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By Vi L. J. MAY. fflE SOUTHERN DEMOCRAT, ISPUBLISUED EVERY - THURSDAY MORNING At Two Dollars in adcancc, Two Dollars and Fifty hicNT*, within six months, or Three Dollars at the end nf the year. No subscription will be received for a less time than six months, nor will any paper be dis bontinued until <tU arrearages arc paid, unless at the option of the publisher. Advertisements inserted at One Dollar per square bf twelve lilies or less, for the first insertion, and Fifty Cents for each subsequent insertion. A liberal dis count made to those who advertise by the year, and fclao to Sheriffs and Clerks of the Courts, who adver tise regularly in this paper. Those sent without spe cification as to the number of insertions, wiM be pub lished until ordered out, and charged accordingly. Jdu Work must be paid for on delivery. letters on business must be post paid to ensure at tention. Office in Bartlett’s Building on Macon Street. MISCELLANEOUS. Wii 1 , n r ’ ~ From the AVw York Ilorahl. Sketch of the Life of Louis Kosuith, the distinguished Hungarian Patriot. Louis Korssuth is one of the greatest men of Hie day. Like Washington, Napoleon, Charles the Twelfth, Fredrick the Great, and Alexander,! he fills a brilliant page of history; but, more like Washington than the others named, Kossuth oc- j enpies the heart of the republican world. We; oive a sketch of his life. Our authorities,however, i are Austrian —bitter, malignant, auil vindictive imamst the patriot; but, with the sting and the! venom extracted, we believe wo furnished our readers with a pretty fair biography of the man. j Kossuth is in his forty-fifth year, lie wasj born in tho county of Zomplin in 1800. Ilis; father was a lawyer, and a small landowner, of! the noble class, at Ujliely, in the comitat of Zam- : plin, a member of the Augsburg confession.— His possessions, being limited to a few acres of j vineyard and arable land, did not admit of much : expense in the education of his children. llc| found means, indeed, to place Ids son Louis in! tho College of Soharasclipatack, a Potestant insti tution of the neighborhood. \\ ith this aid lie prepared himself for the profession of an advocate. After obtaining his diploma lie became agent to a Countess Szapary. The influence which he derived from this position, and from tho relations which he had established at college with the no ble class of tho district, gave him some weight in the assembly of the comitat, in which the no ble propreitis and official dignitaries are accustom ed to meet together from four to six times in the I venr, for the management of local affairs, the exe cution of government decrees, ‘be. In these as scuffles the principle influence naturally devolves ou the holders of civil offices, and on those who, | bv their oratory, influence the elections to those! offices. After the lapse of several years, Kossuth closed ; his accounts with the Countess Szapury. and, in hopes of a larger field for the practice of the law ! removed to Pesth. 11 -re he found the chances of advancement in the legal professions cut oil l>y the number of established competitors, and in the | year 1822 lie Iwtook himself to Presburg as the “ahlegat or representative in the Hungarian Diet of an absent magnate, in which capacity he on joyed a. Asideiicc rent free, a seat at the lower table, and a right ot speaking hut not of voting in all of which particulars his positions was exact- j Iv that of some three hundred similar represonta tives of absentee noblemen, must of whom were ; likewise educated for the law. At the commence ment of the proceedings of this Diet, Kossuth, it is said, once essayed to apeak ; hut as it abash ed at his presumtion in the presence of the old r and more experienced hands around him, ho de-; stated, and fell back upon the idea, of setting on foot a journal, to be devoted to the proceedings of the Diet, and specially to the publication of the discussions in the sittings of the circles, so-called” of which no printed protocol had ever yet appear ed. These sittings, were in fact, held by the gov- j ernment to be merely confcrentees of the deputies, at which subjects were discussed, not under that of members who were changed every week, and merely as a preparation for ulterior discussion in the Diet proper, the diary of which was printed. This preparatory discuaion did, however, in truth, involve the pith of tho proceedings of the Diet; j for, conducted under the supervision of a popular audience, unchecked by the presidence of a gov ernment official, it laid the ground for the con stant preponderance of the party which enjoyed , the favor of the people. The effect, indeed, upon the deputies present was not immediate with res pect to the decision of questions at issue, for tin deputies were strictly bound by the instructions furnished to them by their constituents. The : comitats received once or twice a month from their respective