Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

Congress the power to remedy these evils, thep were, he contended, deeply responsible for their continuance.” The above arguments from giant minds need no comments from me, nor shall I produce other authorities to establish the constitutionality or utility of a national bank. I have brought forward the above chiefly to unarm the revilers of the pure and the good, and to present to Southern readers, especially the young, the sound vis ]ws and irrefutable positions of two of our greatest political chiefs upon this subject. I will here merely add, that there is abun dant proof to show that General Jackson was in favor of a U. S. Bank up to the pe riod of his administration, when he became offended at the independence of the officers of the late Bank who would not submit to his dictation. If Mr. Van Buren was op posed to such a Bank previous to that time he did not make it known ; at any rate, it cannot be denied that he once placed him self in the attitude of a petitioner to the Mother Bank to establish a branch in Al bany, New York. Let me now call the reader’s attention more particularly to the opinions of Gener al Harrison upon this subject. In his letter ill reply to one from Sherrod Williams asking him if he would sign a bill to char ter a National Bank if elected, he used the following language: “I would if it were clearly ascertained that the public inter est in relation to the collectionanddisburse mentofthe revenue; would materially suf fer without one, and there were unequivocal manifestations of public opinion initsfavor.” This course of action is no doubt dictated to Gen. Harrison by that clause in the con stitution which says, “The Congress shall have power to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department, pr office thereof.” The following is from the reasons assigned by Mr. Madison for not signing the bill to char ter a bank in 1815. It will be perceived, that the views of the General and Mr. Madison, are very much the same. “Waiv ing the question of the constitutional authori ty of the Legislature to establish an incorpor ated bank as being precluded in my judg ment, by repeated recognitions, under vari ed circumstances of the validity of such an in stitution, in acts of the Legislative, Executive and judicial branches of the Government , ac f companied by indications in different modes fa concurrence of the general will of the na tion ; the proposed bank does not appear to be calculated to answer the purposes of revi ving the public credit of providing a nation al medium of circulation, and of aiding the treasury by facilitating the indispensable anticipations of the revenue, and by afford ing to the public more desirable loans. It will be seen from the above that Mr. Madison yielded his opposition to a Bank up on constitutional grounds—and though he refused to sign the bill chartering one in 1815, because he disapproved of some of its details, he gave his sanction and signature to one more conformable to his views in 181©. In order, still further, to sustain the posi tion of Gen. Harrison, I will present the following extract from the written opinion given to Gem. Washington at his request by Mr. Jefferson on the subject of chartering a national bank in 1791 : “It may be add ed, however, that unless the President’s mind, on a view of every thing which is urged for and against this bill, is tolerably clear that it is unauthorized by the consti tution. If the pro and the con hang so even as to balance his judgment, a just re spect for the wisdom of the Legislature would naturally decide the balance in favor of their opinion. It is chiefly for cases where they are clearly misled by error, ambition or interest, that the constitution has placed a check on the negative of the President.” Is not this sound and salutary doctrine, and does it not fully justify General Har rison in the course indicated by the extract from his letter. From all the above it ap pears, that a National Bank has been sus tained by Federalists and republicans. No thing is more common now a days, than to read in the Globe that conduit of scurrillity and falsehood, and some of the low presses which imitate its detestable example, that Bank men are in the pay of the British and wish to establish one to transfer the Gov ernment and the liberties of the people into their hands. Well, how would such a charge lie against Mr. Madison and his friends for supporting one in 1816, shortly after a war with these same British which was brought about by their recommendation and influence and in which Gen. Harrison was a major general, beating, capturing and driving themfrom our boundaries and shores. None but a miscreant, would say the