also used as a theatre for the promul
gation of sentiments at wav with tho re
ligion of the Bible. Blasphemous language
was used near where we are assembled by
an audacious disciple of the defamers of
revealed religion, for the purpose of expos
ing its doctrines to contempt and ridicule;
and, to what some consider tho reproach of
the people of this city, no man stepped for
ward to call him to account for his defiance
of the law of the State. I say to you that
the law of this State is against the insulting
of God by reproachful or derogatory lan
guage or expressions; and exciting the pas
sions of the people bv treating their relig
ion with contempt. No commnnity such
as ours can exist as a healthy, moral organi
zation, where men are allowed to speak
without challenge against the very and only'
foundation upon which it securely rests—
the overruling power of God. When we
dethrone His majesty and erect in His place
our own notions of right and wrong, we
shall soon pass into a state of life not re
straining, but, in effect, promoting our in
herent propensity to evil; for no candid
man can pretend that our impulses are not
toward the gratification, rather than in re-
straint of our passions.
The crime of blasphemy is an ancient
common law offense, and was also punished
by statute, passed so long ago as 1740, by
our Colonial Legislature; and snob enac'.-
ment, in its essential form, has been con
tinued down to this day. Under the act
above mentioned the punishment for the
outrage was the pillory, the brand, and
stripes. After the Constitution of the State
went into effect, but not till the year 1826,
the punishment was changed to fine and
imprisonment; but the offense remained
and is the same to-day as it was in the 13th
of George 11, when the old act was passed.
Long ago, in this State, an impudent re
viler of Christ dared to utter his defamatory
language in the face of the community of
this oounty, in a speech too gross and offen
sive to be repeated. He was brought to
justice therefor; and, having been convicted
by a jury at the bar of this Court, was sen
tenced by one of my predecessors, John M.
Clayton, to the punishment his crime de
served. Before doing so, and in answer to
a motion in arrest of judgment, made by
the counsel of the defendant, in which the
clause of the Constitution, securing freedom
of speech and of the press was much relied
upon, and also after the Court had taken
six months to consider the matter, the
Judge laid down the law for our and your
guidanee. It is our and your duty to follow
that law, and whenever hereafter a man
shall stand up iu the face of the people of
this oounty, while they remain a Christian
people, and insult their religion, and bring
it into contempt and ridicule, it will be the
duty of the grand jury to bring such offense
to the notice of the Court, by presentment,
as well as it will be that of others to arrest
him for open offense. When a criminal act
is committed in the presenoe of an officer,
he may arrest and detain without warrant.
It is, I hope, hardly necessary to say to this
community, and to assure the people of it,
that if any one shall be oonvioted of a crime
of blasphemy, there will be no stint of the
full measure of punishment the law now
prescribes. And we shall in no wise be de-
terred from the performance of our
duty by the sneers of the devotees of
any other faith than that of the body
of the people of this State, or the de
precatory expression of those who think
the right of free speech will be infring
ed thereby. We respect free speech and
shall protect it when the public peace shall
not bo disturbed by it or is not in danger
of being so ; but w'e shall not consent to al
low the privilege to be used, if we can holp
it, to the dishonor of the God o Jew and
Gentile, Hebrew and Christian, in whose
existence and omnipotence the people of
this State believe and whom they fear and
also trust; or in the revilement or reproach
of Christ, or the disparagement of the re
ligion He taught. The law does not pun
ish any one who fairly and conscientiously
promulgates the opinions with whose truth
he is impressed for the benefit of others ; a
malicious and mischievous intention is, in
such case, the broad boundary between
right and wrong ; but when it can be col
lected from the offensive levity with which
so serious a subject is treated, or from
other circumstances, that the act of
the party was malicious, then, since
the law has no means of distinguish
ing between different deegrees of evil
tendency, if the matter published contain
any such tendency, the publishers become
amenable to justice. This language of Lord
Mansfield was quoted with approval by this
Court in the opinion referred to. [State vs.