deputies official reports of proceed ings, and were very generally guided in their fur-, ther instructions by the tone of these reports, and the manner in wnich the various proposals of the popular or opposition party were commented upon in them. These reports were read in the comitat assemblies, and those who had a seat in the latter thus obtained a knowledge of the speeches deliver-! ed in the Diet; but the public at large had little ®r no information of them. This state of things Kossuth determined to turn to the accounts of the opposition. YV ith kinds contributed by some of tho deputies he procured a lithographic press, with the view of; disseminating his journal at as cheap a rate as pos sible, though not without some profit to himself; through all the comitat-. The experiment took with the people; but the Austrain spies became; allarmed, and soon the central government order ed the paper to be suppressed. Kossuth’s party iu the Diet resisted. It would not do to put down tho liberal journal, and the matter was comprom ised by buying out the press. But this did not stop tlie paper. It was published in manuscript, and, though the price was raised of necessity, the! experiment still succeeded. The price was, indeed, raised to six florins for the monthly amount of the; journal, of which one or two sheets were issued j twice a week ; the number of readers decreased, hut still each comitat was a customer fur from one to six copies. In tho towns several societies ■ paid in advance, and many deputies contributed individually ; for it was found that the speeches es subscribers and benefactors were improved and enriched under Kossuth’s treatment, and reputa tion and popularity flowed from his pen. Ihe enterprise was altogcter a hit; and Kossuth soon arrived, not only at covering his expense, but at some consideration in a country cl which he iu £l)c oattthent. Hfcnttftraf* flnenced with a progressive force the representative body, their discussions, and their decisions, while at the same time, required numerous followers, in a body of young copyists, who remained in af tertimes his zealous adherents. With thejelose of tho Deit, after a session of four years, in the year 1836, these sources of Kossuth’s influence and property were dried up, and he be took himself to reporting the proceedings of the comitat assemblies, which were communicated by reports, and distributed once more in a lithograph ic shape among numerous subscribers at Pesth. The government again became alarmed, and made several ineffectual attempts to suppress the obnoxious journal; but still it continued to report a series of eloquent harangues upon the legal questions which now agitated tho whole country, and his own speeches in the assembly transgressed all limits of the respect considered to be due to the sovereign. The Palatine at last received an ! instruction to seize the press at the comitat House ! of Assembly, to arrest Kossuth himself and pro j coed against him on a charge of high treason.— In consequence of the illness of Archduke Pala j tine, the execution of this order devolved upon ; the chief judiciary, the Count Cyraky; and the | Crown Fiscal Fejeseh, with a company of grena | diers, arrested Kossuth at his residence, in the Ot ner Ilills, in April, 1837. His papers also were j seized, and among them many important letters j fiom deputies of the opposition of which, how ever, \ no further notice was taken. Kossuth’s defence was i conducted by the Baron Nicholas Wessleny, who was himself under a similar accusation, founded 1 on expressions against tho King, which, in his j zeal for the dissolution of all bonds of loyalty, he ! had made use of in the Assembly of the Szathinar ; comitat. In this case his personal liberty was not | affected, as, by the law of Hungary, a certain ! amount of property is considered as surety against ! the escape of an accused party. Kossuth having | no property, was not exempt from personal du- I ranee. Several young people, who had followed I Kossuth’s lend in the agitation of their comitats, ! were also arrested cn charges of high treason. — He himself was conveyed to the fortress of Ofen, where ho was allowed books, writing materials, and newspapers” and a daily walk on the bastions with an officer. Here he devoted him self with much application to political studies, and to that of the French language, and it was at this period that he gathered from the republican liter ature of that country maxims and principles which ineradieably fixed his own opinions. It was there that the dream of Hungarian iudepen ! deuce rose upon his imagination—that the idea | of revenge upon Austria for tho wrongs which his I country had endured was engaged. It was about | this time that the relation commenced which rc ! suited in his subsequent marriage with the daugh- J ter of a noble of Stuhlweissenburg AYessclney—a ! lady who, inspired with admiration for his politi j cal exertions sent him books and exchanged letters with him in his captivity. They wore married | soon after his liberation, ill 1841. 