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No. s.— Martin Van Buren in favor of a Freehold, qualification for Negroes, in exercising the Right of Suffrage. The next subject in order was the com promise reported by the committee ol'thir teen, allowing a negro to vote, provided he had three years’ residence in the Stale, one year in the county, and was seized of a freehold estate of the value of two hun dred and fifty dollars over and above all debts and incumbrances charged iliereon, and shall have been actually rated and paid a tax thereon. Gen. Root moved that the committee rise and report. “He hoped they would not (it being 3 o’clock) take up the negroes on en empty stomach.” The motion to rise and report was lost.— Page 300. Mr. Van Buren said he had voted against a total and unqualified exclusion [of the ne groes] for he would not draw a revenue from them, and vet deny to them the right of suffrage—but this proviso met his ap probation, they were exempted from taxa tion until they had qualified themselves to vote. The right was not denied, to ex clude anv portion of the community who will not exercise the riuht of suffrage in its purity. This held out inducements lo in dustry, and will receive his support. — Page 376. The question was taken on allowing ne groes to vote, as above stated, and deci ded in the affirmative, ayes 74, noes 34, Mr. Van Buren voting in the affirmative. Page 378. The subject was reported to the Conven tion, and the question was taken on the whole section, including provisos, &c. and decided in the affirmative, ayes 73, noes 32, Mr. Van Buren voting in the affirma tive.—Page 557. The section thus adopted and made part of the Constitution of the State of N: York, is as follows: “ ARTICLE SECOND. “Sec. 1. livery male citizen, of the age of twenty-one years, who shall have been an inhabitant of this State one year pre ceding any election, and for the last six months a resident of the town or county where he may oiler his vote; and shall have within the year next preceding the election, paid a tux to the State or County, assessed upon his real or personal pro perty ; or shall by law be exempted fro f m taxation ; or being armed or equiped ac cording to law, shall have performed with in that year, military duty in the militia of this State; or who shall be exempted from performing military duty in conse quence of being a fireman in any city, town, or village in this State; and also every male inhabitant of this State, and for the last year a resident in the town or county, where he may offer his vote ; and shall have been within the last year, as sessed to labor upon the highways, and shall have performed the labor, or pttid an equivalent therefor, according to law, shall be entitled to vote in the town or ward where he actually resides, and not else where, for all officers that now are, or hereafter may be, elected by the people. But no man of color, unless he shall have been for three years a citizen of this State, and for one year next preceding any elec tion, shall be seized and possessed of a freehold estate of the value of two hundred and fifty dollars, over and above all debts and incumbrances charged thereon; and shall have been actually rated, and paid a lax thereon, shall be entitled to vote at such election. And no person of colour shall be subject to direct taxation, unless heshall be seized and possessed of such real estate as aforesaid.” The above is a faithful and candid ab stract of the votes and speeches of Martin Van Buren in the New York Convention of 1821, as reported. Friends ol universal suffrage, what think you o( the man that uttered the lan guage contained in the above speeches, and gave the votes above specified, in restric tion of that sacred right 1 VVILL ANY MAN LONGER DOUBT WHETHER MARTIN VAN BUREN IS AGAINST UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE? Will the most rabid partizan longer deny that MARTIN VAN BUREN ADVOCATED AND VOTED, FOR THE RIGHT OF THE NEGRO TO VOTE AT ELEC TIONS. The evidence is plain, palpable, and clear as the light of day—read, reflect. It is plain English. No man should have a vote, in the opinion of Martin Van Buren, unless he paid taxes—did militury duty, or worked on the highway, and was a householder. The idea of UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE was to him MONSTROUS ! Mark this journeymen mechanics !—at tend to this, poor, but honest freemen of the land ! Harken to it, ye aged remnant of the Revolution —remember it all of yon ! No. 6 —Martin Van Buren opposed to giving the Flection of Sheriffs to the People. General Root moved ns an amendment to a section on the appointing power that sheriffs shall be chosen by the people of the several counties, Ac. — See Journal of Convention, page 384. A division having bprn called for on the amendment of General Root, relating lo sheriffs, the same was decided in the affir mative, ayes 71, noes 36—MARTIN VAN BUREN VOTING IN THE NE GATIVE, and against giving the election of sheriffs to the people. The amend ment was nevertheless carried, and is now a part of the Constitution of New York.