Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

From the National Intelligencer. TO THE WHIGS AND CONSERVA TIVES OF THE UNITED STATES. Executive Commitke Room, ) Washington, August 35, 1840. \ ! The splendid election resets just an- i nounced from the States of North Carolina, Kentucky, and Indiana, gladden the heart of the patriot, and stimulate him to greater I efforts in the service of his country. In these States, tifc enemies of the Constitu tion and ofthe prosperity of the Republic are annihilated. The destructive arc pan ic stricken—turn which way they may, their affrighted vision is startled with the “hand-writing on the wall.” In Alabama ‘ they have barely escaped defeat . Missou ri is “coming to the rescue.” With forced I but feeble shouts, they exult over Illinois, I and rejoice that they have been able—to hold their own. Since the nomination of General Harri son, the States of Connecticut, Rhode Is land, Virginia, Louisiana, and North Car olina, all of which voted for Martin Van Buren in 1836, have proclaimed in no e- j quivocal language, their allegiance to the country anil its Constitution. The information which we have rcceiv- ; ed,and which we continue to receive, from the States of Pennsylvania, New York, Michigan, Ohio, New Jersey, Maryland, Delaware, Virginia, Tennessee and Geor gia, is well calculated to inspire us with fresh confidence in the intelligence and pat riotism of the People, and with the convic tion that their slumbering vengeance is awakened into life and action, ready to lay hold ofthe pillars ofthe temple which cor ruption has raised on the ruins ofthe Con stitution and welfare of the nation, and crush beneath its fragments, its (tower grasping and infatuated architects. Excessive confidence in our own strength is the only danger to be apprehended. Let us not rest in fancied security. Let us not repose on our laurels so freshly and gal lantly won, but rush into the battle-field in quest of new achievements. The ene my is rich in -the means of corruption, and i they will use them with no sparing hand, j A mercenary legion of one hundred thou sand office-holders, who fight for their sal aries and their bread, are arrayed against you. The money of the people, now in the hands of the President by his sub-treasu rers, will tickle the palms of the purcha sable. A ribald and stipendiary press, sustained by government patronage, will scatter its vile trash among you. To meet successfully these fearful odds against you, require vigorous and untiring exertions.— Let us not fear that our majorities will be too overwhelming. The Administration and the principles on which it acts should not only be pros trated but prostrated effectually and for ever. It should pass to its long account amid the exultations ofimmense majorities, and without the hope of a resurrection.— The rebukeabout to be administered should not only be severe, but astonishing. It is due to the Constitution, to the country, to retributive justice, and to posterity, that the political crimes of this Administration should be marked with a reprobation deep as your sufferings, and broad as the Un ion. The “hiejoed” which the people are about to write on its tomb should be in cap itals, bold and prominent as are its dere lictions from duty. Thus written it will stand through future ages as a political “memento mori” to any person who, “dress, ed in a little brief authority,” shall play the tyrant, forgetful of the powerthat made ‘ him. Is there a patriot in the land whose bo som does not swell with pride and exulta tion at the briliantprosperity now dawning on his desecrated’ country ? On the 4th of March next, History, with iron pen, will inscribe on her marble tablets, On this day, by the almost unanimous voice of a confi ding, abused, and intelligent People, was banished from the Capitol the first Ameri caw Nero, who laughed at the calamities with which he had scourged his country - rnen, mocked at the sufferings which he had created, and tauntingly told them “ that they looked to Government for too much.” Then will the country shake off theshac kies with which folly and madness had bound her young and vigorous limbs, rise with new strength and press onward to her high destiny. And who among you will not, on that auspicious day, join the joyous song, and with honest pride and patriotic exultation mingle your voice with the shouts of millions, and exclaim, “I, too, fought at the battle of Waterloo !” To all such who have up to this period stood by as idle spec tators #fthe fierce conflict now being wa ged between the People and the olfice-hold ers, let us say—“ Delay no longer. Inac tion is dangerous to the Republic. Rally on the side of your country, and prove your love to her institutions.” We use no hyperbole when we say that she