same of General Washington and his friends, for chartering one in 1791, just after our glo rious revolutionary struggle for freedom, or, of the creators of the first bank in 1781, while the thunders of British Cannon were reverberating from our hills and mountains, and their bristling bayonets w'ere glittering upon our plains, or reeking with the blood of our people ? Was it established then to sell the country, its honor and its liberties lo England ? and that too, at a time, when our villages, towns, and cities were con verted into smoking ruins by her myrmi dons, our land laid waste and desolate, our women made widows and their children orphans, by her cruel tyranny and power? Tell this to fools, to rocks and waves, but tell it not to freemen, who can properly appreciate their rights, and in whose gen* erous bosoms this deception, trickery and slander excite emotions only of scorn and indignation. MADISON. Washington, Wilkes County, Ga ., October 7, 1840. TO THE PEOPLE OF WILKES COUNTY. I, perhaps, owe an apology for taking any notice of a lot of certifiers, who ap peared before you in the columns of the “ Independent Press,” of the 30th ultimo, after the triumphant and decisive answer you have given them .through the ballot box. If their statements only circulated within the limits of Wilkes county, where the controversy, and all the parties are known, it might rest where you have left it. The editor of the “ Independent Press,” in his editorial remarks, placed the matter upon a basis that Ido not object to. That he, or myself, or any other gentleman, might be mistaken in either his questions, or my answer, or both, I am perfectly will ing to admit. For under the excitement of political discussion, such misapprehen sions are of every day’s occurrence. But the certifiers, aiding their recollection with their malice, have determined to make it a question of veracity, that it might affect my election. Ilelying upon an honest- , hearted people, who have known me from my cradle to this moment, I scorned to an swerthem until the election was over; I per- j mitted their evidence to go before the pub lic without comment from me. The verdict of the ballot box is, that they are not to be believed. Dr. D. M. Andrews certifies to a fact, which is true, and which I never de nied, but admitted—and am prepared, when necessary, to defend. The truth of the case is this, when Mr Fouchc asked me, if I considered slavery a moral and political evil ?—I answered, not moral but political. Mr. Fouche immediately re plied to that part of my answer, by arguing that ifit were a political evil, every honest politician ought to strive to remove it, ifec. My answer, to reception of abolition petitions, was such as is stated. Ido not intend, upon this occasion, to argue either position—l will do that when my consti tuents may desire it. I do not believe slavery to be a moral evil, because I find it sanctioned by the Bible—which is the only rule of morality among Christian nations ; the correctness of which rule my reason and judgment approve, though I do not consider the citizens who construe the moral law different from myself, in this respect, as at all objectionable, or obnoxi ous to our slave institutions; consequently, if I had held such an opinion, I should not have hesitated to avow it. My own recol lection,as to the foregoing facts,is sustained by above twenty gentlemen, whom I have casually seen since this controversy was begun, and who were present at the discussion. Nothing can prove more clearly the ferocious spirit which has ma nifested itself in the present contest, than this attempt,on the part ofthe certili era,some few of whom have some character to lose, to impute expressions to me, which I never used, in a discussion before, above one hundred and fifty, (I presume,) citizens of Wilkes County; Their own conflicting ac counts of the matter might have convinced minds less obscured by party malevolence that they at least were liable to err. Four ofthe certifiers state that I “ nodded ” assent to the questions proposed; one of them states that I “admitted the facts charged,” to the best of his rccollecti&n, another states that I “assented” to the questions. Another that I both answered “yes,” and “nodded.” So it appears that some saw the “nod,” who did not hear the “ yes,” others heard the “yes” but did not see the “ hod.” On the list I find some who have been so long con trolled by a “wink” and a “nod,” that they could do nothing that could surprise me or the people of Wdkes county, except telling the truth, where a falsehood would serve their party better. I have not the least doubt but that the mass of the certifiers would have given a certificate just as soon, that I advocated mormonism