1 lie sanction of the Romish Church was obtained for this mix- I ed marriage with difficulty, and it was celebrated !by a Protestant, clergyman. The proceeding for | high treason ended in IS3O, with a sentence to fair years’ imprisonment. Wi s-elney wascondotn -1 nod to the same. The connexion between these two was cemented by equality in suffering, and the halo of pnsriotism which attached to them both. i In this year (1839) the Hungarian Diet a<igem ! Med, and had to deal with a demand from govern ment for 18,000 recruits. The opposition-or popu- I lar party, turned to account the popular excitement ; produced by the sentences against Kossuth and his associates, in order to procure the election of dep- j ! uties pledged to attach to this levy of men the con- j j Hit ion of a general amnesty, and various other j ! concessions. The liberation of the prisoners was i naturally a very popular question, but in the eyes! : of men anxious tortile authority and cOnsidcra-1 | tion of the government pregnant with serious con- j sequences. The leaders of the conservative or 1 Austrian party advised tho government not to car ! ry into effect the sentences against Wesselncy and the other vourig convicts, and to vindicate law ! and order in Kossuth’s person alone, but in any I case to come to a decision of these points before the opening of the Diet, as they were well doter ! mined to oppose with all their force any infraction : or slight of the authority of the judicial tribunals, and any extortion of concessions by a refusal of the levy to be demanded from the Diet. The Austrian ministry appeared, however, little anxi ; ous on the subject. They hugged themselves in tho conclusion that all the efforts of tho republi | cans would fail before the firmness of the govern ] inent, and resolved upon nothing! The Diet be -1 gun. Through half a year the contest was main tained between the conservatives and the opposi tion. The latter had at the Table of Deputies, in ] favor of a censure of the tribunals, an amnesty, j and other demands, among which was one for the ! further establishment of the Hungarian language, | a majority of two, but at the Table of Magnates 1 a majority of nine-tenths against them; so that no decision was arrived at, and the eventual triumph ! of the conservatives seemed assured by the gradu ! al conversion of several of the opposition comitats. j Thiers was at this time minister in France.— Prince Metternieh was eager to compass the grant i of 18,000 recruits and the close of the Diet. The ! Chancellor, Count Mailath, who had been appoin -1 ted to his office in the hope that he would man ’ age the Diet with better success than his prede ; eossor. Count Palri was uneasy at the continuance of the dispute, and stiddentlv there appeared, in ; 1840, a royal receipt conceding the amnesty.— ; This was by the old emperor, since put out of the 1 way. This was backed by verbal communications j calculated to soothe the opposition deputies. The j recruits and a contribution were now voted. — ! Kossuth’s glory was enhanced, because it was | through his sentence that the opposition had found their way to tho obtaining their demands. Ihe ranks meanwhile of tho conservatives were thinned, because, deserted by the government, they were abandoned to the imputation of being more royal ist than the sovereign. Kossuth issued from his prison amid tho acclamation of tho people. A subscription had produced 10,000 florins for his family. On the first of January, 1841, he came forward as chief editor of the Pestki Jfirlap. This journal soon counted 4,000 subscribers—a number which, at 12 florins each per annum, rais ed his share of the profits to 12,000 florit.s.- r lhis sum enabled him not only to-meet his current ex penses, but to purchase a small estate in tho Com itat of Gran for 30,000 florins. He selected some OGLETHORPE, GA., THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 20, 1831. — 1 —r - -I imnitMi. iBUMh. i ■-■ ~* *v . : 1 ; ‘ .Mz well-paid sub-editors and reporters from the ranks of the opposition, and with these instruments he i began tho work of scattering over the face of Hun gary those cordial elements of popular rights and. popular equality which soon advanced him to the! highest degree of confidence, affection, and venera tion, among almost the entire mass of tho Hunga rian people. While this masterly management of his journal | was daily increasing and extending his popularity, J the government looked on without stirring, hut the conservative party felt the necessity of meet ing tho mischief, both in print and debate. Count Aurelius Dissewfl'y, a young man of much talent, of the moderate royal party, undertook the editor ship of the Vilag journal, in which ho combatted the doctrine of Kossuth, and his republican sclgimes of reform. Kossuth, however, contrived to hold his own by dint of a style more suited to the