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About News & planters' gazette. (Washington, Wilkes County [sic], Ga.) 1840-1844 | View Entire Issue (May 6, 1841)
- cliair. Oil seating hi nisei f, he gave a slight groan, his muscles seemed to relax, and he appeared somewhat overcome with the ex ertion iie had made. A bottle of hartshorn was immediately applied to his nose,which revived him much ; hut his life seemed to he that of a tuuu much intoxicated, lie seemed, upon one occasion, to try to give utterance to some feelings; but, from an unknown cause, an impediment probably b.V an accumulation in the throat occasion ed by the execution, he was unable to give utterance to a word. We are satisfied that lie made an effort of this kind, for immedi ately on the exertion, he gave a sorrowful shako ol the head, which signified, if We rightly understood the language, that he meant something he could not express. 11 is system was critically examined, and though he was pronounced to be perfectly alive, it was announced by Dr. D. that he could live but a few minutes, for congestion ot the brain, which had not yet happened, was rapidly taking place. Every method was adopted to equalize the circulation of the blood, and save the patient from the terrible consequence of se bad a catastro phe, but in vain. The blood-vessels of the head were enormously distended, and his eyes appeared to be balls of clotted blood. His system was immediately thrown into direful spasms, and he died in a few min utes in the most excruciating agonies. Other experiments were tried upon him, which together with the one 1 have here imperfectly sketched, will be put before the public in a few days in a more minute form. I have here suppressed the names of the operators, fearing I should not do the oper ation that justice, that will be done it by the proper reporter, whose report will not be ready for some time. POJLITICAL* From the National Intelligencer. MODE OF ELECTING THE PRESI DENT. We congratulate our readers upon their being put in possession of the two subjoined papers; which, whether we consider the character of the writers, or the importance ofthe subject, cannot but be universally read with the deepest interest. We find them in the Louisville Journal to which they have been communicated for publication by the author of a series of very able papers which appeared in that paper during the early part of last winter, on the subject of the mode of election of President of the United States, the object of which was to commend and revive the; plan proposed many years ago, by the j venerable James Hillhouse, formerly for a j long time a Senator from Connecticut. A correspondent in Connecticut, after reading this series of papers, placed in the hands of the author the letters of Judge Marshall and Mr. Crawford, called forth by the ori ginal proposition of Mr. Hillhouse, which is ■substantially and correctly stated in the Louisville Journal as follows : “ Each Senator belonging to the class whose term of service will first expire, shall in the alphabetical order of their names, draw an ivory ball from a box containing as many balls as there are Senators of that class, one of which to be colored, the others white; the Senator drawing the colored ball to be the President for a term of two years, and the drawing to be superinten ded by a committee ofthe House of Repre sentatives.” We do not propose to encumber with any remarks of our’s, the valuable letters which follow ; but we must be allowed, as an exception, to point ont to our readers the striking and very remarkable similarity of the views of these two distinguished men, writing simultaneously without concert or consultation with each other. Woodland, Juno 4,1830. My Dear Sir: I received with much pleasure your letter oil.* ,e 12th ultimo, from Washington, accompanies I’Y dm P a,l )‘ phlet which was enclosed. 1 reC?i vc( l ‘liis token of friendly recollection with .more pleasure as I pass my time in great retire- . ment, and mix and mingle but little with those who are now actively engaged in the State or Federal Governments. I recollect distinctly the propositions of amendment to the constitution which you submitted to the Senate twenty-two years ago, and which I then seconded. At that time I had not made up my mind definitely upon the principle of the amendment. Reflection and experience have convinced me that the amendment is correct. I am now en tirely convinced that great talents arc not necessary for the Chief Magistrate of the nation. A moderate share of talents, with integrity of character and conduct, is all that is necessary. * * * Butlamnot certain that the nation is prepared for such an amendment. There is something fasci nating in the idea of selecting the first tal ents in the nation for the Chief Magistrate of the Union. The view which ought to decide in favor of the principle of our a mendment is seldom taken. The true view is this.