had it been ne cessary to have injured me or benefited their party. Those of the certifiers who have any character to 1 lose, have done themselves great injustice, in their attempt to injure me in the manner in which they have testi fied ; the public and myself would have been w illing to admit that they might have been honestly mistaken, did not the terms of their certificates so clearly prove that their objects were rather to attain by any means a political end, then to do justice to a fellow citizen against whom they had nothing to complain, except the partiality of his fellow citizens. As to the mass of the certifiers (and I dare say a score more such could be got to certify the same thing, at least to the “best of their recollection,”) being of too little consequence to the public even to become infamous, the controversy will leave them just where it found them. I shall not further disturb them in their in glorious repose. The objects of their attacks upon me are so well understood by the people of Wilkes County, that I have hitherto deemed it wholly unnecessary to reply to them.— They know that it is because their partial, ity has placed me at the “head of the col umn to bear up the flag” of retrenchment, reform, states rights and popular liberty, under which patriotism called them to bat tle for their country. That animosity and malevolence is increased, because that glo rious flag, thus placed in my hands, still waves in triumph over a prostrate faction, who have so often sacrificed at the shrine of party, the dearest interests of the people, dismembered theirown county and bartered away its fragments for local political power. Proud I arny -vain I may be, at this glori ous resulty but the honor and glory belongs to you. Your fellow citizen. ROBT TOOMBS. TO THE EDITOR OF THE NEWS AND GAZETTE. Believing the people desire to do justice to themselves and the rival candidates in casting their votes at the ensuing presiden tial election, I shall presume so far as to offer them some facts and reasons, through the press, why those votes should be given in favor of Gen. Harrison rather than Mr. Van Buren. In doing this I shall say no thing in reference to the abolition princi ples of either, believing that neither are abolitipnists, and that all who have noticed the acts of both on this question must give Gen. Harrison a decided preference. For the sake of argument, I will grant they are upon an equality on some other ques tions, as the proclamation, force bill, and the tariff, though on the last I yield too much ; for Gen. Harrison avows himself in favor ofthe compromise bill, Van Buren is not, and with this bill the whole south is perfectly satisfied. As I know the promi nent objection made to Gen. Harrison, by the most of those who oppose his election, I shall give my attention to that objection alone, while I am writing in his defence. It is that he is in favor of a national bank, and is, therefore, a federalist. If I admit that lie will, ifeleeted, sanction a charter for such an institution, and can convince you that it has always been the measure of the republican party, will you, if you will not vote for him, allow that that sanc tion could not make him a federalist ? I think you will. Then is a national bank, and has it always been, a republican meas ure ? In 1791 the republicans supported I it, and George Washington,then president, sanctioned a bill chartering a national bank.—And in favor of its constitutionali ty, the fact that many of its supporters, at that period, were the framers of the Con stitution, and that George Washington was the president ofthe Convention that adopted it, should have great w'eight. These men were patriots, and were looked upon by the civilized world as men of genius and wis dom. Who could have been better judges? And if they were mistaken in its constitu tionality, the objection goes to their capac ity, to understand the constitution, not to their republican principles—for they all believed in a “ strict construction of the constitution,” and were opposed to execu tive encroachment of every description.— Who will pronounce Washington a feder alist ? In 1811, its charter having expired, Mr. Madison refused tore-charter the bank. But then, the republicans were in its favor, and at their head stood William 11. Craw ford, Georgia’s boast, and one of America’s brightest stars. In its defence, as a repub licau and constitutional measure, his con vincing argument and thrilling eloquence gave him honor and fame in every quarter of the Union. In 1816 finding that we could not well do without a bank, another charter was proposed and passed* and Mr. Madison convinced either of its constitution ality or its necessity in the management of the revenue, acquiesced in the measure.