is but one remove from a practical monarchy! Give to Mr. Van Buren a standing army of 200,000 men, and your liberties are at an end. Already is he in the possession ofthe entire revenues of the country. The national purse is at his un licensed control. Think you that he will abandon his wild schemes of an over wrought ambition ? Think you that he will cease to urge upon the consideration of Congress the notorious project of an im mense standing army ? Think you that there is in Congress independence sufficient to deny him any request ! No, no—“ Lay not that flattering unction to your souls!” Who could have been found on the first day of January, 183?, bold 1 enough to have predicted that a measure which had been denounced by nearly the unanimous voice ofthe People as “ disorganizing and revo lutionary, as “ subversive of the princi ples of the Government from its earliest his tory,” as “ enlarging to an alarming ex tent the boundaries of Executive power,” would at this time have been the law of the land ? But such is the melancholy fact! The national Legislature furnishes you with no protection, no guaranty against the exactions of Executive power. It is the fundametttal law of the party” that the President “ can do no wrong.” His will is the law of “ the party,” both in and out of Congress, and wo to the man who dares to oppose it. He is denounced as a traitor and renegade. The sleck-hounds of the Executive, thirsty for blood, are unleashed from their kennels, and with eager scent pursue the object of their hatred. They soon banquet on the mutilated carcass ; with crimsoned muzzles, they return to their masters, giv ing gratifying evidences that his orders have been faithfully executed, and are ugain kept in reserve for some fresh victim of Executive vengeance. Under this reign of terror and proscription, place no depen dence on Congress. It is no longer a shield between the rights of the people and the usurpation ofthe President. It caters for Executive gratification, and panders to his cravings for power. The same men who, but a short time since, spoke of a Sub- Treasury bill with horror, and who now condemn the standing army project with apparent sincerity, will at the bidding of the President, adopt the latter with as much unanimity asthey enacted the former.— The same servile partisan majority who here gave him the “purse,” who at his nod disfranchised, blindly disfranchised, a sov ereign State without reading one syllable ofthe evidence, will not hesitate to arm 1 him with the “s-ivord” also. There is but one step between the Presi dent and despotic power. Lose no time in throwingyourselves between them. If you value your liberties, achieved by the blood of your fathers—if you woa-kl hand them over unimpaired to your children, hesitate no longer, but join the army of patriots marching to victory under the banner of the Constitution, and of “ Harrison and Reform.” The history of the last six months ad monishes us to warn you against the false hoods and calumnies ofthe Administration ! press. Within that period, you have been j told that Gen. Harrison was a “weak, im becile, old man in his dotage.” The ink with which the slander was penned was scarcely dry when wc heard of him at Fort’ Meigs, one of the scenes of his glory, ad-1 dressing, in the full voice of vigorous man- I hood and with the fervor of youth, an im mense multitude, on the great subjects which so deeply agitate the public mind, and vindicating his fair fame from the as persions which malignity has attempted to cast upon it. More recently has he visited Fort Greenville, arfd again, with his usual ability and eloquence, addressed a large concourse of his fellow-citizens. Soon, perchance, the feed libellers of the Exec utive organs may announce that he is the victim of disease, and in the last stage of mortality ; and attempt to prove it, too, by the affidavits of some of their vile retainers. Within that period you have also been told that he was in the custody of “keepers,” im mured in an “iron cage.” Be not surpris ed if you should ere long be informed by the same authority that he had become the inmate of a mad-house, and that it should be vouched for by the same “ respectable ” testimony. Allow us, then, to warn you against yielding the slightest belief to the thousand slanders with which the mendicant press at the Capitol, and its partisan ad juncts throughout the country, will abound from this time to the close of the elections. Already have they falsified the records of the past, committed forgeries, and scatter ed their libels broad cast over the land. Permit us also to call your serious con sideration to the importance of an efficient organization. Hitherto you have been bea ten more by the force of the superior drill and discipline of your