popular desire for positive concessions. In the commencement of the year 1842 sudden death removed Dissewffv from the field of action, and placed Kossuth in undisturbed possession of the influence of the press. In the Pesth Assembly three leading speakers maintained, with various success, tho contest against Kossuth. These were Dissewfl'y, Count Steph Szechemy, and Ziedenyi, the latter of whom, as a Protestant and principal orator of the conser vatives at tho table of Deputies, had some follow ers. They could not master tho opposition spirit in the comitat, but they administered sumo hard blows at Kossuth. They lost their main stay in Dissewffv, but they managed to defeat the election of Kossuth for tho Diet of 1843. Count Szeche my endeavored, towards the end of 1842, to neu tralize the doctrines of Kossuth by his work “Ke let Nope,” (“the People of the East,”) in which he denounced tho projects of the adversary for a sep aration from Austria. This publication excited much interest, called tbrth a powerful reply from Kossuth, and several other answers from Kossuth’s adherents-.jbut while it failed—as books generally fail—to meet the influence of a popular journal, it raised the popularity of Kossuth, and dimin ished that of its author with the people. During the Diet of 1843-44, when the circu lation of the journal of its proceedings had risen to 7,000 some controversies with his associates in duced Kossuth to withdraw. Soon afterwards he established a Hungarian commercial society, which operated, as he intended, very powerfully to the spread of liberal opinions throughout Hungary. The influence of Kossuth extended. The nobles, as well as the masses of the people, gathered around him. Count Louis Bathyany, one of the wealthiest, and most powerful of the nobles, placed him under the guidance of Kossuth, enthusiast’c to eo-operate with him in his great plans for the relief of Hungary. Kossuth was elected a mem ber of the Diet; and wo come now to tho begin ning of those scenes which brought tho Austrian Emperor to his knees—first to the Hungarians, and secondly before tho Emperor of Russia for help, in his desperate extremities. In I’resbnrg, Kossuth soon became paramount at the Table of 1 Equities, the proceedings how ever, had not yet stepped beyond the usual track of opposition policy, when the Paris revolution of February exploded and scattered its sparks upon the tinder of Hungary. In Kossuth, it revived visions of the exultation of Hungary which could not be resisted. With the Vienna revolution came the long-desired moment for action. A Hungarian ministry was planned with Bathyany for its Pres idency. The Table of Magnates demurred, but the second day of tho spreading insurrection of Vienna made resistance impossible. Kossuth ; availed himself of the moment wit h all the energy lof his character. The youth of Presburg were i armed as a national guard. In Pesth, rcvolution i ary assemblies were organized. On the 15 the of ! March Kossuth appeared as the hero of tho day ! at the head of a State’s deputation in Vienna, in order to extort a local Hungarian ministry from the crown which had usurped its power: the Vienna national guards drew his carriage into the city; guards of honor were posted at his lockrings; Count Brenner, Prince Lamberg, Pro fessor live, and other notabilities of the Austrian libera! party, waited upon him, and tho students placed themselves at his orders to storm the pa lace, should the Emperior be obstinate. Tho minis try was ratified by an imperial signature, and Kos snth returned in triumh to Presburg where he truly declared, in open debate, that he had hold the fate of the House of Hapsburg in his hand. This result invested hint with the magic of great ness and power, which from this time forward, reduced all his adveraries to submission, anil made him all-powerful with the people. The snbsccquent career of this extraordinary man is too vividly impressed upon the public mind to need a minute recapitulation here. It was tho base treachery of Austria, in the instiga tion of the Croats to insurrection, that rendered Kossuth and the Hungarians almost unappeasa ble. ft was tho usurpation by Austria of the in dependent powers of Hungary ns a local govern- ment that made a deperate contest with the usur surper inevitable. And how, without means or money, Kossuth contrived to raise those armies which have immortalized the Hungarian name is a miracle, unless we attribute it to the spontaneous contributions of the wealthier classes, and the universal confidence of all classes in his paper. — But not only were these vast and conquering ar mies raised by a governor without money, but, in the midst of all tho pressing wants of a fearful war, many of the burdens of taxation upon the people were removed. They enjoyed the bles sings of a free people before they had achieved them. Hence the desperation with which they fought. At last, when Jellachicu had been i.gno miniouslv expelled—when Windischgratz