— By what party was it supported at that time? Who was its champion? JOHN C. CALHOUN. Is he a federalist?— Again, in 1830 how stood the parties and the bank question ? By this time the fed eral parly had been totally annihilated, yet Congress went for the bank, and the peo ple too until they were hum-buged out of it by Gen. Jackson, Van Buren and their party of officers. And was General Jack son really opposed to a national bank ? No, for he said “if Congress had applied to him, he could have submitted the plan of one free from constitutional objection.”— The truth is he undertook to control it, and it refusing to be controled by him, he let off all his venom and wrath at it. His desire to control led him to the attack, and his determined spirit for conquest fed by his popularity, urged him to its destruction. Up to this transaction the republicans sup ported the bank ; since it has been oppo sed by the Jackson party, who are self styled the democratic party, and by them, all those who are in favor of the bank are denounced as federalists. I have given a true history of this measure, and I hope you are convinced that republicans have been in its support ever since its existence. Then if Gen. Harrison is in favor of a na tional bank, he cannot therefore be a fed eralist nor the supporter of federal meas ures ; but to the contrary, he must be op posed to the federalists and their measures. From an examination of his opinions, as I find them published, you will see that he has always been a republican and opposed to the United States Bank, and would now be in favor of a national bank in the event only that he is convinced that the revenue cannot be properly managed without the aid of its agency. I tvill give you his own opinions on pol itics and the Bank, of which you can be your own judge : In 1822, in a letter to the editor of a paper called the Inquisitor, he says “I deem myself a republican of what is commonly called the old Jefferso nian school, and believe in the correctness of that interpretation of the constitution which has been given by the writings of that enlightened statesman, who was at the head of the party, and others belonging to it, particularly the celebrated resolutions of the Virginia Legislature during the pres idency of Mr. Adams. I deny therefore, to the General Government any power but what is expressly given to it by the Con stitution, or what is essentially necessary to carry the powers expressly given into effect. I believe the charter of the Uni ted States Bank unconstitutional, it being not one of those measures necessary to car ry into effect one of the pbwers expressly given by the constitution.” In answer to the question propounded to him by Sherrod Williams in 1836, “If he would, if elec ted president, charter a national bank” he says “I would, ifit were clearly ascertain ed that the public interest, in relation to the collection and disbursement ofthe rev enue, would materially suffer without one, and there were unequivocal manifestations of public opinion in its favor. I think, how ever, the experiment should be fairly tried, to ascertain whether the financial opera tions of the Government cannot be as well carried on without the aid of a national bank. Ifit is not necessary for that pur pose it does not appear to me that one can be constitutionally chartered. There is no construction which I can give the con stitution which would authorise it on the ground of affording facilities to commerce.” You will observe in 1822 he believed the United States Bank unconstitutional on the ground that “it M r as not,” (as he then be lieved) one of those measures necessary to carry into effect the delegated powers to Congress to pass laws to regulate the reve nue. Then if he now believes (after “ma king a fair trial of the experiment”) that “ the revenue will materially suffer with out the aid of a national bank,” is he not consistent ifhe says one might be constitu tionally chartered upon that ground ? I think he is clearly. Ifhe were president, under that belief, and a majority of Con gress should charter a bank, “and there were unequivocal manifestations of public opinion in its favour” and he was even doubtful of its constitutionality, would he act the partofa patriot to interpose his veto? Instead of giving my own opinion on this point, I will submit you Thomas Jefferson’s, which, under similar circumstances, he gave Gen. Washington in 1791, while a bill for the charter of a national bank was before him for his sanction. Mr. Jefferson says, “It must be added‘however, that un less the presidents mind, on a view of eve ry thing which is urged for and against this bill, is tolerably clear that it is unauthor ised by