opponents, than by numerical strength ; or rather, their per fect organization, has enabled them to bring all their forces into the field against you. That organization, in the Northern States especially, extends to the appointment of committees in all the school districts in the several towns. Let us take lessons in this respect from the enemy. For the first time now present an unbroken and undivided front, writhing under a common suffering, and animated by a common hope. Let ev ery friendofhis country’s welfare be at his post, and in a few short weeks’ he will wit ness the total overthrow of the author of her calamity. R. GARLAND, Chairman of Committee. J. C. Clark, Secretary. From the Columbus Enquirer. HARRISON AND TROUP. Gen. Harrison is denounced as a Feder i alist, because he approved of the conduct j of the elder Adams, relative to the antici i pated war with France—because he spoke respectfully of Mr. Adams, as a gentie -1 tnan and patriot—and opposed the disbaud- I ing of the army. The same reasoning would condemn Gen. Smith, of Maryland, Thomas Jeffer son and George M. Troup ofthe same crime. Gen. Smith voted with Gen Harri son on that question, in fact, was the orig inator of the army scheme. Mr. Jefferson spoke in favor of the war, and George M. Troup, in speaking of it, uses the following language, viz : “When the French Directory, in the name of liberty, which it abused, and in the name of honov, which it sullied, avail ing itself ofthe generous sympathies’of our people, hadl essayed to involve them in the conflicts of Europe,, and ore the side of France, Mr. Adams resented the insults and repelled the indignities of those mis named republicans, with a patriot firmness, worthy of his former life ; and a corrupt government of the most powerful nation of Christendom, which had dared to demand a base bribe, as the price of peace, was instructed that the American people were ready to pay millions for defence, butnota cent for tribute. Long before his sun went down, truth and justice having tranquili zed the passions, the respect and the affec tions of the good and worthy had settled on the venerable Patriarch, and his last days were made serene and happy by the con templation of an old man approaching to his hundredth year, surrounded by millions whom he delighted tocall his children, and who in gratitude for his services, would follow him with tears and benedictions to his grave.” Who can read the above and entertain a shadow of respect for the pitiful pettifog ger, who would attempt to stigmatize Gen. Harrison as a black cockade federalist, for acting and thinking in common with Smith and Jefferson and Troup ? From the South-western Virginian. Mr. Editor:—lf you think proper, you can publish the following ; if not, no harm done: WHAT 1 HAVE NOT WHAT I HAVE HEARD. HEARD. I have never heard I have heard those a slaveholder de- who never did own a nounce General liar- negro, call General rison as an abolition- Harrison an aboli ist. tionist. I have never heard I have heard those a man of courage who could not be pronounce him a cow-kicked within the ard. smell of gunpowder, pronounce him a cow jard. I have never heard I have heard To a Democrat call him ries and Agrarians a Federalist. denominate him a Fe deralist. I have never heard I have heard block a man of sense call heads call him an him an imbecile. imbecile. I have never heard I have heard dis an honest man call honest men and de him a knave. faulters call him a knave. I have never heard I have heard loaf a respectable, indus- ers and liars say, he trious man say, that voted to sell white he voted to sell white men for debt; and men for debt; and I have never heard I have heard To of a Tory who likediries and rowdies a him. jbuse him for his pa- Itriotism. I have heard many more things, Mr. Editor, of which I will inform you in my next Epistle to the Vandals. In the meantime, I remain yours, &c. WILKES & LIBERTY. From the Southern Recorder. We experience a singular conflict be tween the feelings of contempt and the lu dicrous, whenever we are called on to wit ness the crocodile tears which our political opponents of the press shed in regard to Ab olitionism and its dangers, as connected with the election of Gen. Harrison to the Presidency. As we discover the little im pression, however, which all this cant and hypocrisy produces on the good sense ofthe people, the sense of the ludicrous, we be lieve, prevails with us, as we see our Van Buren opponents, in view of Gen. Harrison’s election, shedding the briny (tear over the poor South, and blowing their noses in sym pathetic cadence over her anticipated suf ferings. The solemn hypocrisy of these pretended tears, and actual nose blowings, so exquisitely absurd, so richly impudent, present a picture so inimitably