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NEWS & mtffTERS’ GAZETTE. . Cr. COTTING, Editor. No. 34.—NEW SERIES.] News & planters gazette. terms: Published weekly at Three Dollars per annum, if paid at the time of subscribing; or Three Dollars and Fifty Cents, if not paid till the expi ration of six months. No paper to be discontinued, unless at the option of the Editor, without the settlement of all arrearages. O’ Letters, on business, must be post paid, to insure attention. No communication shall be published, unless we. are made acquainted with the name of the author. TO ADVERTISERS. Advertisements, not exceeding one square, first insertion, Seventy-five Cents; and for each sub sequent insertion, Fifty Cents. A reduction will be made of twenty-five per cent, to those who advertise by the year. Advertisements not limited when handed in, will be inserted till for bid, and charged accordingly. Sales of Land and Negroes by Executors, Ad ministrators, and Guardians, are required by law, to be advertised, in a public Gazette, sixty days previous to the day of sale. The sales of Personal Property must be adver tised in like manner, forty days. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must be published forty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary, for leave to sell Land or Ne groes, must be published weekly for four months; notice that application will be made for Letters of Administration, must be published thirty days; and Letters of Dismission, six months. A G ENTS” THE FOLLOWING GENTLEMEN WILL FORWARD THE NAMES OF ANY WHO MAY WISH TO SUBSCRIBE : J. T. if- G. H. Wooten, A. D. Staf/iam,Danburg, Mallorysville, B. F. Tatom, Lincoln- Felix G. Edwards, Pe- ton, tersburg, Elbert, (). A. Lucketl, Crawford- Cn. Grier, Raytown, ville, Taliaferro, W. Davenport, Ixtxing- James Bell, Powclton, ton, Hancock, S. ./. Bush, Irwington, Um. B. Nelms, Elber-I Wilkinson, ton, Dr. Cain, Cambridge, John A. Simmons, Go- Abbeville District, shen, Lincoln, South Carolina. Mail Arrangements. TOST OFFICE, ) Washington, Ga., January, 1841. $ AUGUSTA MAIL. ARRIVES. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 5, A. M. CLOSES. Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 12, M. MILLEDGEVILLE MAIL. ARRIVES. Sunday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 8, A. M. CLOSES. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 11, A. M. CAROLINA MAIL. ARRIVES. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 11, A. M. CLOSES. Sunday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 8, A. M. ATHENS MAIL. ARRIVES. Sunday and Wednesday, at 0, A. M. CLOSES. Sunday and Wednesday, at 9, A. M. ELBERTON MAIL. ARRIVES. . CLOSES. Thursday, at 8, I’. M. | Thursday, at 8, P. M. LINCOLNTON MAIL. ARRIVES. CLOSES. Friday, at 12, M. | Friday, at 12, M. (13 and There will be a three day’s Meeting in this place at the Methodist Epkcopal Church, commencing Thursday night the 6th day of May next; to be protracted if circum stances authorize. April 15,1841. COTTING & BUTLER, ATTORNIES, HAVE taken an OFFICE over Cozart & Woods Store. g March 11,1841. 28 “newgoodsT THE Subscriber has just received from New York, anew and handsome assortment of Muslins, Calicoes, Linens, “Lawns, Hosiery, Ribbons, Fancy Shawls, Broadcloths, Cassimers, Summer Cloths, and Georgia Nankeens. He also keeps on hand, a general assortment of Hardware, Cutlery, Crockery, Saddlery, Hats, Shoes, Drugs and Medicines, • School Books and Stationary, GROCERIES, See. All of which will be sold on reasonable terms for Cash or credit. A. A. CLEVELAND. April 15, 1841. 4t 33 NEW FAMILY GROCERY. THE Subscribers have just received and o pened, a full supply of Family Groceries, CONSISTING OF Brown and Loaf Sugars, Coffee, Molasses, i ea, Chocolate, Rice, Vinegar, Raisins, Al monds, Ginger. Pepper, best Chewing and Smo king I obacco, Pine Apple Cheese, every variety of Washing and Shaving Soap, Salt, Pickles, A merican Jams, West-India Preserves, Brooms, Tomatoe Ketchup, Pepper-Sauce, Cloves, Sala retus, German and American Starch, Blacking Nutm*rs, Yeast Powders, Seidlitz and Soda Powdeflt Macaboy and Scotch Snuff, Putty, Glass 8 by 10 and 10 by 12, Candies, best Prin cipe Segars, Lemons, &c., all of which they will sell low for Cash, ‘■ < MERRY & POPE. April 15,1841. ts 33 | POLITICAL* MR. TYLER’S LETTER. The new relation which Mr. Tyler as sumes to the American people, in conse quence of the demise of the President, ren ders his opinions upon the engrossing polit ical questions which agitate the country, of no ordinary interest. And as we have re peatedly been asked already, what were his views on various topics, we have ex tracted from the file of the Richmond Whig, of October last, the following letter from him, to a committee of Virginians, to which we would invite the attention of our rea ders, as indicating his opinions on matters of great moment