—Elective Chief Magistrates are not, and cannot, in the nature of things, be the best men in the nation ; while such elections never fail to produce mischiefs to the country. The evils of such elections have gener ally induced civilized nations to submit to hereditary monarchy. Now the evils which is incident to this form of government is, that of having the eldest son of the mon arch for ruler, whether he is a fool, a ras (al or a madman. 1 think no man, who will reflect coolly upon the subject, but would prefer a President chosen by lot out of the Senate, to running the risk of having a fool, a rascal, or a madman, in the eldest n of’.he wisest and most benevolent sove- I reign that ever lived. When the amend j incut is considered in this point of view, I think it will find fuvor, especially when it must he admitted that the selection of a President in this manner will bo productive of as little turmoil and agitation as the accession ot the son to the father in heredi tary monarchies, ,'i'he more l reflect upon tire subject, the more 1 am in favor of your amendment. The country is ut this time muck agitated on constitutional doubts, v l.icli exist us to the acts of Congress.— Would not a convention at this time re move much of the discontent that now pre vails ? The resolution for calling a con vention should express the object to be, to explain doubtful questions which have aris en under the Constitution, and the election of President. If vou should think with me, will you use your influence witli the Legis latures of New-England to obtain a call of a Convention to revise the Federal Con stitution ? lam persuaded that unless this measure is brought about, we shall have an explosion in the republic, and that in our time. I have a little interest in the preservation of union and harmony as per liaps any living man in the nation ; yet 1 cannot feel indifferent to the symptoms of disunion which are daily manifested. I am. dear sir, vour friend and obedient servant. WM, H CRAWFORD. Richmond, May 10,1830. My Dear Sir: I have just returned from N. Carolina, and had this morning the pleasure of receiving your letter of the 10th accompanying your proposition for amend ing the Constitution of the United States as to the mode of electing the President, and your speech made on that subject in the Senate in 1808. I read your speech when first published with great pleasure and attention, but was not then a convert to ei ther of the amendments it suggested. In truth there is something so captivating in the idea of a Chief Executive Magistrate, who is the choice of the whole people, that it is difficult to withdraw the judgement from its influence. The advantages which ought to result from it arc manifest; they strike the mind at once, and we are unwil ling to believe that they can be defeated, or that the operation of choosing can be at tended with evils which more that counter balance the actual good resulting from the choice. It is humiliating, too, to admit that we must look, in any degree, to change for that decision which ought to be made by the judgement. These strong and appa rently rational convictions can be shaken only by long observation and painful expe rience. Mine are, 1 coufess, very much shaken ; and my views of the subject have changed a good deal since 1808. 1 consid er it, however, rather as an affair of curi ous speculation than of probable fact.— Your plan conics in conflict with so many opposing interests and deep rooted prejudi ces, that 1 should despair of its success were its utility still more apparent than it is. All those who are candidates for the Presidency, cither immediately or remotely (and they are the most powerful members of the community,) will be opposed to it; the body of the people will also, most proba bly, be in opposition ; for it will be diffi cult to persuade them that any mode of choice can be preferable to election, medi tate or immeditate, by themselves. The ardent politicians of the country, not yet moderated by experience, will consider it as an imputation on the great republican principle, that the people are capable of governing themselves, if any other mode of appointing a Chief Magistrate is substitu ted for that which depends on their agency. I believe, therefore, that we must proceed with our present system, till its evils be come still more obvious ; perhaps, indeed, till the experiment shall become impracti cable, before we shall be willing to change it. My own private mind has been slowly and reluctantly advancing to the belief that the present mode of electing the Chief Ma gistrate threatens the most serious danger to the public happiness. The passions of men are inflamed to so fearful an extent, large masses are so imbittered against each other that I dread the consequence. The election agitates every section of the Uni ted States, and the ferment is never to sub side. Scarcely is a President elected be fore the machinations respecting a succes sor commence. Every political question is affected by it; all those who are in office, all those who want