— See Jour, of Con. page 389. Kendall draws a very graphic picture of himself. Behold ! “ The propensity to lying becomes so tyrannical and despotic, that it does not re quite the slimulous of self-interest, for fear or shame; but, on the contrary, indulgw itself in- the most unbounded license,ffr/An the mere force of habit, and in hAtb sence of all temptation, v From the Madisonian. THE MODERN SEDITION LAW. We subjoin quotations, in parallel co lumns, from the Rules and Articles of War to which the Executive proposes to subject 200,000 militia-men, and from the Alien and Sedition Law of the elder Adams, so that the reader may see at a glance how much more tyrannical is Mr. Van Buren’s scheme than the old sedition law of ancient fi-deralis m: Extract from the Extract from the Articles of War Sedition Law, ap which arc. to govern proved by President the. militia when John Adams, July trained under Presi- 14, 1794. dent Van Buren's new plan for organizing them. Art. 5. Any officer Sue. 2. And be, it or soldier who shall further enacted, That use contemptuous or if any person shall disrespectful words write, print, utter, or against the President publish, or shall cause of the United Slates, or procure to bewri npninst the Vice Pre- teo, printed, uttered, sidenl thereof, against or published, or shall the Congress or any knowingly and will of the United States, ingly assist or aid m in which they may be writing, printing, ut quartered, if a com- tering, or publishing missioned officer shall any false, scandalous, be cashiered or pun- and malicious writing, ished, as a court mar- or writings against tial shall direct; if n the Government of non-commissioned offi- the United States, or cer or soldier, he either House of the shall suffer such pun- Congress of the United ishment asshail be in- States, or the I'resi tticted on him by the dent of the United sentence of u court. States,with the intent martial. to defame the said Art. 6. Any officer Government nr either or soldier who shall House of the jaid Con behave himself with gress, President, or contempt or disrespect bring them into con towards his command- tempt or disrepute, or ing officer, shall be to excite against them punished according to the hatred of the good the nature of his of- people of the United fence, -by the judg- States, or to stir up menl of a court mar- sedition within the tial. United Stales, or to Art 7. Any officer excite any unlawful or soldier who shall combinations therein, begin, excite, cause, tor opposing or resist or join in any mutiny mg any law of the or sedition, in any Hatted States, or any troop or company in act of the President of the service of the the United States, United States, or any chine in pursuance of party, post, detach- any such law, or of incut, or guard, shall the powers in him suffer death, or such vested by the Consti other punishment as Union of the United by a court martial States, or to resist, shall be inflicted. oppose, or defeat any Art. 8. Ar.y officer, such law or act, or to non commissioned offi- aid, encourage, or abet cer, or soldier, who, any hostile designs of being present at any any foreign nation a mutiny or sedition, gainst the United does not use his utmost States, their people.or endeavor to suppress Government, then the same, or coming to such person, being the knowledge of any thereof convicted be intended mutiny, does fore any court of the not, without delay, United States having give information jurisdiction thereof, thereof to his com- shall be punished by a manding officer, shall fine not exceeding be punished by pun- two thousand dollars, ished by the sentence and by imprisonment of a court martial with not exceeding two death, or otherwise, years, according to the na ture of the offence. Art. 9. Any officer or soldier who shall strike his superior offi cer, or draw or lift up any weapon, or offer any violence against him being in the exe cution of his office, on any pretence what ever, or shall disobey any lawful command of his superior officer, shall suffer death, or such punishment os shall according to the nature of his offence, be indicted upon him by the sentence of a court martial. We should never forget them. —The only three members of Congress from the free Slates, who sided with the South, on the Missouri question, were Mr. Kinsley, of New Jersey, Mr. Moore, of Pennsylvn nia, and WILLIAM HENRY HARRI SON, of Ohio. Their names should be forever embalmed in the affectionate and grateful recollections of Southern men.— Raleigh ( N. C.) Star. As we should expect. —The Van Buren men in Maine, recently held a convention in Augusta, and amongst other character istic exhibitions, hung General Harrison in effigy. The same party, with Ruel Williams, now Van Buren Senator in Con gress, at their head, on the i7th of June, 1813, while General Harrison was defend ing our northern frontiers, burnt James Madison in effigy in the same spot. Colonel Richard M Johnson, now Vice Pre sident of the United Stales, said, in Congress: “Who is General Harrison 1 The son of one of the signers of the Declaration of Indepen dence, who spent the greater part of his large fortune in redeeming the pledge he then gave, of his ‘ fortune, life, and sucred honor,’ to se cure the liberties of his country. “ Os the career of General Harrison, I need not speak : me history of the West is bis