to the country. Henrico, October 3d, 1840. HON. JOHN TYLER. Sir : We offer no apology for the pres ent communication, beyond this—that you arc a candidate for the votes of the people, and we are a portion of the voters. The right of inquiry on the one hand, and the obligation to answer on the other, have al ways appeared to us to be perfect—abso lutely inherent in, and inseparable from the positions we occupy with respect to eacli other, as just stated. It is not known to us, and therefore not intimated that like your associate in the existing canvass, you recognize that right of enquiry in friends and connections only ; and affect to limit your responses to the special uses and di rection of relations and partizans ; but could pretensions like these possibly be brought homo to you, their important bear ing upon the fundamental principles of rep resentative responsibility would urge only more imperiously thejnopricty of exposing them to our countrymen. Your situation, amidst the scenes of agitation and excite ment which surround you, is most peculiar. Whilst others have been drawn prominent ly forward, and their opinions demanded and examined with eager scrutiny, you and your opinions have been permitted to pass almost without enquiry or notice of any kind. We must be permitted to break in upon this Halcyon repose, though from no wish, be assured, to disquiet or annoy you ; but witli the single view of guarding our rights and our happiness, so far as they may (possibly) be placed by events within the sphere of your influence. We have just seen your address to the Tippecanoe Club of Washington City ; and the tone of confidence and exultation in which you have there predicted the elevation of Gen eral Harrison, and consequently of your self, to the two highest stations in our Gov ernment, should justify, at least in your es timation, any solicitude, on our part, with respect to your acts and designs, when as you have averred, you shall be clothed with power. Should General Harrison be elec ted President, almost at tho age of three score and ten years, there is no extrava gance in supposing, that the four years’ term, which he has been pledged by himself and friends, may be anticipated by the course of nature, and the Executive power be thereby devolved on you. In contem plation of such a casualty, and, yielding to a sincere anxiety to preserve our liberty and happiness, we take leave to request of you prompt and explicit answers to the fol lowing inquiries: Ist. Do you or do you not recognize in the people, or in any portion of them, the right to require from all who are candi dates for their suffrages, and from all who shall become their officers, agents, or repre sentatives, a disclosure of their opinions as to the character of the government, the powers it may constitutionally exert, and the measures and policy which it ought to adopt and pursue? 2d. Do you recognize a correspondent obligation on tho part of those who are candidates, or who arc tho agents, officers or representatives of the people, promptly, explicity and honestly, to yield such dis closures, and moreover, zealously and in good faith to obey and enforce the will of a majority of their constituents, whenever that will shall be known to them, unless it shall require the infraction of some moral obligation ; and ifit shall require such in fraction, do you or do you not consider it the duty of the representatives to resign, and not oppose his individual opinion to the will of those to whom lie owes his representa tives existence, and with respect to whom he can have no right to act, except in a representatives capacity ? 3d. You have asserted, in your address to the Club before mentioned, that Gen. Harrison, thro’ all the changes of his pub lic life, has put in practice the precepts of Washington. We request you to inform us whether the refusal of Gen’l Harrison, in the first instance to disclose his opinions and intentions “ either to friend or foe’’ — his subsequent .partial disclosure of them to connexions and partizans, upon the avowed principle of personal partiality, solely, and not in deference to the rights of the people, and then too, under an injunction to use his communications privately, and to keep them from the public eye, find any war rant in the precepts of Washington, which you affirm that Gen’l Harrison has well read and deeply studied ; and if they do, that you will point us to the authority ; for, we can honestly assure you, that in all we have ever read or heard of the life and con duct of George Washington, we have heard nothing of the kind. We request you to inform us whether in your opinion the pre tensions implied, and indeed openly claim ed, in the conduct of Gen. Harrison just WASHINGTON, (WILKES COUNTY, GA„) APRIL 22, 1841. noticed, be at all compatible with tho ex istence of a Representative Republic ; and whether, on the contrary, you do not re gard such conduct as subversive of Repub licanism, and as creditable neither to the wisdom, the candor, nor tho good manners of its author ? 