office, are put in motion. The angriest, and I may say, the worst pas sions are roused and put in full action. — Vast masses, footed closely, move in oppo site directions, animated with the most hos tile feelings towards eau 1 * other. What is to be the effect of ail this ? Age is perhaps unreasonably tl.'uid. Certain it is that I now dread consequences which I once thought imaginary. I feel disposed to take refuge under some less turbulent and less dangerous mode of choo sing the Chief Magistrate ; and my mind suggests none less objectionable than that you have proposed. We shall no longer be under the banners of particular men. Strife will no longer be excited, when it can no longer effect its object; neither the peo ple at large, nor the councils of the nation, will he agitated by the all-desturbing question, who shall be President? Yet he will in truth be chosen substantially by the people. The Senators must always be among the most able men of the State.— Though not appointed for the particular purpose, they must always be appointed for important purposes, and must possess a large share of the public confidence. If the people of the United States were to elect as many persons as compose one Senatorial class, and the President was to be chosen among them by vote in the man ner you propose, he would be substantially elected by the people ; and yet such a mode of election would be recommended by no advantages which your plan does not possess ; in many respects it would be less eligible. Reasoning a priori, I should undoubted ly pronounce the system adopted by the convention the best that could bo devised. Judging from experience, I am driven to a different conclusion. I have at your request submitted my reflections to your private view; and will only add that I am with great and respectful esteem, your obedient servant. J. MARSHALL. From the National Intelligencer. The season is propitious for the publi cation of the following lotter, on the utility and necessity of a National Bunk, from one of the purest patriots whose name adorn the history ofour country ; one of those Fa thers of the great Republican School so respectfully alluded to in the late Address of President Tyler to the People ofthe Uni ted States. This Letter was originallv published ten years ago : but many ofour present readers have probably never seen it, and those who do remember it will ac knowledge, on re-perusing it, that its rea soning has gained additional strength from the occurrences which have intervened since it first appeared in print. LETTER FROM EX-PRESIDENT MONROE. TO SILAS E. BURROWS, ESQ, New York, January HO, 1831. 1 Dear Sir : The confidence I liavs in your rectitude and patriotism will induce me to give an explicit answer to the general interrogatories contained in your letter, of the 7th, though I fear that my continued weak state of health will make it less satis: factory than itotherwise might be especi ally as I have none of theofficial documents with me which are calculated to illustrate the subject. You ask me what is my opinion of the effect which the United States Bank has - on the national currency, and as to the policy of renewing its charter ?—what the situa tion ofthe Government without its aid du ring the last war?—what its general advan tages in regulating exchange, in facilita ting remittances to individuals, and its general importance ? When the old United States Bank was first instituted, I was one of those who vo ted against it in the Senate. I doubted the power of the Government, under the Consti tution, to make such an establishment, and was fearful that the influence which it would give to the Government over the moneyed concerns ofthe Union would have a very improper effect on our free system. The bank was instituted soon after the Government was adopted, and at a period when the question ofthe relative powers of the two Governments excited great feeling, and divided the Congress of the Union into very jealous and violent parties. I was of that party which construed the powers of the National Government strictly, and sought to impose on it correspondent res traints. So far as any change has since taken place in my opinion, it has been the result of experience, and prompted by a be lief that such change would give strength . to the system, and weaken or endanger it. Between such a bank and any arrange ment which the Government can make the alternative must be, between a bank ot the Government itself, and under its exclusive control ; a reliance on its own resources and surplus funds deposited in a manner to produce the best effect; and a depen dence on the banks of several States. 1 have no hesitation in declaring it as my decided opinion that neither of these could accomplish the great objects contemplated and that each of them is liable, in other respects, to the most serious objections.