his tory. ior forty years tie has been identified with its interests, its perils, and its hopes. Universally beloved in the walks of peace, and distinguished by his ability in the coun cils of his country, he has been yet more illustriously distinguished in the field. Dur ing the late war, he was longer in actual service than any other General Officer; he was, perhaps, oftener in action than any one of them, and never sustained adefeat.” Colonel M. Johnson to General Harrison, ■ July 4, 1813, says : “ We did not want to serve under cowards or traitors; but under one [Harrison] who had proved himselflo be wise, prudent, and brave.” From the Macon Messenger. HARRISON CONVENTION. Macon, Thursday, June 13,1840. In pursuance of the Resolution adopted by the Anti-Van Buren Convention, as sembled at Milledgeville, in June last, res ponsive to the call made by the Tippeca noe Club of Macon, a Convention of the People opposed lo the re-election of Marlin Van Buren to the Presidency, assembled in this city on ‘Thursday, the 13th instant. The several delegations having been as sembled, the assembly was called to order 7iy General Elias Beall, President of the Bibb County Tippecanoe Club. After Prayer, by the Rev. George F. Pierce, in voking the special guidance ofDivine Wis dom in the harmonious and concerted ac tion of the Convention ; upon motion of Colonel William B. .Parker, the Honora ble John McPherson Berrien was unani mously chosen President of the Conven tion : the surviving Patriots of the Revo lution then present were elected Vice-Pres idents, and John H. Steele, Thomas N. Beall, John J. Gresham, Samuel M. Strong and Samuel R. Blake, Esqrs. were ap . pointed Secretaries. The President, in assuming the duties assigned him, tendered his acknowledge ments to the Convention, and after adver ting to the Resolution of the June Conven tion, and detailing the evil and corrupt action of the present Administration, in troduced to the attention of the Convention the Hon. William C. Preston, of South- Carolina. Mr. Preston rose antid the ac clamation of the Convention, and tender ed his acknowledgements for the notice which had been taken of him, and made a review of the leading corrupt measures of the Administration. The marshals then reported to the Sec retaries the several Delegations. After which the Convention adjourned until 10 o'clock to-morrow. Friday Morning, June 14—10 o’clock. The Convention met pursuant to ad journment. Absalom H. Chappell, Esq. of Bibb, in troduced the following Preamble and Res olutions : The People of Georgia, opposed to the corruptions and misrule of the Administra tion of Martin Van Buren, and friendly to the election of WILLIAM HENRY HAR RISON to the Presidency, and of JOHN TYLER teethe Vice-Presidency of the U nited States, having come together, in Ma con, from all quarters of the State, in a Convention unprecedented in the vastness of the assemblage, and the patriotic en thusiasm by which it has been character ised, cannot separate for the purpose of returning to their widely dispersed homes without sending forth to their fellow-citi zens of their own State, and of the whole Union, their ardent congratulations on the triumphant prospects which surround them in the great struggle in which they are en gaged. They view that struggle us one, the is sue of which will be decisive of the desti nies of their country. A President of the United States, who is indebted for his el evation to thp first office in this free and mighty confederacy—not to the high esti mation in which his character, qualifica tion, and public services, were held by his countrymen, but to the sycophantic arts by which he ingratiated himself with his immediate predecessor, and led that predecessor to exert the whole power and patronage of the Government for his ad vancement —seeks a re-election at the hands of the American People. Without having repented of the deep original sin of Executive dictation, by which he was brought into office, but pertinaciously clinging to it, and practising it; without having done aught during his administra tion to make amends for the unworthy manner in which he gained the Presiden tial chair, but having done every thing thtit could cause his administration to be felt, not less as a curse than his election had been a stain on the country, he comes before the People for the renewal of his grossly abused lease of power—relying on no means of success but the utter and shameless prostitution of that power to his own rejection. If he shall be permitted to triumph in the effort he is thus making, it will have become a settled point in the actual working of our political system, that a President of the United States may con trol and dictate the choice of his successor, and that such successor, when thus inves ted with office, will be strong enough to secure his continuance there for a second term, in despite of all objections growing out of the most grievous misrule and con sequent public detriment. When such a principle shall once be practically establish ed—as it most certainly will be by the re election of Martin Van Buren—our Gov ernment will have lost all of Republican ism but the forms and corruptions, and lack nothing of Despotism but the trap ings