and the imperial*forces of Austria had been scattered and driven across the 1 >anube, or destroyed, or captu red—it was not the swarms of Cossacks from the Carpathian mountains that destroyed the revolu tion, but the traitor Georgey, and the Russian gold that bought him. History will forever si fence the enemies of Kossuth. History presents only hero and there an example of equal energy, constancy, ability, integrity and perseverance, and scarcely “another such example of power over the minds and hearts of a great nation of people, of so many races, castes, and classes, and traditions, and’ local differences, as the nation of Hungary. It is only a great, pure, and lofty mind that could |,lend such conflicting elements into a harmonious mass, and lead them cheerfully to all the sacrifices of a most desperate revolution. From the London Daily News. Letter from Hon. Robert J. Walker. Through the courtesy of the Mayor of Southamp , ton, a correspondent lias been enabled to send us a copy of an important and interesting communi cation from Hon. R. J. Walker, the distinguished American, to Mr. Deacon, tho Town Clerk of South ; ampton, who in obedience to the Mayor and Cor -1 poration of that town, has invited the honorable ! gentleman to the Kossuth banquet. The opinions of an American of talent, of distinguished posi tion in tho United States, and of temperate politi- j cal views, on the honors about to bo paid to the Hungarian in England, are of great interest, Tlip belief of Mr. Walker, that America would cordi ally join England in resisting any crusade against ! liberalism by tho absolutists of Europe, is one which was uttered a short time since by the Dai ly News. lion. Mr. Walker, when lie visits Southampton, is to bo tho guest of Georgia Bor rett, Esq., one of the liberal magistrates of the town of Southampton, who was appointed a short time since by tho present Lord Chancellor. The late Sir Robert I’eo! quoted the opinions of lion. R. J. Walker as a great authority during the de bates which preceded the abrogation of the corn laws. London, Oct. 10, 1851. ‘ Charles E. Deacon, Esq., die., &c. Sir :—I nave received your letter of yesterday, inviting me, on behalf of the municipal authorities of Southampton, to a banquet proposed to be given by them to His Excellency, Louis Kossuth, late Governor of Hungary, on his arrival at your port. Nothing could give mo greater pleasure than to be present on an occasion so interesting and important, This illustrious exile is ou his way to my own country, being carried thither under the American flag, and in a national vessel (bearing the name that is dear to my heart,) despatched for him by the President of the United States under the sanction of a resolution of Congress. I rejoice that this is an English banquet—that is is given by Englishmen, and that the eminent patriot, on first landing upon British soil, is to be thus receiv and honored. As an American, I thank you for ‘■ the privilege afforded mo on this occason. The j British cabinet through Lord Palmerston united! with my own Government in obtaining the libera tion of Louis Kossuth and his associates. Nor will wo forget the magnanimity of the Sultan of Tur key, in protecting him and them within the Otto man Empire, and restoring them to liberty, in de fiance of the remonstrances of despotic powers. Tho day of your banquet will ho regarded by my countrymen ns an illustrious epoch in the gradual but certain and conservative progress of British freedom. It will prove again, that the threats of absolutism inspire;, with no terror the hearts of the Englishmen. England requires no foreign aid ; but, if her countenance to the oppres- cause the oppressors to league against her, there are millions of my countrymen who would esteem it a glorious privilege to bo permit ted to contend for a.ud with her, under her and ovyr ljag, and her, end our own great captains, against tho despotisms of the world in arms. It is less than a century since, under the British flag your and our Washington and Braddock to gether fought, within the limits, of Pennsylvania, iny native State. It was under the same flag that you and our own countrymen together fought, and your and our Wolfe then fell in the arms of victory upon the heights of Quebec. — Language can convey no adequate idea of the, profound sensation that will bo excited in Ameri-I ca by your generous reception of Kossuth, orofj the gratitude which will warm every heart when ! the intelligence shall reach the shores of my conn- j try. There this illustrious exile will receive suchj a triumph as has never been awarded by lis to any one except our beloved benefactor Lafayette. ] Kossuth is regarded by us as tho champion of! freedom in his country, as having struggled there] for constitutional liberty and tho rights of a brave j and oppressed people. We believe he desired to establish for Hungary a government, with ado-j qnate checks and balances, similar, as far as prac-| tioabfe, to