grotesque, that it is irresistible to one who has the slightest perception ofthe ludicrous. Because the people of the South will not choose as the conservator of their domestic institutions, a man who never lived in a slave State, and who consequently knows but little of the nature of the institution, and this too in preference to one born and raised in old Virginia, who does know all about the institution, and was raised under its in fluence—because of this strange course of the people, our Van Buren brother of the quill, covers his eyes with his hands, and groans most musically over our risk ! Be cause the people of the South think these interests safer in the hands of a cabinet o ver which,say our opponents,Henry Clay is to possess unbounded influence : a man who owns himselfmore slaves than Mr. Van Bu. ren and all his cabinet, Poinsett and For syth included —because they thus think, a las ! alas ! the heart of our Van Buren of fice-holder is touched with commisseration, he goes to the street corners and lifts up his voice and weeps. Alas for us, that the son of old Benjamin Harrison, the signer of the Declaration of Independence, from old Virginia, himself by birth and nurture a true Virginian, is now going to rule over us. Alas for us and for our domestic institu tions, that Henry Clay and John Tyler, and Mr. Preston and others are now about to have a controling influence over the cab inet councils of the United States! What will become of our domestic institutions, when these men,w'ho own themselves so ma | ny hundred slaves, shall control, on this subject, the cabinet councils ? We must surely be in a blue way ; and if ever there was a time for men of the South to blow their noses, and blow them hard, now’s the day and now’s the hour. To be sure Mar tin owns no slaves ; neither for that matter, so far as we know, does even his Secretary of State, Mr. Forsyth, and we cannot say that there is even one owned by the whole cabinet; but what of that l Has’nt Martin the veto ? answer us that; hasn’t he, we ask, the veto; and’who will not acknowl edge that the veto is every thing ? The ve to is every thing ? The veto ! Listen to Mr. Forsyth, the Veto—the Veto! Well, well, the veto no doubt is a great thing in its way. but we have rather a preference for old 1 Gen. Harrison’s safe-guard on this point—the Constitution, and the veto is but a questionable thing at best, and as unsafe to the protected as it is questionable. But if the groans are exhaled and the tears shed on account ofthe Veto, this wonderful “Ve to”—“the Veto”—why we tell you to wipe your noses, and cheer up, for the old Gen eral will bring with him upon this subject, the Constitution, and this sonorous veto, too. Will this satisfy our brothers of the quill ? will this dry their eyes ? it ought to, we think ; but we doubt whether it will have that effect until after the election. Then, however, we have no doubt that our broth ers of the quill, now so lugubrious and woe begone, will enliven the sadness of their de feat, by the remembrance of their own lu dicrous efforts, and laugh away their mor tification on the retrospect of their present comic essays at tragedy. From the Newark (N. J.) Advertiser. To show the utter shamelessness of the Van Buren party in ascribing the great Whig triumph, in Vermont, to Abolition and Anti-Masonry, it is only necessary to state, that Mr. Dillingham, the late candi date of that party for Governor, is a decided Abolitionist, and Mr. Barber, the late can didate for Lieutenant Governor, is one of the principal officers of the State Abolition Society ; both were supported on anti-sla very grounds, and receive the votes of the most of the abolitionist electors ; and both were influential members ofthe Anti-Maso nic party also—Mr. Barber having edited an anti-masonic paper, and been appointed Secretary of State during the anti-masonic ascendancy. From the Madisonian. TEST QUESTIONS. There are questions which the people should ask themselves before they go to the ballot-box, the answers to which must in fluence their votes. Whether William Henry Harrison, or Martin Van Buren, in a merely personal view, ought to be elec ted, is a matter of minor consideration.— In fact, it becomes us to discard all con siderations which look solely to the gratifi cation of the ambition of any individual.— We go for principle which must survive and influence the fate of remotest genera tions, while those by whom they are ad ministered, perform their brief duties and then mingle with “the clods of the valley.” But as the representatives of these princi ples, it is of the highest importance that we make a correct selection. In this view let every voter put to himself the following questions : 1. Ought the revenue of the county to be placed in the hands of the President, to be used at his discretion, without any control of the representatives ofthe People ? If he can say “Aye” to this, he will vote for Mr. Van Buren ; if “No,” for General Harrison. 