the Constitution, if the pro and the con hang so even as to balance his judg ment, a just respect for the wisdom ofthe Legislature would naturally decide the balance in favor of their opinion. It is chiefly for cases where tltey are clearly misled by error, ambition or interest that the constitution has placed a check in the president’s negative.” That is the language of a patriot and a statesman, and expresses the opinions of Gen. Harrison. If the mis fortunes of our country, the usurpations of a President and dishonesty of other public servants reduce us to the necessity of pla cing stronger fortresses and guards around our rights, we should be proud, if not thankful, to find enough patriotism in a president to assist us in preparing our de fences against executive encroachment.— Then if Gen. Harrison be in favor of a na tional bank, it is from a conviction that the revenue ofthe country cannot be judi ciously and advantageously regulated w ith its agency ; and its absolute necessity of course renders it constitutional. lie will, if at all, sanction it for the purpose of pro tecting the redt democracy against ambi tious and money-loving presidents—to pre vent leg-treasurers from pocketing the a hole profits of their office in lieu of their salaries—to keep the peoples money safe,& not to furnish a rotten currency for them, and make a broker of every petty collector, mail contractor and post master—to ar range the revenue system so that the peo ple may know where to go to receive their dues, instead of being compelled to sell treasury drafts, to those brokers, below par, rather than run all over the United States to hunt up the officer upon whom it is drawn—in a n’ord or two, to blow the presidents Treasury Bank sky high, and bring high officers back to the constitution al “old time” way of doing things. The president has afflicted the government. It is wild and frantic, possessed of devils, and one stronger in righteousness, than Van Buren ever is in evil, must come and drive them out, and “ deliver it from the body of death” A VOTER. Cra/cfordville, Oct. 4, 1840. Harrison , Tyler amt Reform! NEWS AND GAZETTE. PRINCIPLES anil MEN. WASHINGTON, GA. THURSDAY, OCTOBER 15, 1840. Victory! Georgia Redeemed. THREE THOUSAND MAJORITY FOR HARRISON. Don’t talk to us aboutyour One hundred or your Ten thousand guns—all the pow der magazines in the world could not furn ish priming for the guns that ought to be fired to celebrate the peoples’ victory in Georgia, and a million of such cannons as that Turkish one, which was so big that a family of twenty-one persons lived in it comfortably, (using the touch-hole for a chimney ;) could’nt speak loud enough to express the joy of the Harrison party at the glorious triumph they have achieved. Some body loan us a volcano or a full grown earthquake, perhaps they might do,& we will promise not to let them off’till after the 2d of November, then, locofocos, hold on to your hair. October sth, the anni versary ofthe battle ofthe THAMES was a proud day for Old Tip in Georgia, the Vanites srere routed “horse, foot and dra goons.” Black was beaten blue, Colquitt “could’nt come it,” and Cooper’s barrel is burst. If the Harrison boys only do as well in other States as we have done in this, Van will get such a beating as no man ever had since Adam was an infant.— Well, we won’t crow, though we are strong ly tempted to do so. In the 76 counties heard from, the lowest man in our congressional ticket is ahead ofCooper, the V. B. highest, 3,914 ; the 16 counties yet to be heard from, cannot reduce our majority below about 3,000. — In the Legislature there is a clear gain to the Harrison party of thirty-five. So Sena tor Lumpkin can have an opportunity of enjoying the “chirpings ofthe forest choris ters” as much as he pleases. Another Victory. MARYLAND WILL GO FOR HAR RISON AND TYLER. This State like Georgia M-as counted cer tain for Van Buren, and like her has gone against him. At the election on tiie 7th inst. the Whigs elected 13 out of the 21 State Senators, making a clear Whig majority of 6. Last year their majority was 3. Last year the Van Burenites had a majority of 13 in the House of Delegates, they have already heard of 24 Whig members gained, secur ing for them a large majority in the House. And yet Another. LITTLE DELAWARE FOR OLD TIP. At the election for Inspectors of Elec tions in DelaM’ure; Newcastle county, here tofore the strong-hold of Van Burenism in Delaware, gave 133 majority for Harrison, in Kent county the Harrison majority is 341, and in Sussex the only remaining county, the accounts are stich as to M ar rant the supposition that DelaM'are will give 800 majority for Harrison in November. “The sober second Tlioiifflit.” Van expected much