Chandler, 2 Har., 564.] II men can find
in the assumed revealment of science or
the “potency of matter” a reason for reject
ing the God of the Bible, they are at liber
ty to do so, and they may print and speak
upon the subject, but they must take care
to avoid the crime of blasphemy in so do
ing. You must look to this Court, now,
and, I think, always hereafter, to shield the
morals of the people and their religion,
where the law gives the power from all as
saults upon them, and we trust that no re
spectable person will ever hereafter, while the
religion of the people of Delaware recog
nizes the God of the Bible, produce in this
city or elsewhere in this State, or give coun
tenance to such introduction ol anyone who
comes to deny openly His existence, or re
vile the religion of the Saviour. Upon a re
cent ocoasion such an one came here; and,
in the face of the decision of this Court,
which I have spoken of, stood up in your
chief place for lectures and virtually set it
at defiance. Fortunately, however, for the
morals of the people of this city, one of the
newspapers circulated among them in time
ly advance of his coxing, denounced his
doctrines and made such an appeal to the
community with respect to its duty that the
eloquence and ingenuity ol argument of the.
lecturer were expended upon a very small
auditory—most of whom, we oould hope,
were drawn together simply from curiosity
to hear some “new thing.”
THE A., 91. & O.
What Colonel Cole Soya About the Rerent
Sale.
We take the following from the Nashville
American, of Sunday :
President E. W. Cole, of the East Ten
nessee, Virginia and Georgia and Memphis
and Charleston Railroads, arrived here, yes
terday morning, from Cincinnati. An
American representative called upon him
and desired to know what, if any, effect
the purchase of the Atlantic, Mississipi and
Ohio Railroad would have upon his system
of roads. He said it could not have any
unfavorable effect, as the system he repre
sented extended from Memphis on the
Mississippi river and from Selma, Ala
bama, to Bristol on the Virginia line;
and, whoever the purchasers of the A.,
M. & O. might be, they would doubt
less be anxious to cultivate the most
friendly relations and connection with
the roads he represents, as they give to
A., M. &0. more business than they re
ceive from the A., M. <fc O. He had been
informed by telegraph from his friends,
while absent, that the A., M. and O. was
bid off in the interest of the Shenandoah
Valley Railroad, and has no information to
the contrary. If the Shenandoah Valley
Railroad is finished to a connection with
the A., M. and O. at some point near Salem,
as had been heretofore suggested, it would
give another connection East over the A.,
M. and 0. to the roads he represents. Be
sides, it is expected that the road between
Wolf Creek, Tennessee and Asheville, North
Carolina, an uncompleted gap of forty
miles, will be finished at an early day. The
finishing of the few miles of road will give
the roads he represents an independent
line from Morristown, on the E. TANARUS., Va. and
Ga. road via Asheville, the Western North
Carolina and the Richmond and Danville
Roads to deep water at West Point, and will
also give at Ashevile direct connection with
the entire railroad system of South and
North Carolina, and even another connec
tion With Norfolk. He was satisfied his
roads could not be affected injuriously by
the sale of the A., M. and 0., no matter who
was in the combination.
Under Which King 1
[ Springfiebl Republican.}
We are near a change of administration.
Will that change smile on the great effort
now going on to revive the unfit ? Imme
diately after his election it was confidently
asserted for weeks that Garfield had surren
dered to the Grant people at Mentor. This
apprehension, which the Republicans never
shared, has in great measure subsided. It
has given way to a more threatening one
that Garfield will take aboard Blaine. We
hope there is no ground for it; and we be
lieve no one has any ground for assurance
either way,
The Athens Presbytery holds its next
semi-annual session at Elberton, commenc
ing on Wednesday before the second Sun
day in March next.
SPOOPESDVKB’S SARDINES.
The Brooklyn Pa mi! j- Eati Them Unde*
Difficulties.
[ From the Brooklyn Eagle.]
“Look here, my dear, ” said Mr. Spoop
cudyke, tossing over the laces and ribbons
in his wife’s bureau drawer, “what’s be
come of the can-opener ? I don’t see it any
where.”
"What do you want of it?” asked Mm.
Spoopendyke, fluttering up to protect her
trinkets and trying to gain a little time,
“I want to open some sardines with it,"
returned Mr Spoopendyke, abandoning the
drawer and hunting through the work
basket. “Think I want to comb my hair
with it ? Imagine I wanted to write a letter
with it ? Well, I don’t. I want some sar
dines. Whnt have you done with it ?”
“You might take your big knife," recom
mended Mrs. Spoopendyke. • • The large
blade is just the thing for that.”
Mr. Spoopendyke seized the knife and
bored away at one corner of the box, while
his wife looked on with considerable dis
tress.