and title. For, if Mr. Van Buren be re-elected, will not the power and patron age oft he Government, in his tyinds, be as effective, for all purposes of dictating the appointment of his successor, as they have been found to be in bringing about, first, his own election, and then, his re-e ----lection ? And when Mr. Benton, or Mr. Buchanan, or some other such Party fa vorite shall aspire, in his tun, to the Chief Magistracy, what grount of hope can we have that the same engine of presi dential power and influence which have forced such a man as Martin Vtn Buren on the country, will not be potent enough to elevate a Benton, a Buchanan, or even an Amos Kendall / as his successor 7 When to this unanswerable ground of objection to Mr. Van Buren's re-election, we add, the manifest design and tendency of his whole policy, measures and recom mendations, to augment the already over grown power of the Federal Executive, by fresh and fearful accessions ; when we re collect that his predecessor, in whose foot steps he is pledged to follow, broke down the independence of the Senate of the Uni ted States, by and with his concurrence and co-operation—and that he himself has instigated and abetted his Party in subju gating the House of Representatives to his will, even though that subjugation hud to be effected at the cost of the disfranchise ment of a Sovereign State of the Union ; when we reflect that his vast band of office , holders is selected with a controlling re gard to mere Party devot'on and Party ef ficiency, and are trained to know no rule of action but subserviency to the Execu tive will; when, lo all these things, we further add the alarming fact, that he has at last succeeded, after years of systemat ic struggle, in causing the Purse-strings of the Nation to be placed in his hands, by i Congressional enactment, arid that he now reigns supieme in the collection, custody and disbursement of the moneys; when, from these his actual measures, we turn to his recommendations, and behold him call ing on Congress to place the Banking In stitutions of the States at his mercy, by a Bankrupt Law of which they may be made the compulsory victims—calling, moreo ver, for anew and unconstitutional or ganization of the Militia system which would be tantamount to placing a Standing military force 0f200,000 men at his dispo sal, it cannot be doubted that our Repub lican Institutions are, at this moment, struggling in the very crisis of their desti ny, and that, if the power which now wars against them, shall triumph in the existing • contest for the Presidency, it will be ren dered by the victors too strong even to be afterwards successfully resisted by the People. In this pursuit of new acquisitions of power, the Federal Executive has not hesi tated to override and trample in the dust all the great interests of the country. The seizure of the money-power has been con summated by a series of measures which have brought disaster, derangement and ruin on the currency, the commerce—the whole pecuniary prosperity of the People. They have been reduced to embarrassment and comparative poverty by a policy whose only merits are its tendency to strengthen the Executive arm, and to en rich monied men and salaried office hold ers. Whilst the People have been thus cur tailed in their resources of wealth and in come, and subjected to a progressive but sure impoverishment, that same Federal Administration, headed, by Martin Van Buren from which have emanated so ma ny professions of economy, has signalised itself by the extravagance of its expendi tures, and the profligate waste of the pub lic Treasure. It has carried up the annu al expenditures of the Government to an average of thirty-seven millions of dol lars—more than double what was known under the ten preceding Administrations; and we now behold the anomaly of a Bank rupt Administration sustaining itself by yearly issue of its own notes, and yet vaunting itself on the establishment of a system which makes money trebly scarce and difficult to be obtained. When we look through the long politi cal life of Mr. Van Buren, we find nothing to relieve the dismal prospect which a re view of his Administration spreads out be fore the eye. In all the great and charac teristic acts of his public life, we find him against the South and that Republican Patty to which he professes devotion. In the outset of his political career at the com mencement ofthe War with Great Britain, in 1812, we behold him as a qipm'ip- of the New York Legislature voting for De Witt Clinton, the Federal candidate, for the Presidency, in opposition to Mr. Mad ison, the candidate ofthe Republican par ty, and of the entire South. In 1820, as a member of the same Legislature, we find him entering into a political coalition with Rufus King; the then head and leader of the Federal party of the Union, by which Mr. King was that year elected to the Sen ate ofthe United States, and by which, al so, Mr. Van Buren was himself elected as his colleage in the same body, the ensuing year. In 1820, also, he gave his support to the celebrated Missouri restriction, by voting instructions to that effect to the Sen ators and Representatives of New Y'ork in Congress. In 1821, as a member of the Convention