from what he called “thesober second thoughtof the people,” but he scarcely anticipated such a defeat as his party have received throughout the U. S. The result of this years’ election in this State is truly the effect of that sober second thought. Last year we were beaten by the liquor disturbance and by the lie got up by our opponents,and stuck to in spite of all proof to the contrary, that our candidate for governor Mas in favor of restricting the lib erty of drinking. This year we have a fair field, no local question has arisen, the people have looked only at the great ques tions which affected them in common with the rest of the Union, those questions which our opponents told us lay at the bottom, and which they of course, being now in the same situation, can tell us all about. The quiet which has prevailed in the e lections notwithstanding the tremendous excitement existing, is another evidence that the “second sober thought” was work ing. In this county and throughout the State, so far as heard from, the elections were the most peaceable known for years. No riots, no affrays, such as w'ere anticipa ted by many, took place. A great revolu tion is going on peaceably, & will continue to a peaceable and happy termination, through the silent but powerful effect of the ballot-box, unless disturbances should be commenced by the administration party, of which there is little fear; for though their inclination cannot be doubted, they will be overawed by the opposing mass of the people. Satan reproving Sin. The Globe says, “The Central Whig Executive Franking Committee it is said, are so intent upon reforming the morals of the country as to continue its labors on Sunday.” \ What would this-sanctimonious hypo crite say if the Whigs should have a politi cal barbecue and drunken jollification at a race course, on the Sabbath ; as did his party in Augusta ? It is said that in some parts of this State Van Buren men are already getting very scarce. We now and then see the tracks of one here, but they are all T. T. T.*— (Turned ToM'ards Tip.) The Van Buren editors are getting deep ly interested in estimating the value of Harrison’s currency, by his law for whip ping rogues. After great exertion of their calculating organs they have settled that each lash is worth forty cents. As they tell us that this is to be the currency of the nation in future, and as they being good Democrats, M ill desire no distinction from the mass of the people, they will be, of course, perfectly willing to be paid in it all bills for subscriptions to their papers, &c. What a tremendous whipping the Editor ofthe Globe will get! ! We learn from Columbia County that James Keith was killed on the sth, in a fight M-ith a man named Rickerson. The latter stabbed Keith in the throat, severing the windpipe and arteries. Keith died al most instantly. The fight originated in a family feud between them. Cotton, in Augusta, 8 to 9j cents. HARRISON A REPUBLICAN OF 1798. Gen. Joseph Darlington, of West Union, Ohio, one of the three surviving members ofthe Territorial Legislature in Cincinnati, in 1799, has written a letter to William Creighton, jr., ofChilicothe, in which he states that Gen. Harrison M as supported and elected a Delegate to Congress as the Jef fersonian Republican candidate in opposi tion to Arthur St. Clair, the federal candi date. He says : “ During that se.ssion I M’as well acquainted with Gen. Harrison, and M’ell knew that he was believed by all the Republican members of that Legislature to be a firm Republican and a supporter of Mr. Jefferson’s political principles, and un der that impression was'elected a Delegate 1 to Congress by the Republican members of the Legislature of 1799. It will not be’ necessary lor me to say to you, mho have 1 , been acquainted with me for more than for-; ty years, that I was at that time a Republi-) can, ami well acquainted M’ith, and enga ged in all the acts and proceedings of the Republican party in that Legislature.” Why are the locofocos at present, like the root of the tongue ?—Because they are down in the mouth ! Why is one of their candidates like a nig ger that has drank up all his Whiskey ? He is a Black out of spirits. From the Columbus Enq'V'J V ivt a nn Abolition Newnan, Sep. 22, 1 Gentlemen—You can consider the pro priety of publishing the following extract of a private letter, from Mr. Caldwell, a citizen of Ohio, to his nephew James Rus sell of this county, Mr. Russell is a Harri son man, and wrote for information to his uncle, stating that the answer, although it might be unfavorable to Gen. Harrison, would not change his vote, as he was sat isfied that Van Buren M'as himself obnox ious to the charge of Abolitionism and Fed eralism. Mr. Caldwell, the writer of the letter, is an aged revolutionary soldier, a citizen of South Carolina during that M’ar, fought in several battles, and was under Green in the bloody conflict on tHe Eutaw, a man of intelligence and integrity, and of the republican party. He has numerous relations in this State and Carolina, sever al in this county, all Nullifiers and active Harrison men. Yours truly, e. McKinley. EXTRACT. “There is a great excitement here on politics, such as we never had before.