2. Ought the President to have 200,000 armed men at his disposal, to execute all his commands, subject to the penalty of death, according to military law, in case of disobedience ? If he says “ Aye” to this, he will vote for Mr. Van Buren ; if he say “ No,” he will vote for Gen. Harrison. 3. Ought the wages of labor to be redu ced to less than 25 cents a day, to the stan dard which prevails in countries where those who labor arc called serfs, and peas ants ? If he say “ Aye, 3 ’ he will vote for Mr. Van Buren ; if he say “ No,” he will vote for Gen. Harrison. 4. Ought the public revenues to be ex pended, and public officers to devote their time as missionaries, for the purpose of keeping one man in power and excluding another ? If he can say “Aye,” he will vote for Mr. Van Buren; if “No,” for General Harrison. 5. Is it important that the currency should be restored to a wholesome condition ; that the obstructions which choke up the chan nels of industry should be removed ; that agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, should be re-established on a secure basis ; that labor should have its recompense; that economy and accountability should be en forced in the public expenditures—and that the fetters should be broken which retain the freedom of speech and opinion ? If he says “ Aye,” he will vote for Gen. Harrison; if “No,” he will vote for Mr. Van Buren. Let every voter ask himself these ques tions, and vote as his conscience must re ply, and Mr. Van Buren will not receive forty votes in the electoral colleges. RETRIBUTIVE JUSTICE. It is a remarkable fact, and one that should inculcate an important lesson to the servants ofthe people, never again to defy and trample upon popular rights, at the beck of mere party recklessness, that, of the eight members from Vermont and Maine who dared to aid in consummating the New Jersey outrage, and the passage ofthe Sub-Treasury, but one has been re elected. John Smith,lsaac Fletcher, Joshua A. Lowell, Virgil D. Parris, and Albert Smith, have each been rejected by the people whose confidence they had abused ! Da vee and Anderson were not even candidates for re-election,’ and the constituents of the former have proclaimed in a thunder tone, by a change unprecedented in a New Eng land district, their displeasure at his career of political infamy. On the other hand, the five Whig mem bers who opposed to the utmost both outra ges, have each one been re-elected by in creased majorities, in no case less than a thousand, and by an aggregate majority of Fourteen Thousand !— Boston Atlas. The New York Correspondent of the National Intelligencer, writing under date of September 9th, communicates the fol lowing information. It has been ascertained that the United States Treasury is indebted to the Bank of America nearly three millions of dollars on Treasury notes, which had been nego tiated there “to raise the wind.” The Bank’s loan to merchants amounts to about $1,300,000. Now, it does not look well in the honorable powers in Washington to be talking of “loans,” “merchants in spec ulation and debt,” &c. &c. &c. while such are the facts. The audacity of their impu dence is rather novel to say the least.— There are no bigger beggars on earth at the banks than “the Government” just now. If it were not for “bank notes” and “credit” obtained of banks, the President would go hungry to bed, if he had no other income than his salary. Three millions in debt to a bank ! ‘Divorce of Bank and State !” “Unholy alliance !” Ay, the office of the Receiver General ofthe chief commercial city is in this very bank ! The deposites there, too! This is the Sub-Treasury ! Ay, let the “Whig orators” pour into them these facts, and arraign them on the tribu nal of “the stump,” till they cease delusion and humbug, or pay to principle a formal and showy homage at the least. GENERAL VAN BUREN. The intelligent Virginian, who recently, at a public festival, intended to compliment the President, by giving as a toast— “ Martin Van Buren: His services in the Cabinet equal his achievements in the Field has been outdone. At a meeting of the Germans, at Buffalo, (says the New York Commercial,) favorable to the Administra tion, a lew days ago, one of their orators stated in his speech— “ That during the battle of the Thames, General Harrison was taken prisoner by General Proctor, and that he was rescued by General Van Buren, who commanded the re serve ; one who, by a rapid and masterly movement, advanced upon the enemy, retook the General—changed the fortunes of the day, and achieved a victory.” What is still better, the assertion