our own, and where life, liberty and i property, should nil be placed under the inviola-1 life protection and guarantee of the law and Con stitution. We saw no support on his part of those’ Agrarian doctrines which lead only to disorder and anarchy, which are incompatible with the ex istence of free government, and upon which des pots now size ns a pretext for the re-establishment of absolute power. Differing as does our Government in form from your own, we are united with you by a common race and language, in the maintenance of tho com mon law of England, of tho trial by Jury, of the liberty of the press, and of those great principles of the constitutional freedom for which your Russell perished, your Hamden and your Sydney bled. We are united with you, al so, into the support of these views of political economy taught by Adam Smith, Ricardo, Peel, and Colxlen, which are so hostile to agrarian ten- j dencies ; views so nobly maintained by your pre sentenlightcned Ministry, Parliament,and people. • Wo are united with you also in opposing ail spo-j liatiou of co-ercive division of property which mar-1 ed the downfall of Roman liberty, and the reap pearance of which fatal dogmas, in another form is made tho pretext for restoration of despotic power. Our ancestors took with them from Eng land to America, no such disorganizing doctrines; nor can they ever be propagated on our soil by the “crafts and assaults” of despots or demago gues. It is the toiling millions who constitute the mass of our people. They know that wages can only ho increased (as is desired by us all) by augmenting capital, the fund out of which wages are paid, by uniting labor and capital as far as practicable in the industrial pursuits, not by any j legislative organization, but by voluntary co-oper-; ation, arising from enlightened views of their own ! true interests. They know that the destruction ! or diminution of capital must destroy or diminish j wages. Capital being only aceuimilatcddabor, to make war upon capital they know is to assail la bor, which will be best rewared when, unfitted by legislative interference or restrictions, it is left to seek freely for all its products the markets of the ivoipd. These views were promulgated by me sonje years since, in official reports to Congress, as tire (finance minister of the American Cabinet; wert sanctioned by the action of Congress, reaf firm id by augmented majorities in our recent elec ions, and may be regarded as the settled po licy us the country. Views of similar tendency werapropounded by an illustrious departed Bri tish prime Minister, whose measures, simultano ous with our own, enlarged the commerce and j cemented tho friendly relations of England and America, and who will ever be memberod as a| benefactor of both countries, and of mankind. I deem it duo to myself any my country, and! to your illustrious guest, to state my respectful dis ! sent from the efforts now made to impute to him j those agrarian dogmas which were encountered j by contrary provisions, for ever securing property as well as contracts from all violation, inserted, as axiomatic truths, bv the founders of our republic, in our fundamental laws. He has toiled too long, and too much, in the cause of freedom, and his ! .course as Governor of Hungary was too wise and | enlightened to leave any doubt with us that he : desired to establish for Hungary a government ! founded upon those just and equitable principles by which life, liberty and property were secured. I hope to be with you when this banquet is given, but (its date being uncertain) if any unfore seen event should deprive me of that pleasure, permit mo uow to tender to the Mayor and mu nicipal authorities of your enlightened and patri otic city mv most sincere thanks for their flatter ing invitation,.-md to propose tho following senti ment. Most respectfully, your obedient servant. (Signed) R. J. Walker. The generous reception of Louis Kossuth upon British soil: —a rebuke to despotism which will be re-echoed with joyful acclaim from the Amer ican Union. Hamilton and Hin-r. In Hildreth’s history of the United States, the quarrel between lie nit and Hamilton, which ter-; minated in the death of one party and the dis-; grace of the other, is described at length ; the fol lowing extracts .are portions of it:— Disappointed, and all his hopes blighted, as lie ; believed, by Hamilton’s instrumentality, Burr be- j came eager for revenge. Humiliating was the j contrast between himself and Hamilton, to whom, in his .anger, ho was ready to ascribe, net Liu poi litical defeat, but blasted character also. Two months’ meditation on this desperate: state of affairs, wrought up his cold, implacable j spirit to the point of risking his own life to take j that of his rival. Among other publications made in tho contest, were two letters by a Dr. Cooper, a zealous parti san of Lewis, in one of which it is allegated, that Hamilton had spoken of Burr as “a dangerous