— To a bank ofthe Government, this remark is applicable in both views, and with pecu liar force in the latter. If confined to the metropolis, it could not extend its discounts beyond a very limited circle, nor its a gency as a deposite for the revenue re ceived in the several States, nor for remit tances to individuals and for other objects it would be equally limited. Such an insti tution requires an active supervision by those for whose benefit it is intended. The regular official duties of all the Depart ments in the Executive render it impossible for that branch to perform that service without an interference with those duties, to the injury of the public. If branches should be established, their position might enable them to remedy one of the defects stated, but they would accumulate others of much greater force. The interference with the constitutional and regular duties of the Executive would, in the same de gree, be increased. But that is compara tively a slight evil. A bank thus institu- ted being under the control of the Execu tive, by the appointment of its directors, and in all its operations, might in thq.hands of a bad Administration, be wielded ,as an instrument to sap the foundation of the Gov ernment itself. Appeals would be made to th? Government from every part of the Union for its influence in obtaining dis counts, and thus a seduction might be prac tised to a great extent for the worst purpo ses. The influence would be reciprocal. Those connected by such a tie with the Government would be looked to for support at elections, who would not lu:! to render it. Thus the revenue of the nation, raised by taxes on the proper objects to support their free Government, might be made an instrument to its overthrow. The second alternative suggested, a reli ance on the surplus funds, for the accom plishment of the objects contemplated, it must be obvious, must fail in every instance. The revenue of the Government is gener ally limited to certain specified objects according to an estimate for each, and to which it is appropriated. The fund raised sometimes falls short of the object. It sel dom exceeds it in any considerable amount. For the want of a surplus, it must lie idle in the Treasury until appropriated, and if appropriated as a provision for an emer gency—for war, for example—it must still lie idle in the Treasury until that event occurs, or be loaned out. It could not lie idle ; the whole nation would revolt against : it; and ifloaned out it might be impossible to obtain it when called for. and might even bc lost. In this mode, the regulation of the value of the currency, of exchange, and of rendering service by facilitating remittan ces, would be abortive. The third alter native which has been suggested, a reli ance on the State banks, would be equally unproductive. The Government would require no aid except in time of war, when immense sums would be necessary, which could lie produced only by loans : and when application should be made to them, there is good cause to apprehend that each would endeavor to obtain the best terms it could. There is no particular bond be tween them and the National Government, and, impelled by their interest and that of the stockholders, it is natural that they should pursue that course. Should such an emergency arise as menaced the over throw ofthe Government, the interest there by excited might be paramount, and force the banks under the direction ofthe stock holders, to unite in a common effort to save the country. But the great object is to pre vent such a crisis by a command of funds, which would enable the Government to ar rest it. In every other object the State bank would tail. There being no standard to which all must adhere, no connexion be tween those of different States, and many ot them with limited funds and in embar rassed circumstances, they would neither fopulutG thu nvluc uftwlfi, us tnchange, HOT facilitate remittances., A National Bank occupies a different ground. Connected with the Government by its charter and its capital, which con sists of stock, in which the Government par ticipates in a certain degree, there is no in stance in which on principle, there can be a difference of interest between them, and many powerful considerations by which the interest of the Bank must stimulate it to support the credit ofthe Government in any situation in which it may be placed. If the credit of the stock should sink, the cap ital of the Bank would decline in an equal degree ; the effect of which would be felt in all its operations. Its paper would de preciate, and a check be given to its circu lation, if not an entire suspension. Stand ing at the head of the moneyed operations of the Government, it is its intermediate a gent in making remittances to Banks and individuals throughout the Union, and like wise between individuals, from which much credit and influence are gained, if not profit. It has the means, and may be considered the most powerful agent in rais ing and sustaining the circulating medium on a par with specie throughout the Union, and of elevating the State Banks to that standard, by subjecting them to the neces