4th. In the same address, although you have displayed quite a parental solicitude (or the welfare of the people of the Dis trict of Columbia, you have in the over flowing of your affections, omitted to tell them whether you would interpose to save them from the oft-attempted invasions of the fanatical Abolitionists. Now, Sir, we greatly desire you would tell us, (and we frankly admit we enquire more on our own account, than from any tenderness we feel for people of the District, whom we never theless wish very well,) whether you are in favor of permitting slavery in the Dis trict of Columbia to be interfered with, or discussed even, in Congress ; or whether, if haply you should be President, and a bill touching the rights of slaveholders, either in the States or the District, should be enacted, you would exert the highest power vested by the Constitution in the Ex ecutive to arrest its consummation ? In shoit would you veto sucli a bill ? sth. Do you believe the Congress of the U. S. to be vested with power by the Con stitution, to incorporate a National Bank? Would you not consider such an incorpora tion, though warranted by the constitution, as mischievous in its effects upon the pur suits and habits of our people ; and from the influence it would be capable of exert ing, upon the independence of elections ? Would you veto a bill chartering a Nation al Bank ? 6th. Do you think that the Constitution gives to Congress the right to lay a Tariff or impose discriminating duties for the pro tection or advancement of particular class es or occupations ? and what is your opin ion of the justice of such duties, and their effects upon tho general prosperity of the country. 7th. Do you believe that the Federal Government Constitutionally and rightful ly possesses the direct power to construct roads and canals ; to make Internal Im provements generally within the territories of the States ; or tho power of levying mo ney to be appropriated to those objects, indirectly, by State agencies or otherwise ? Bth. Have you not known, both from the speeches and writings of Gen. Harrison, that ho approved and warmly commended the Proclamation issued by President Jack son in the year 1832, and the speeches of Daniel Webster sustaining that Proclama tion, sustaining also the measures denounc ed by yourself and others called the Force Bill—asserting that the Constitution was not a compact between Sovereign States, and that Congress and the Supreme Court of the United States possess the exclusive power of determining what is and what is not Constitutional in the proceedings of the Federal Government. 9th. Do you not know that Gen. Harri son has avowed his determination not to veto a charter for a Bank of the U. S. should a charter he granted by Congress—that he concedes to the Federal Government, pow er over slavery in tho District of Columbia, power to raise and appropriate money for the purchase and emancipation of slaves owned in the States, power over Internal Improvements within tho several States— that he insists not merely upon the right, but upon the imperative duty of that Government to establish a Protective Ta riff ? 10th. Finally—sir, with the opinions and declarations of Gen. Harrison, as here collected, and particularly in the last two of the preceding queries, do you believe that any such man can be qualified to guard, and promote the liberties and the happiness of our country—that such a man can be a Ilupublican in any just accepta tion of the term ? The foregoing enquiries appear to us to cover matters of weighty import to our selves, and to all of our fellow-citizens, and at the same time to be not merely war ranted, but demanded by the position in which you have placed yourself with re spect to us and them. We are taught by experience, to consider general professions as wholly unsatisfactory, if not delusive. Men may well believe themselves ortho dox, when a particular declaration of the articles of their creed might, in our estima tion shew them heretical in the extreme. We have therefore preferred a resort to particular enquiries. We ask, with due respect, a full reply to them. And, as the period of election is fast approaching, we would hope that your answers may not be delayed. To increase the probabilities of an early receipt of this communication, it will be inserted in the public prints, as well as transmitted to you bj’ mail—Your reply would be acceptible through either channel. Your fellow-citizens, (Signed) TILMON E. JETER, PHILIP MAYO, WM. W. DICKINSON, PETER ELMORE, YOUEL S. RUST. REUBEN H. BIRCH, ROBERT W. HILL, JOSEPH BLUNT, JNO. M TiMBERLAKE. Williamsburg, Oct. 16th, 1840. Gentlemen —Your letter bearing date the 3rd October, which seems to have been written