“Hadn’t you better put a paper under the
box? You’ll get the oil all over the table
cloth,” suggested Mrs. Spoopendyke.
“No, I won’t, either,” said Mr. Spoopen
dyke, as the knife plunged through and the
oil spattered. “Served you right if I did,”
he continued, plowing away at the tin,
while the grease flew in all directions. “It
would teach you to put the can opener where
you could find it. What kind of housekeep
ing do you call this, anyhow?” he yelled, as
the blade slipped out and dosed up on his
fingers.
“Did you hurt yourself, dear ?” asked
Mrs. Spoopendyke, anxiously.
“No, I didn’t hurt myself," grinned Mr.
Spoopendyke. “The "dod gasted knife
struck the bone, or I would have been dead
with agony an hour ago. Give me some
ether!” he howled. “Fetch me some
chloroform ! S’pose I’m going to saw at this
box any more without an anassthetio ? Got
an idea I’m going to chip off a couple dozen
fingers without something to deaden pain ?
Where’s the laughing gas ? Give mo some
laughing gas while I extract these measly
old fish,” and Mr. Spoopendyke pranced
around the room, and then jabbed the knife
into the box again, and ripped away as
though he was run by steam. “No use to
hide away from me 1” he yelled, hacking
away at the box with all his might. “I
know you’re in there, and there can’t be
any dod gasted sardine that ever was built
get away from me. Gome out, I tell ye 1"
and he seized a fish by the tail and slung
him across the room. "You’re transacting
business with Spoopendyke now 1" and he
clawed out a handful of mashed sardines
and slapped them down on a plate.
“Won’t you spoil ’em, dear?" asked Mrs.
Spoopendyke, dodging the flying heads and
tails. “They won’t be very good if you
open ’em that way."
“Oh, won’t they ?" howled Mr. Spoopen
dyke. “If you don’t like ’em that way,
what’d you ask for them for ? Maybe you
want me to take ’em out in a baby carriage.
P’raps you’ve got an idea I ought to climb
under ’em and lift ’em out. Maybe you
want me to get into that box with a boat
and take ’em out with a seine. Well, I
won’t, I tell ye. Give me the tongs, I want
that fish at the bottom. Where’s the tongs?
Gone to get married to the can-opener,
haven’t they ?” and Mr. Spoopendyke grab
bed another fish and fired him into the
grate.
“Be patient, my dear,” said Mrs. Spoopen
dyke, soothingly. “Make the opening a
little wider, and they’ll come out."
“Ain’t I patient ?’’ shouted Mr. Spoopen
dyke; "P’raps you want me to sing to ’em,
•I wish I was an angel and with the —* dod
gast the fish ! Come out of that !” and with
a wrenoh Mr. Spoopendyke hauled off the
top and disclosed the mangled remains of
his enemies. “Now give me a lemon,” and
he eyed the repast with anything but con
tentment. “Stir around and get me a lem
on, quick, now!”
“Upon my word, my dear, I don’t believe
there’s a lemon in the house," stammered
Mrs. Spoopendyke, “I had one.”
“Oh, you had one 1” proclaimed Mr.
Spoopendyke, "only you’re just out. If
you’d been brought up right you’d only
need an awning and a family on the top
floor to be a grocery shop ! S’pose I’m go
ing to eat these sardines raw? Think I’m
going to swallow these fish alive? Gimme
something to put on ’em, will ye?”
“What would you like, my dear?” quer
ried Mrs. Spoonpendyke.
“Ink, dod gast it 1 Fetch me some meas
ly ink ! Got any-nails ? Can’t ye find some
laudanum somewhere?” and Mr. Spoopen
dyke projected himself into the oloset and
pranced out with a bottle of arnica.
“There,” he howled, as he dashed the con
tents over the sardines, "there’s your fish
all ready for you, and the noxt time you
want me to open the things you have a
lemon, will ye ? Find a can opener, won’t
we?" and Mr. Spoopendyke flopped into his
easy chair and picked up the paper.
"Don’t you want some of the fish,” asked
Mrs. Spoopendyke, after a long pause.
“No, I don’t,” growled Mr. Spoopendyke.
“But this is a fresh box,” said Mrs.
Spoopendyke, displaying the sardines in
neat layers.
“How’d you get it open?” demanded Mr 4
Spoopendyke.