— There are meetings ofthe people to discuss political subjects almost every day, and thousands attend. It is given up by all parties here, that the State of Ohio will go for Harrison by a considerable majority. There are great efforts however, making by the friends of Van Buren to elect all they can at the election for Congress and the State Legislature. In your letter you M’ish me to inform you in regard to Gen. Harrison’s opinions on Abolition, Federal ism and Religion. lam happy to say that I can inform you what are his sentiments on those subjects. As to his being an abo litionist or having ever had any thing to do M’ith the abolitionists, the charge is untrue. On the contrary he has at several times, both before and after he was a candidate for President, come out strongly and open ly against abolition measures. The abo litionists of Ohio held a convention last week, in Hamilton, and resolved that they could not support Harrison because he was opposed to their sentiments in regard to the abolition of slavery. As to the charge of his being a Federalist, it is alike untrue. There is no man living here,that hasknoM n Gen. Harrison, that can prove he has ever been a federalist. He Mas the Democratic candidate for Congress and elected at dif ferent times and M as opposed by Federalist candidates. I have known him for 30 years and lived within 18 miles of him and have always considered him one of the most honest, upright men I ever knew. I heard him yesterday address a large meet ing in a speech of great force and eloquence, in which he stated his sentiments and de fended his military and political character from the slanders east at him. As to his religious sentiments I cannot say more, than that he is friendly to religion and is a man of good moral character. His oppo nents no doubt, are attempting to influence the people of the South to the belief that he is unfriendly to Southern interests, while here they accuse him of being too much of a Southern man.” WILLIAM CALDWELL. A FRACAS AND ITS RESULTS. The New Orleans Bee of the 16th ult. states that about a week before, Deputy Sheriff Colman of Carroll county in that state, M'hile in pursuit of a gang of negro stealers, of M’hich three had already been apprehended, came up with the leader, a man named Vallet or Laval. A fracas en sued, Colman and his antagonist firingtheir rifles at the same moment. Colman was shot through the neck and instantly expired. The negro stealer was mortally wounded, the Deputy sheriff’s ball having passed through his body. As he stood his ground for an instant, he was knocked down by one of the sheriff’s assistants, and his brains blown out by the other. U Y GmlFn E /A L a MARRIED, On the evening of the 6th instant, by the Rev. George W. Carter, Mr. JAMES A. JONES, to Miss MARY LOUISA ANTONY—aII of this place. [Cake —O. K.] tt?* Look Here. XO BARGAINS ! BARGAINS!! fIIHE Subscriber it now receiving and opening -*■ a large Stock of Goods, purchased by him self in New York, at reduced prices, which he offers for cash at lower prices than ever bought in this market. His customers will be furnished on a credit as usual, at very reduced prices. Those Mho wish bargains, would do well to call and examine his stock before purchasing elsewhere. The assortment is general, and comprises al most every article usually kept in a Retail Dry Goods Store. MARK A. LANE. ’ October 15, 1840. 7 ts. - “ie great A* e ' vare ofsecret hand-bills, ie locofocos are desperate and reckless r the prospect of defeat, and will, we y believe, resort to almost any means itntain their ascendency. WATCH IMJ NARROWLY AT EvPRV V’T I 417 | ‘ ‘ i iIY. I 1 , o Jmve some reasons to believe a-charge will be made on the south, dang the public mind with apprehen ofa A egro insurrection, with a view of • wg off the attention ofthe people from .de em Y mh this Poland berea ,Pi “ d P°* ever y kicked trick VTA vn poi,lt - BE v IG- T PlEvwwV FUL FOR THE iams'ou&V AV * ANI,TIU} I Ip OUR Months after date, application will be made to the Honorable the Interior Court of Wdkes Countv, M’hile sitting as a Court ot Ordi nary, for leave to sell a PART of the REAL ESTATE of CUNNINGHAM DANIEL, de ceased, late of said county. It. C. DANIEL, ) . , . I). W. McJUNKIN. ( AdmjlU Oct. 15,1840. 7