with full knowledge that I was ab sent from Virginia, was received by me PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING. within a few hours after my reaching home, from a protracted absence, commencing be fore its date, and terminating with this day. If it has been published, as I am led to sup. pose it has been, from the statement in your letter of your intention to publish it, I have not up to this moment seen the newspaper which contains it. This will readily ex plain to you the reason that it has not ear lier been answered. Judging from the references which you have been pleased to make to a speech de livered by me before the Tippecanoe Club of Washington city, on my late journey to Ohio, I am led to suppose that I should not have been honored by your correspondence if in that address I had not ventured to predict w ith some degree of confidence, (a confidence which recent events have not been calculated to impair,) that William Henry Harrison was destined to supplant Martin Van Buren in the Presidential office. But to whatever cause I may have been in debted for the honor, I am thankful to you for the assurance which you give me, that you have addressed me from no desire “ to break in upon my halcyon repose, or in any way to disquiet or annoy me.” I beg to assure you that you have done neither the one or the other. My fear, however, is, that I have been guilty of a similar offence towards you by my speech at Washington —for although I had remained at home du ring the whole year up to a late day in September, within a short distance of your own residence ; and although, from your admitted intelligence, you must have weighed the “ possible” contingency of my succession to the Presidency, for the rea sons which you assign, earlier than tho day on which your letter bears date, —yet you bad not deemed it necessary to question mo on any point whatever. Be that as it may, I doubt not that it will be a source of infin ite gratification to you to berinforrned, ami I give you the information on knowledge ob tained by myself during my recent visit to Ohio, that General Harrison, who is now in his 68th year, enjoys a robust and vigor ous constitution—that he has visited the most of the State in which he resides dur ing the last few months, travelling by night and by day, and delivering speeches to large assemblages of his fellow-citizens— that his health is perfect, and that the pros pect of a continuance of his life for four years to come, is as great as that which ap pertains to me or yourselves. I shall also he permitted to assure you, that you are mistaken in supposing that his political views and opinions are either reluctantly’ given, or are confined “ to his relations add partizans. On tho contrary many come to hear his addresses with opinions unfavor able to him, and go away his warm and de cided supporters. He candidly and frank ly gives utterance to his opinions ; and in proof of this I take leave to refer you, with some emphasis, to his speeches at Colum bus, Fort Meigs, Carthage and Dayton— You will find them in any Whig newspa per, although 1 do not remember to have seen them in any r administration print. Before I proceed to answer your enquiry, I shall be pardoned for saying that I am so far uninformed of the name of tho gentle man whom the administration party’ in Vir ginia and the South propose to sustain for the Vice Presidency in opposition to my'self to you that in order • that di-tii.’ t ‘ll powers it may constitutionally exert, and the measures and policy ilought to pursue.” — But I must with equal candour declare to you, that if any portion of the people, from no real purpose of obtaining information, hut actuated by the sole desire of making polit ical capital for his adversary, (they them selves haring resolved to vote against him no matter ivhat responses he may give,) shall propound questions to a candidate for office they are guilty of perverting the true ob ject of enquiry, and that in such a case the candidate is at liberty to answer or not as to him may seem best. It is a game of trap which is designed by the interrogators, and it is for him to decide whether they’ shall play it successfully or not. 2. To your second enquiry, I answer, that the right and duty of the People to pro pound interrogatories necessarily implies an obligation on the part of the candidate to an swer. And for answer to the second part of your inquiry, as to the obligation of tho Representative to obey the wishes of his constituents, 1 refer you for my opinion to my votes given in the House of Delegates ofthis State in the session of 1812-’l3, to my speech delivered in the House of Rep resentatives in the session of 1816.’17, on the Compensation Law, and to my letter to the General Assembly of Virginia, upon re signing my seat in the Senate of the United States, under the Expunging Resolutions, a proceeding altogether too recent and too prominent for y'ou to have forgotten. 