sity of reaching and adhering to it, to sus tain their credit, and even their existence. Let the credit ofthe Government sink, and all advantages are lost. The bank, there fore from a regard to interest, is bound to sustain it. The directors, except the few appointed bv the Government, are elected by the stockholders, and are amenable to them. It gives its support, therefore, to the Government on principles of national poli cy, in the support of which it is interested, and would disdain becoming an instrument for any other purpose. The view above presented is supported by experience, and particularly by the events of the late war. When the war commenced, the Government had not the funds which were necessary to support it, and was, in consequence, forced to resort to loans, which were with difficulty obtain ed from any quarter, even in a limited de gree, &on unfavorable terms. I have not the official documents before me, and can not state the sources from which any loans were obtained, nor the conditions, with the decline of the public credit as the war ad vanced. I well remember, however, that when I was called by the President to the Department of War, on the 31st of August, 1814, the Certificates of the Treasury were selling at SBO in the SIOO, by which S2O lost. It was evident that, if a reliance was placed on the sale of Certificates only, a still further decline would ensue, and that the worst consequences might be appre hended. The country was invaded through the whole inland and maritime fron tiers, and powerful squadrons were at the mouth of every bay and river leading toour principal cities, which were threaten ed with attack and ruin. The Metropo lis of our Union had been forced, and its public buildings destroyed. Such was the state ofthe country, and the funds, when I entered the Department of War. Umler such circumstances, an appeal was made to the patriotism and interest of the cities, and banks within them, by the Department of War, with the sanction of the President, for loans of money necessary for their own defence, for that of the maritime frontier, and the Union. For the first loan that was obtained—one million of dollars from the city of New-York, which, took place a few days after I entered the Department —no price was fixed. As the Treasury notes were selling for SBO in the SIOO, that was claimed, but not acceded to. It was left for subsequent adjustment, to bo settled on fair principles. Several millions of dol lars were obtained from the District of Co lumbia and principal cities throughout the Union, and, according to my recollection at par. This proves, that, until the Union is threatened with ruin, no loans can be obtained in emergencies, without a Nation al Bank, otherwise than at a great sacri fice. These considerations led to a change in my opinion, and induced me to concur with the President in the propriety of insti tuting such a Bank, after the conclusion of the war in 1815. As to the constitutional objection, it formed no serious obstacle. In voting against it in the first instance, 1 was governed essentially by poliev. The construction I gave to the Constitution I considered a strict one. In the latter in i stance it was more liberal, but according f to my judgment justified by its powers. The above sketch contains my sentiments on the subject of your several interrogato ries, which I communicate to you not for public view, hut in the spirit of confidence. Since my retirement I have sought to avoid all political controversies. Having con curred with the President in the propriety of instituting the latter bank, my opinion was not withheld, as is I presume known, and it remains unaltered. Should a justi fication of my conduct for the change of sentiment in the interval between the insti tution ofthe first and second bank become necessary, or any other appeal is made to make it a public duty to explain the cause of that change, I shall not withhold it. I shall be attentive to the course of events, and not fail to perform that duty, should either call bo made on me. I am, dear sir, with great respect and sincere regard, yours, JAMES MONROE. Silas E. Burrows, Esq., NeW-York. GEN. HARRISON'S SPEECH FOR THE RELIEF OF MRS. BROWN. Since our remarks on the subject of giving one year’s salary to the family of General Harrison, we have read his speech in the case of General Brown. We insert it below, and our readers, wc think will be touched with its simplicity and truth. It convinced the Senate then it will convince the nation vow. For who has rendered so many or so important scr viVn tn t|,e country ns General llar.ui son? Whose life lias been more consist ently and faithfully devoted to its best in terests? Contribute, say we to the people, as said our departed friend to the Senate in the case of Mrs. Brown —contribute something from the public treasury to edu cate the children and grand children of the gallant General whom we have lost. Your money will not be thrown away. In your future history it will produce to you a rich return. Other Harrisons will arise; like him will conquer; and like him honest ly serve, or if necessary, die for their country.