was re ceived as gospel by the meeting. We opine that even GENERAL VAN BU REN will laugh at his own prowess on that occasion. From the Chronicle and Sentinel. A SEVERE REBUKE. Never have we seen a more withering rebuke of the small game, which Locofo coism is attempting to play off upon the South, than is contained in the following article, from the Philadelphia Sentinel, a leading and zealous Van Buren organ in that city. We commend it especially to those Locofocos at the South, who have been so industriously engaged in attempt ing to make an impression upon the minds ofihe Southern people, that the Whigs and Abolitionists are identified. What say yon, Corporal, will you dare to publish this article from one of your own party organs, that your readers may see the game which you have been attempting to play off on them ? From the Philadelphia Sentinel. William Pitt Fessenden, Esq. member elect of Congress in Maine, is not, as we are informed, and never has been an abo litionist, but on the contrary has always expressed his opposition to the principles of that party. We may as well take this occasion to say that we have not been able to perceive the truth and justice ofthe charge that the whig and abolition parties of the north are identical in their aims and efforts. We have not seen the proof that the abolitionists have any special affinity for either of the great political parties, or any expectation that the scheme of immediate emancipation would be promoted by the success of one or the other. Instances have occurred in which candidates for office regularly nomi nated have from their supposed leaning to abolitionism received the suffrages of anti slavery men ; but this has happened on both sides, and has been a mere accident in the history of politics. It is notorious that the abolitionists as a body have no con fidence in either the whig or administra tion parties. This is openly and frequent ly expressed through their presses and con ventions, and in their nomination of candi dates of their own for the Presidency and Vice Presidency. We believe that after the speech of Mr. Clay last winter in the Senate, on the subject of slavery, the great body ofthe abolitionists would have given Mr. Van Buren their decided preference’ had the former gentleman been taken up as the rival candidate ; and we do not sup pose they have been materially conciliated by the nomination of Gen. Harrison, since in the event of the success of the whigs, the doctrines of Mr. Clay will be sanction ed and incorporated in the new administra tion, of which he must be the hieropnant and symbol. As to raising the cry of abolitionism for effect at the South, we must pause a little and inquire what that effect may be, and whether honest men and patriots can have any hand in securing it. We may throw odium upon our opponents, and consolidate the South in support of Mr. Van Buren, by such trickery. But is that the end of it ? Is that the ultimate effect ? Is there no danger of deepening and strengthening the already too apparent jealousy between the great Northern and Southern sections of our beloved common country ? God knows we have perplexing elements enough al ready in our political problems, the great est of which is diversity without disunion —and let us beware, lest in attempting to conquer a party, we blow up the Union. Let it not be deemed impossible that the South and North, now attempted to be ar rayed against each other as parties, may, ere long, come to be arrayed as nations, se parate, independent and bitterly antago nists. The Richmond Enquirer, the leading Van Buren paper of the South, said, a few days ago :—“ NO MAN HAS PRO NOUNCED HARRISON A COWARD, WHOSE OPINION IS ENTITLED TO RESPECT.” From the Chronicle and Sentinel. We have been politely furnished with the following excellent letter, from Rev. Mr. Mosely, in reply to an invitation exten ded him by the Maridn county Whigs, to be with them at their laie Barbecue. It is a good letter, such a one as does honor to the head and heart of the plain republican who penned it. Bear Creek, Henry co. Aug. 18. Gentlemen :—Your kind favor of the 14th is before me, and I assure you it would afford me great pleasure to comply with the request it contains, and meet my fellow citizens of Marion. But at present it is out j of my power. lam “ Corresponding Mes senger” to several associations and were I to neglect my religious duties to attend to political matters, it would give our oppo nents an opportunity to assail me, with suc cess. So long as I “ render to Caesar the things that are Caesar’s, and to God the things that are God’s’,’ I shall bid them defi ance. It is a matter of surprise to me that any man, with the evidence before him contain— ed in the history of our Government, as re gards its