3. This inquiry, you must permit mo to say is somewhat a singular one. It neither has relation to nfty opinions of the character of the Government, the power it may con stitutionally exert,or the measures andpol icy it ought to pursue. Jfcrequiies me to enter into a review of anoth er, and to tell you wheth™ the same has, among other things, been compatible with is a task which . n H^^^HHlfei : ■ ly set up as an judge of what is or is not good manners, which you are a ware is altogether a matter of taste, and di gustibus non est. (lisputandum is an anxioin entirely too old to be shaken, much lesso verthrown, by any opinion of mine. If you had desired me to makegood my declara tion, that “ through all the changes of his public life,” General Harrison hud follow ed the precepts of General Wasliington, 1 would promptly have done so. One of the leading precepts of that great man—a pre cept evermore enforced by his example— was, that it was the duty of a good eitizefT j to devote all his energies of mind and body I to his country, and to peril his life, if needs be, in her cause ; anti history fully aitest that such has been the uniform course of General Harrison, from the early age of nineteen. The history of the North West is his history, and the declaration made by Mr. Madison, that “no man had rendered more important services to his country, and had been so illy rewarded,” is fully sustain ed by facts which cannot deceive us. But you say General Harrison refused, in the first instance, to answer enquiries, and then that he answered them to connex ions and partizans only. You do not deny, hut that since, and in due time for all men properly to have judged of his pretensions, he lias answered. The utmost extent ofhis ollence, then, according to your own view of it, has been, that he lias not answered as mo i aptly as you could have desired, but just Hi soon as he himself thought it was necos- Hry, and fully in time to place you and his H>untryinen in possession of all his views, Hi order that you might decide on his fitness H>r tho Presidential office. But my inlbr- is every way different from yours. Hknow that his opinions on every subject which he lias been interrogated, of any Hnportancc, have been given long before He present canvass commenced. JI is ail Hress to the People of Cincinnati District, in ■822, disclosed fully his opinions “as to the Hharactcr of the Government, and the pow- Hrs it might constitutionally exert, while bis Vincennes speech, and his letter to Judge Berrien, published four years ago, are full lud explicit on the subject of Abolition.— ■Vhat more could any enquirer after truth Have desired than a direct reference to Hiese expressions of opinion ? But this did Hot content his oponents. They deemed it Hf importance to their party to appear not I be satisfied, and therefore the charge of His being “ in the hands of a Committee,” Hnd the “caged candidate.” How utterly Hnfounded this charge was, has been fully Remonstrated to the whole world. ■ 4. I have cause to thank you for ascri bing to me a kind feeling towards the Peo Rle oi the District of Columbia, although Rou do mo too much honor in supposing it lo he parental. I certainly do take an” in Rerest in their welfare, although 1 never as- Hired to be regarded by them in the light of R parent —and if 1 did not tell them “wheth Rr I would interpose to save them from the Rft attempted invasion of the fanatical Abo- Vtionists, - ’ it was because 1 had good reason H) believe that they knew full well my sen- Hments on that subject. My recorded votes Hi tho United States Senate, and my opin- Bns spread before the country, through the Hiedium of the public press apart from their Knowledge of the fact that I was a resident Btizen ol the State of Virginia, left mo no Hiing to explain to them on that head. I Have now, in answer to your enquiry, to Huote and to adopt the opinion of General Harrison, as expressed in his letter to Judge Berrien of Georgia, dated 30th of Scptem- Her, 1836, in the following words : “I do not Hhink that Congress can abolish Slavery in ■he District ofColumbia, without the con- Rent of the States of Virginia and Maryland 11. J. K APPEL, JPrinter. : and the people ofthe District. It would be | a breach of faith towards the States I have I mentioned, who would certainly not have made the cession, if they had supposed that it would ever be used for a purpose so dif ferent from that which was its object, and ! so injurious to them as a free colored pop ulation, in the midst of their slave popula tion ofthe same description. Nor do I be lieve that Congress could deprive the Peo ple ofthe District of Columbia of their pro perty without their consent. It would be to revive the doctrines of t lie Tories of Great Britain in relation to the powers of Parlia ment before the Revolutionary