— Cincinatti paper. On motion of Mr. HARRISON, the bill for the relief of Mrs. Brown, widow ofthe late Gen. Brown, was taken up for consid eration. As yet, sir, public opinion is far in ad vauce of the Legislature, upon subjects of [his kind. As far as my observation has extended, no appropriation of money, for any object is viewed with such decided ap probation by the American People, as those of the character contemplated by the present bill.—Where was any meas ure hailed with more joy and satisfaction throughout the whole Union, than that which provided for the ease and com fort of the indigent’soldiers of the Revolu tion? I had the honor, about the same pe riod, to introduce into the other branch of the Legislature, of which I was then a member, a bill to extend the pensions granted to the widows and orphans of those who fell in the late war, to an additional period of five years, and I can say with truth, that no act of my political life ever received more decided approbation from my constituents. “The grounds (said Mr. II.) upon which I support the bill now under consideration, are those of moral obligation and correct policy. 1 am persuaded, Mr. President, that there is not a Senator within this Hall, who placed in the same situation with regard to other individuals as this Government stands in relation to the family of Gen. Brown, would not acknowledge that lie was bound, by a sense of duty, to provide for them a decent and comfortable support. An old and faithful servant, whose best days have been spent in your service: who iias re ceived on his own manly bosom, the mis siles aimed at your life, and in your ab sence, protected your property from being plundered and your family from dishonor, dies of a disease incident to his employ ment. Is there a person within the reach of my voice who would abandon the fami ly of one by whom he bad been thus faith fully served, to the cold charities of the world, if he possesses the means of relie ving them ? No !I am persuaded there is none. I may be told, that it is the money of the People which we are now called upon to disburse, and that it was placed under our control for no such purposes ; that we should be generous with our own, but not with the funds of our constituents. But, Sir, if I am correct in supposing that there is a moral obligation, upon the part of the nation, to make this appropriation, who but ourselves can discharge it ? We are the representatives of the People, and possess ed of the sole authority to perform the obli gations. 1 will not believe that it will be asserted that’the principles which should govern honorable men do not apply to a nation ; that and crime which would attach infamy upon an individual,would be consid ered as nq crime at all, when perpetrated by the Government of a People, who, indi vidually, profess to be honorable and virtu ous. But, it is asserted that we have been furnished with written instructions, by our constituents, which do not authorize us to appropriate their money in the manner pro posed. I will endeavor to show, Sir, (said Mr. H.) that there is no constitutional im pediment to our making the proposed grant; but, even if the question is doubtful, (which 1 most positively deny) there is one mode of settling it to which 1 always delight to re- fer, and which under any circumstances, would put an end to my doubts. Apply, Sir, to the plain, honest, unsophisticated opinions ofthe American People. Follow the family of General Brown to their home —no, Sir, they have no home—not a spot of earth upon the globe which they can call their own. Follow them to the place of retirement provided by a friend, and, as you march along, enquire of every farmer or mechanic you may meet, whether the proposed appropriation shall be made or not; and if ninety-nine out of an hundred should not tell you to make it, then I will acknowledge that I am ignorant of the character of the American People. “But, let us, Sir, take a glance at the Constitution, and see what power it lias given us to act in this matter. By that instrument, Congress is authorized “to raise and support armies, and make rules for their government.” Under this authority we have raised and supported armies, and have established severe rules for their gov ernment. For wlmt purpose, but by rigid discipline, to make them efficient ? And is the power given to produce this efficiency by punishment, by torture, and by death"; and that which is more effectual, and which operates on the mind of the soldier, which elevates, and enables.his character, with held ? If this is so, what ignorance of the character ofour race floes it manifest upon the part of those who framed the Constitu tion.” From the Boston Atlas. EXTRA SESSION OF CONGRESS. The eyes of the whole country arc direct ed toward the approaching Extra Session of Congress, with intense interest. The opening measures ofthe new Administra tion are expected to be there unfolded. 