rise, foundation, progress and un exampled prosperity, should wish to sup port a man that not only contemplates, but is actually engaged in effecting, a change in the system adopted by Washington and Jefferson and Madison and Monroe—a sys tem the value of which has been proved by its successful operation ; for under it we as a nation have risen from poverty and wretchedness, to wealth, intelligence and a degree of prosperity’ unexampled in the history of the world. With the evi dence before their eyes, that derangement, distress and disorganization, have attended’ every step of the proposed change, we are gravely told by our youthful politicians that . tlie system of our government, as introdu ced by those ancient worthies, was uncon stitutional. If so, it follows, that those men did not understand the very constitution they aided in forming, else they were base enough to swear to support it, and then dis regard their oaths ! Is it not passing strange that Jackson when Senator to Congress, did not discover that the Bank and Credit System were un constitutional, and though under all the solemnities of an oath, he never did find out that fact until he discovered that Nick Biddle and other Bank officers would not submit to his dictation. (I say the Bank and Credit System because if you reduce our circulation to gold and silver, I think I hazard nothing in saying down goes the credit system and with it the brightest pros pects of all the poor young men ofthe coun try.) But are we authorized to believe that Jackson was since in his pretentions as regards the unconstitutionally ofthe Bank?’ I think not. What does he say when he vetoed the act re-chartering the bank ? In substance, “if you had called on me, I would have presented a plan that would have met their exclusive approbation.”— Now, some kind of a Bank was constitu tional ; and if the dictator had been con sulted, what sort of a Bank would it have been, think you ? Why it would have been a Bank without Nick Biddle at its head—just such a one as Mr.. Van Buren now wants, one over which the President would have had control. It would have been based on the treasury of the country and been just what we now have, a gov ernment Bank. Look at the Sub-Treasu ry ! A hard money currency with a batchi of treasury notes as a circulating medium. The office holders and government eon tractors will get the gold and! silver, and sell it at ten to twenty per cent? profit for banknotes, with which to pay poor men who labor. The hard money wlfl soon all find its way into the vaults ofthe- Indepen-* dent Treasury, and there it wil® be inde pendent sure enough, of’you and me and all of us! Give him there his treasury notes to hoard up or issue at pleasure, and 1 he will control the prices<of property and wa ges and’every thing, at his pleasure. Then add his army of 200,000 Militia to all this, and farewell to independence—farewell to prosperity and liberty ! Gentlemen, E hope the freemen of Geoirgia are not prepared! to bow down at the footstool of any man who favors such proceedings! I know that by the aetive eourse I am taking in this contest, I am bringing down the execrations of many—some of my bre thren have suffered it to interfere with their feelings. But none of these feelings shall move me ; I look upon it as a contest of li berty against despotism'—of virtue against vice—and neither do I hold my life dear unto me so that I can finish my course with joy, and perpetuate the liberties and insti tutions of my country, so far as my efforts can go, to the latest generations. I am, gentlemen, with considerations of great respect, your obedient servant. WILLIAM MOSELEY. To Messrs. William Wells, i h Kitchen McKennry, > | “ John M. Minter. )3 H PRACTICAL -VAN BURENISM IN , MAINE. A correspondent ofthe New York Jour nal of Commerce concludes a letter from Hallowell, Me., with the followjng anec dote of elections : , An incident occurred at the town elec tion in Hallowell yesterday, which is wor thy of note. A Locofoco, who has figured in the Brandon Bank transactions in Missis sippi, but who now resides in this town r came up to the polls with a negro man r whom he had brought with him from Mis sissippi, and attempted to get in his vote for the Van Buren Governor. He did not pretend that he had emancipated his slave,., but contended that in this state he became free by being brought here by his master. | The Selectmen rather hesitated to admit “ the vote of the slaves, and the idea of free men being.voted down by slaves created so much excitement in the hall that the democrat master and slave withdrew. In conversation, the master said : “Simo is a. true democrat—he will vote just as massa says.” This is said to be the best defini tion of Modem Democracy extant. They will vote just as massa says.