War, and in direct hostility to the Principles advanced by Lord Chatham, “ that what was a man’s own was exclusively and absolutely his own, and could not be taken from him with out fiis own consent or his legal represen tative.” Whether 1 would veto a bill vio latory of these opinions, so plainly express ed, if seated in the Presidential Chair—a station which I neither aspire to in the fu ture, or expect to devolve on me in any oth er way—it would seem to be the merest work of supererogation to answer. You would not doubt my course any more than you have cause to doubt the course of Gen eral Harrison, under the circumstances supposed. sth. In reply to the first branch of our en quiry I quote and adopt tho language of Gen. Harrison in his speech delivered at Dayton: “There is not, in the Constitution any express grant of power for such pur pose, and it could never be constitutional to exercise that nowej* save in the event the powers grantaLlp Congress could not he carried into resorting to such an institution. Tnie latter branch of our enquiry is fully by my answer to the first on Congress, in express terms, “all powers which are necessary and proper” to carry into effect the granted powers. Now if“the powers granted,” could not be carried into effect without incorporating a Bank, then it becomes “necessary and proper,” and of course expedient—a conclusion which I presume no one would deny who desired to see the existence of the Government pre served and kept beneficially in operation. Whether I would or would not exert the veto, it will be time enough for me to say when 1 am either a Candidate for, or an ex pectant of the PrcsiftaHul office—neither of which 1 expect ever to he. Ifyour ques tion had been so varied as to have required of me what course 1 would pursue if eleva ted to the V ice Presidency, and I should be called upon to vote upon a hill for the incor poration of a Bank, you should have had a direct and emphatic answer. As it is, I have only to refer you to my speech deli vered in the House of Representatives of the U. >S. in 1819 on the question ol issuing a scire facias against the Bank, and my vote given in the Senate of the U. States in 1832, on the question of re-chartering the late Bank. 6. That Congress has a right to impose duties on merchandize imported, none can deny. The rate of duties, you are well aware, is called a tariff of duties. The power “to lay duties’ is given by the Con stitution in express terms. The right to select the articles of import on which to le vy the duties, is unquestionable. Everv duty imposed, operates pro lanto as a boun ty on the production of the same article at home, and it has been considered a wise policy on the part of ail Administrations so to impose the duties to advance the produc tion of such articles as were of national importance. 1 certainly do not doubt the policy or expediency of such a course. The duties, however, should he laid with reference to revenue,except where they are laid to counteract the policy of a foreign Government, and with a view to the regu lation of trade. 1 have no iiesitation in saying that I regard the compromise law as obligatory on the country, and that I am resolved so far as it depends on myself, to carry out its provisions in good faith. 7. This question is a mere abstraction in the present condition of the Treasury, for there is no money there to carry out any system of Internal Improvements. Mv votes are repeatedly recorded on the jour nals of Congress against the power of Con gress over tins suoject, in all its phases and aspects, as well in regard lo roads and canals, as to iiaruouis and rivers. The first, viz: appropriations to roads and canal = have well nigh entirely ceased, while an nual appropriations, to a large amoum, have been made to harbours and rivers, with the sanction and approval ofthe Pres ident ol the U. States. 8. What Gen. Harrison may have said, written or done upon the subject of the Proclamation or Force Bill, and whether he approved oi Mr. Webster’s speech upon those subjects, is as Well known to your selves as me. I have had no conversation with him upon such suujects, nor have 1 ever received any communication from him in relation to them. I have before me his speech delivered at Dayton, in which I find this emphatic sentence : “If the Auge an Stable is to be cleansed, it will he neces sary to go back to the principles of Jefferson’ —and at an earlier part of the same speech, the following : “ I have been charged with being a Federalist. I deny that I over belonged to that class of politicians. How could 1 belong to that party ? I was edu cated in the school ot Anti Federalism,” &c. &c. These sentiments are decidedly at variance with the doctrines ofthe Proc lamation, and are but recently expressed. All, therefore, that I cap say to you is, that I do not doubt that if you will apply to him [VOLUME XXVI.