"With the can-opener," replied his wife,
“I found it in your tool box, where you put
if to sharpen it.”
“Maybe I put the lemon in there to shar
pen that too, ” grunted Mr. Spoopendyke,
pegging away at the box and looking up
with his mouth full, but recognizing the
taste of vinegar he made some remarks
about some people only needing a handle
and a cork to be a fortunatus jug, and
having finished the lot he demanded why
his wife hadn't asked for ’em if she wanted
some, and went to bed with some Incoher
ent observations on the absurdity of folks
sitting around like matyrs with fish within
reach.
FIRE RECORD.
Destructive Fire In Shreveport, La—Cot
ton Cargo Damaged at New Orleans—
Destructive Fire in Columbus, Ga.
(By Telegraph to the Chronicle.)
Shreveport, February 16.—A fire last
night destroyed L. Solinsky’s dry goods
store and E. J. Lemon & Co.’s wholesale
cigar, tobacco and fancy grocery store. So
linsky’s loss is $12,000; Lemon & Cos,,
$25,000; M. Bahr and the Johnston estate,
$15,000 on the buildings—fully insured in
three New Orleans companies; the Hartford,
of Hartford; Franklin, of Philadelphia;
.Etna and the Liverpool, London and
Globe.
New Orleans, February 16.—At mid
night last night a fire broke out in the car
go of the Italian bark Eroole, loaded for
Bremen with thirteen hundred bales of cot
ton and some staves. The extent of the
damage is not yet estimated, but the entire
cargo of cotton is more or less damaged by
fire and water.
Columbus, Ga., February 16.—The Web
ster Cotton Warehouse, on lower Broad
street, burned at 8, a. m., to-day. The
building, the property of J. E. Webster,
was valued at ten thousand dollars, and oc
cupied by Allen A Crawford. Fifteen hun
dred bales of cotton, one hundred and fifty
rolls of bagging and one hundred tons of
guano were almost completely destroyed.
Loss, on the building, six thousand dollars;
insured for two thousand dollars; cotton,
etc., sixty-five thousand dollars—insurance,
twenty-seven thousand five hundred dol
lars. The fire is supposed to have been
caused from an accidental lighting of a
match by a little negro boy. The ware
house was opened in January, of 1880.
Buffalo, N. Y., February 16.—Dr. W. V.
Pierce’s Palace Hotel was totally destroyed
by fire this afternoon. There were at the
time only about eighty guests in the build
ing, all of whom escaped, many of them be
ing unable to save the bulk of their effeots.
The total cost of the structure was nearly
five hundred thousand dollars. The in
surance will probably cover about two
thirds of the loss.
WILL THEY DO SO 1
Tbe Military Withdrawn From Robert
son County, Tenn., and the Civil Offi
cer* In Charge.
(By Telegraph to the Chronicle.)
Nashville, Tenn., February 1G The
Governor has been notified by Judge Stark
that the latter has discharged the military
at Springfield, in the belief that no further
danger is to be apprehended. The Gover
nor ordered the companies back to Nash
ville. The Governor afterwards received a
telegram from Attorney-General Bell saying.
“Without a strong guard of military the
prisoners will be mobbed.” The Governor
has telegraphed the sheriff to summon the
entire power of the county to protect the
prisoners against unlawful violence by all
means, and that the Court, civil officers and
good people of Robertson county could
maintain the dignity of the law and good
name of the oouDty, if they would.
PRIZE FIGHTER PADDY RYAN.
How He Served the Officers of the Law
Yesterday,
(By Telegraph to the Chronicle.)
Albany, N. Y., February 16.—Paddy
Ryan, the prize fighter, was arrested last
night, on a requisition of the Governor of
West Virginia, certified by Gov. Cornell,
for his participation in the fight with Joe
Goss in that State last Summer. After his
arrest, and just previous to his being taken
to the midnight train to New York, a habeas
corpus was served on the officers, the writ
being returnable this merning. Ryan was
held in custody at the Globe Hotel all night
by the officers. This morning he asked
permission to visit his saloon to arrange his
business matters, and was accompanied
thither by one of the officers. After he had
entered the saloon a crowd collected and
he walked out, the crowd holding the door
shut in the official’s face, preventing pur
suit. Ryan jumped into a hack and drove,
to parts unknown,