man, who ought not to be trusted with the reigns of Gov ernment.” In the other letter, after repeating the above statement Cooper added, “I could detail to you a still more despicable opinion which General Hamilton expressed of Mr. Burr.” Upon this latter passage, Burr seized as the means of forcing Hamilton into a duel. For his agent and assistant therein, lie selected Wm P. Van Ness, a young lawyer, one of his most attached partisans, and not less dark, designing, cool, and impliea ble than himself. Van Ness was sent to Hamil ton, with a copy, of Cooper’sjprinted letter, and a note from Burr insisting upon “a prompt and un qualified acknowledgement or denial, of the use of any assertions which would warrant Cooper's assertions.” Perfectly well acquainted both with Burr and Van Ness, and perceiving a settled intention to fix a quarrel upon him, Hamilton declined any immediate answer, promising a reply at his earliest convenience. In that reply ho called Burr’s at tention to the fact that the word “despicable,” I however it might imply imputations upon per ! sonal honor as to which explanations might be i asked, yet, from its connection, as used m Dr. J Cooper’s letter, it apparently related to qualifica j tions for public office, a subject, as nothing more | was said about tho definite statement referred in j the same letter, as to which it seemed to be ad mitted that no explanation was demandahle.— j Still, Hamilton expressed a perfect readiness to | avow or disavow any specific opinion which he might be charged with having uttered—but ad- I ded that he would never consent to be interroga ! ted generally as to whether he had ever said in ! the course of fifteen years of political competition j anything to justify inferences which others might ! have drawn, thus exposing his candor and siucer | ity to injurious imputations on the part of all who ; might have misapprehended him. “Mora than : that,” so the letter concluded, “can not fitly be ex-’ peeted from me ; especially it can not’ lie reasona- j bly expected that I shall enter in to any explana- ! tion upon a basis so vague as that you have adopt-! cd. I trust, on more reflection, you will see the! matter in the same light. If not, I can only re j grot the circumstances, and abide the consequen i ees.” Burr’s curt, rude and offensive reply began with : intimating that Hamilton’s letter was greatly de ficient in that sincerity and delicacy which he professed so much to value. Tho epithet ! in question, in the common understanding of it, I implied dishonor. Ii having been affixed to Burr’s i name upon Hamilton’s authority, he was bound ; jto say whether lie.had authorised it, either dt-i ! rcetfy, or by uttering expressions or opinions de-; ] rogatory to Burr’s honor. . I TIIK DUEL, j The grounds of Wcehawk, on the .Terse}- shore i opposite New York, were at that time the usual j field of these single combats. The day having been fixed, and the hour appointed at seven o’clock in the morning, the parties met, accompanied on ly by tbeir seconds. The barge-men, as well as Dr. Ilosack, tho surgeon, mutually agreed upon, remained, as usual, at a distance, in order if any fatal result should occur, not to be witnesses.— The parties having exchanged saluatioiis, the sec onds measured the distance of ten paces; loaded the pistols ; made the other preliminary arrange ! ments, and placed the combatants. At the ap ! pointed signal, Burr took deliberate aim and fired ! The ball entered Hamilton’s side, and as he fell | his pistol, too, was unconsciously discharged.— Burr approached him apparently somewhat mov ed', but on the suggestion ofhis second, the surgeon and barge-men already approaching, ho turned and hastened away Van Ness coolly covering him from their sight by opening an umbrella. The sur geon found Hamilton half lying half sitting on t.lio ground, supported in tho arms of tho second. The pallor of death was on his face. “Dr.,” he said, “this is a mortal wound,” and as if overcome by the effect of speaking, he swooned quite away. As he was carried across tho river the fresh breeze i revived him. His own homo being in tho conn-! try, he was conveyed at once the house of a friend, j where lie lingered for twenty four hours in great VOL. I.—NO. 28. I agony, but preserving bis composure and self command to the last, DEATH OF HAMILTON’. The news of his death', difftissed through the city, produced the greatest excitement. All were I now ready to admit that he was not less patriotic | than able, and that in bis untimely death—for ho | was only in his forty-eighth year—the con try had suffered an irreparable loss. Tho’ general feeling expressed itself in a public Ceremony, the mourn” fid pomp of which the city had never seen equal led. A funeral oration was delivered in Trinity Church by Gouverneur Morris, at whose side, oil the platform erected for she speaker, stood four sons of Hamilton, between the ages of sixteen and six. Morris briefly recapitulated Hamilton's pub lic services and noble virtues—bis purity of heart his rectitude of intention, bis incorruptible in tegrity. “I charge you to protect his fame 1” he added; “it is all that he has left—all that thUsU wphah children w ill inherit from their father.