1 hat relief from financial embarrassment, which was so long struggled for in vain, and for which we contested and won the last Presidential field, may bo there dc ’ ised, and shaped for future operation. The late calamitous event, by which our idolized leader was taken from us, excited lcars in the minds of some, that the char- ‘*• a. .1 c and the course of policy in some points re versed. But the recent declarations of the President have peinoved all apprehensions upon that score. And the readiness he has expressed, to give his approbation to any judicious measures for reformation in the financial concerns of our country, and the restoration of a healthy currency, adds new interest to the inquiry, what the most advisable method would be for the promo tion of the desirable ends. This subject lias been gone over so often, that we cannot be expected to present any original information respecting it, but it may be of advantage to set forth, in a col lected view, some ofthe most prominent points of a question so important to the country at large. It is a decided point, that some measure of reform and relief is absolutely necessary, for the prosperity and efficiency of every description of business; and the people have decided, in as positive a manner, that the Sub-Treasury scheme is not to be permitted to encumber our plans of finance. Notwithstanding the jealousy with which some of the sublimated abstrac- tionists of the South, among the Whigs, as well as the more avowed Loco Focos, re gard the proposition of a National Banking Institution, the majority of the people are looking to something ofthe kind, as the on ly rational means that can be adopted, with a prospect ofthe desired advantages. The fact is, wo need a currency that will bear a par value in every quarter of the Union. We have long felt the evils arising from the want of it; and the losses experienced in exchanging the currency of one State for that of another, have been ru inous to trade and to manufactures of al most every kind. The want of any safe and solvent Bank in many of the States, would preclude any chance of success. The scheme of a National Bank has been thoroughly tested,’and is free from the ob jections to which every untried experiment would be liable. If there were faults in the former organization, there is no necess ity for perpetuating those in anew char ter. None wish to renew any exceptiona ble features that were perceptible in the former charter. None desire a revival of that charter unaltered. Though its opera tion was infinitely superior to the changea ble and experimenting policy, which has characterized the ruinous Administrations of Jackson and Van Burcn, yet there were still many features in that institution that might bo much improved. The failure of a State Bank in Pennsyl vania lias been much expatiated upon, by those who are hostile to a National Institu tion. Every advantage, upon which such an occurrence gave them a plausible oppor tunity to seize, has been converted to use with unexampled avidity. But every one, of any reflection, must be sensible that the downfall of that ill conducted and ill omen ed corporation, has nothing whatever to do with the question of establishing a safe and competent National Bank, under every re striction which prudence could dictate. The United States Bank of Pennsylvania has no more connection with the subject, than any of the failures of the Pet Banks, after the removal of the deposits, all of which demonstrated the necessity of an In stitution of a National character, to supply a medium not subject to these explosions and fluctuations. The little dependence that can be placed upon many of these State Banks, convince us more strongly, that something better is absolutely requi site to the prosperity ofthe country. That majority, whose voice should be su preme in a republican Government, has spoken upon this subject, in a language that cannot well be mistaken. The la mented Harrison was universally under stood to be a friend to the proposed meas ure, previous to his election, and ready to obey the instructions of the people, through their representatives, upon this point, when ever they should be presented. The tre mendous majority which he afterwards re ceived, proves conclusively what the wish es of the Amehican People are on this point. And even of the Opposition, there are many, very many, who would honestly pre fer the establishment of a well regulated National Bank. And hostile as their lead ers show themselves, we doubt whether a vote ofthe party throughout, at least in the States west of the Alleganies, upon that na ked question alone, would not be in favor of such an Institution. I From the Richmond PROSCRIPTION ! We have no malice in our composition: but for the life of us, we cannot resist a thrill of delight when we hear the plaintive cry of “ Proscription ” from the lips of the Spoils Party. It is the voice of retributive