which framed the present Con stitution of New York, he supported the principle of allowing to free Negroes the right of suffrage. In 1822, as a Senator in Congress, he voted for the restriction of Slavery in Florida. In 1824, he suppor ted thoroughly the high Protective Tariff of that year. In 1828, he voted for the celebratedTariffLaw.well known through out the South by the just and emphatic name of the Bill of Abominations. In 1826 he voted for the erection of Federal Toll gates on the Cumberland Road, and after wards, during General Jackson’s Admin istration, he subscribed to his doctrine that works of Internal Improvement by the General Government were constitutional, when of National utility; and that the President, in the exercise of the Veto pow er, was to determine for himself, over the head of Congress, the question of their na tionality. Thus not taking the power out of the hands of the Federal Government, but merely shifting it from Congress to the President. As Secretary of State, under General Jackson, he compromised the honor of his Country in his negotiations with a great Foreign power, by availing himself of an argument druwn from the party divisions of our own People, and the triumph ofthe party to which the then President belonged. It is needless to extend further the de tail of the grounds of objection which Mr. Van Buren’s political life, and Presiden tial Administration, so abundantly furnish against him. Enough has been presented to show that in whatever view we contem plate the subject, all things call aloud for a change of the measures and policy of the Government, and of the man at the head of the Government. That change, so vitally important to the country, can only be brought about by the election of WILLIAM HENRY HARRI SON, to the Presidency of the United Slates. His public life and character, from early vouth to the present hour, are familiar to his countrymen, and they give assurance abundant and indubitable that such a change as his elevation to the Chief Magistracy would bring, would be in ac cordance with the most enlightened con viction of public opinion, and promotive of thp redemption of the country from the misrule, corruption, and distresses under which it now so grievously labors. The confidence of a Washington, of a Jeffer son, and n Madison—his able, successful and well-approved conduct in all the great and responsible stations, in Peace and in War, which he filled for more than thirty years—are vouchers irrefutable ol his pa triotism, his integrity, and capacity. The People of Georgia, opposed to the present Administration, have made him the man of their choice; and will spare no efforts, becoming freemen and patriots, to advance his election. Resolved, therefore, That it be recom mended to the citizens of Georgia to lay aside, in the present alarming emergency of the Country, all pre-existing Parly di visions and to come to the examination ol the issues involved in the existing contest, with minds unbiassed, unprejudiced, and determined to consult no end but their Country’s good, and its deliverance from the mal-administration and misery with which it is now overwhelmed. Resolved, That the People he recom mended to hold meetings in their respec tive counties, neighborhoods and districts, for the purpose of diffusing a full and cor rect knowledge of the true character and merits of the pending contest, and of pro moting the election ofGeneral WILLIAM HENRY 7 HARRISON to the Presidency, and of JOHN TYLER lo the Vice-Presi dency, of the United States. The question being upon the adoption of the Preamble and Resolutions, Robert A. Toombs, Esq. of Wilkes, offered the fol lowing amendment which was carried by acclamation : Resolved by this Convention, That while we, as State Rights Republicans must ever repudiate and condemn the prin ciples embraced in the Proclamation and Force Bill, yet we feel ourselves called upon as Patriots to forego our peculiar o pinions of the means to secure the great ends of State Rights, popular liberty, an honest administration of the Government of the People, and a cordial invitation to our countrymen ofthe Union Party to u nite with us in the deliverance of our com mon country from the hands of “the spoil ers.” In this great struggle, we proclaim to the world that we stand upon the great platform of Popular Rights, which is wide enough, and long enough and strong en ough for every friend of his Country to stand upon, without any sacrifice except Party to Country ! The question then being upon the adop tion of the Resolutions, with the amend ment, the Hon. C. B. Strong, of Bibb, in troduced the following additional amend ment, which was by unanimous vole su perndded to the main resolution : Resolved, That this Convention of th,e People approve of the able and patriotic conduct ofthe faithful six of our Represen tatives in Congress, to wit : Alford, Daw son, Habersham, Nisbet, King and War ren; and will support them, with Foster, Gamble and Merriwelher, and use all hon orable means to promote theire'lection. The Resolution, with its amendments, was advocated by Andrew J. Miller, Esq. of Richmond, William Law, Esq. of Chat ham, Robert A. Toombs, Esq. of Wilkes, and Henry W. Hilliard, Esq. of Mont