— 1 hough he was compelled to abandon public life, never for moment did he abandon public service-—’ j lie never lost sight of your interests.” A Hideous .Honslcr. | There exists in French society, remarks the atf | thor of Monte Leon, and we may add that it is by no means limited to French society, a hideous monster to all, though no one disturbs’ it. Its ra vages are great, almost incalculable. It saps re putations, positions, dishonors and defites tho splendor of the most estimable form. This minotaurns, which devours so many in* ; noeent persons, is especially fearful, because tho ! blows are terrible. It presents itself under the’ i mildest and gentlest forms, and received every where in the city. We find it is in our rooms in tho interior of our families, in the palaces of tho j opulent, and the garrets of tho poor. It has no’ name, being a mero figure of speech, a very word. ; It, it composed of but on.. on.l in catted— | THEY SAY. “Do you know such a one ?” is often asked and the person pointed out. “No; but they say his morals am very bad. Ho | has had strange adventures, and his ’ family i* i very unhappy.” “Are you sure?” “No, 1 know nothing about it. But they say so.” “Do not trust that gentlemen who has such credit, and is thought so rich, lie on your guard—” “Bah I his fortune is immense; see what mV es tablishment he has.” “Yes, but they say he is very much invol ved. “Do you know that fact!” “Not I. They say, though—” This they say is heard in every relation of life, [t is deadly mortal, and not to’bo grasjiM. [t : goes hither and thither, strikes and kills manly honor, female virtue, w.thout either sex being even ! conscious of the injury done Each its he reads these lines will remoter cases illustrating the truth i of what we say. Printers’ Proverb. Pay thou the printer in the day that thou owest i him tli,at the evil day may tie afar off and lest the good mail of the law sendeth thee thy bill greet ; ing. I Kemembcr him of the quill and thy devils’ around him and when thou weddestthy daughter to a man of her choice send thou unto him n \ bountiful slice of the bridal loaf. Borrow not that for which thy neiglifwr Ijarfi l | paid but go and buy for thyself of him who hath 1 ! tcrseH. l Thou shalt not read thy neighbor's faUr HOf molest him in the peaceful possession of it lest; thou stand condemned in the sight of him who driveth the quill and thy character be liawkcd’ | about by poor children. Xmeii. Eloquence. —“But, as I said before, we have i proved to you where that town line is.- Yes, gen ; demon of the jury, there it is, and there it will* remain forever; and all the ingenuity of riiy learn ed brot her can never efface it—can never wash it “Ut. NV, gentlemen, liO rtiay plant one foot’ Oti’ the outmost verge of the outermost ring of tho planet Saturn, and plant tho other on Arcfurd*, ; and seize the Pleades by the hair and ring therii 1 j till they are dry, but he cannot wash out that? : town line.” Religious G'kog Duinkino.— A gentleman 1 i was once invited to sign the pledge and thus givo his name and influence to the Temperance cause,- i but he declined, saying that he belonged to tho | Church, which was the oldest and best Tenqter ! nnce Society in the world. And yet, his father* who belonged to the same Temperance Society/ had died from brandy drinking! The religions scruples and objections of such men remind us of the good old lady, who, when asked if she would have a liftlc sugar anil water’ I in her whiskey, with much sanctity and humility replied—“No, sir—l will take it just as God sent it to me.” | Don’t Know Him.—Lord Nelson, when a bay b ginning to visit at bis aunt’s werit hunting one day, and did not return until after dark. Tho good lady, much alarmed, scolded him severely, and said “I wondet fear did not drive roll home.” “Fear,” replied tho boy. “I don’t know him.’ Jttit’ “L wish you would give me that gold ring on your finger,” said a village dandy ton country girl, “for it resembles, the duration of my love for you, it has no’ end.” Excuse me sir,” she said, “I choose to keep it, for it is likewise em blematical of my love for you, it has no beginning. Two Things at Otfcrr.—“l say, Paddy,” said a philosopher, “dan you do two things at the same time !” “Can’t I?” inquired the philosopher. “Why,” replied Paddy, “111 be slapeing and draeming at the same tirtib, don’t you see ? So none o’ your gammon for a spooney.” X3T A poor, emaciated Irishman, having called a physician in a forlorn hope, tho latter j spread a huge mustard plaster and clapped it on ! the poor fellow’s breast. Pat who with a fearful ! eye, looked down upon it, said : “1 toother, doether jit strikes me that is a deal of mustard for little Mate.'’