gomery Ala. The question then recurring upon thea mended Resolutions, it was unanimously adopted. The following resolution was introduc ed by E. Bird, ofDeKalb : Resolved, That this Convention approve of the Ticket nominated at Milledgeville, in June last, for Electors of President and Vice President, and will support the same by every honest exertion in their power. The question being taken upon the adop tion ofthe resolution, it was adopted nem. con. Mr. Lyman Beecher, of Wetumpka, Alabama, was presented, by the President to the Convention, as a delegate from the “ Tippecanoe Club of Wetumpka.” Mr. 8., after making his acknowledgements, and tendering to the Convention the assur ances ofthe Club, whose views he repre sented, of their united and untiring co-op eratioli, was conducted to a seat among the members. S. T. Beecher, Esq., of Baldwin, intro duced the following resolution, which was adopted : Resolved, That the proceedings of this Convention be signed by the President and Secretaries', and that Editors friendly to the great principles of Reform in the Ad ministration of the Government be reques ted to give publicity to the same, through the medium of their papers. On motion of A. J. Miller, Esq. of Rich mond, it was Resolved, That the thanks of this Con vention be tendered to the Tippecanoe Club of Macon for their kindness and at tention to the members ofthe Convention, and to the citizens of Macon generally for the hospitality of their entertainment. On motion of Hon. C. B. Strong, of Bibb, it was unanimously Resolved, That the thanks of this Con vention are due, and are now tendered, to the Hon. J. McPherson Berrien for the dignified ability with which he has presid ed over its deliberations. On motion of A. H. Chappell, Esq., of Bibb, a Resolution of thanks to the Sec retaries, for their attention and efficiency in the discharge of their duties, was sub mitted and adopted. The President then addressed the Con vention, commending its deliberations, to gether with the consequent action of its in dividual members, to the guidance and su pervision ofDivine Benignity ; after which 1 Prayer was made by the Rev. Jonathan’ Davis, of Lee, and the President then ad journed the Convention sine die. j. McPherson berrien, Pres’t. J. 11. Steele, “| Thomas N. Beall, John J. Gresham, J- Secretaries, Samuel M. Strong, I Samuel R. Blake, J ™ T 1 L_! 5559 _news and Gazette. principles and men. WASHINGTON, GEO. THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 3, 1840. Introductory. We to-day present to the public the first number of the “News & Planters’ Gazette” united, and we will proceed todefine to our readers the course we intend to pursue, more fully than could be done in the nar row limits of a prospectus. Conceiving that the Stale Rights doc trines are those of true democracy, and of the patriots and statesmen who contended in former days for our liberties ; that these are the doctrines which should govern the people and their public servants at all times, we shall in our advocacy of measures ear nestly endeavor to promote those which seem to us dictated by those principles ; in our support of men we shall choose those who give the surest promise of abiding by the State Rights tenets. Following this course, we have already made a choice between the two prominent candidates for the chief magistracy of this great republic. Martin Van Buren has been tried and found wanting, he is now known to be faithless and incompetent, we unhesitatingly have rejected him and shall give our feeble support to his competitor Gen. William Henry Harrison, who has given a good pledge of his devotion to his country by having fought for it, who from his youth up, having been in con stant intercourse with the patriots of the revolution has imbibed the sentiments of their political school and whose honest, plain and upright course, would do honor to his ancient colleagues. In our support of these measures and men, we shall endeavor to treat our oppo nents with that courtesy due to a party numbering in its ranks many respectable members, who, though they differ from us in opinion still may do so in nil sincerity, we war not with them as individuals, for we nre proud to call and to believe many of them our personal friends, but we wage uncompromising hostility against them as politicians; against their leaders and their principles. We intend so to conduct our selves that it may be said : “ No levelled malice Infects one comma of the course we hold.” We retain, however, to ourselves the right of doing by others as they do by us, if we are reviled we shall most certainly, if we I think it proper, revile again. When the fierce political contest now ra ging shall be finished, we shall appropri ate a much more of our space to literary and agricultural news, in which last de partment we have been promised the as- I sistance of gentlemen much better acquain ted than ourselves with the subject. Wo exchange with most of the Southern agri cultural Journals and shall be able to make from them selections suitable and interest ing to the Planter. As we have incurred heavy pecuniary responsibilities and have undertaken this paper with the determination of'making it’ deserve the patronage of the public, we