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cliair. Oil seating hi nisei f, he gave a slight
groan, his muscles seemed to relax, and he
appeared somewhat overcome with the ex
ertion iie had made. A bottle of hartshorn
was immediately applied to his nose,which
revived him much ; hut his life seemed to
he that of a tuuu much intoxicated, lie
seemed, upon one occasion, to try to give
utterance to some feelings; but, from an
unknown cause, an impediment probably
b.V an accumulation in the throat occasion
ed by the execution, he was unable to give
utterance to a word. We are satisfied that
lie made an effort of this kind, for immedi
ately on the exertion, he gave a sorrowful
shako ol the head, which signified, if We
rightly understood the language, that he
meant something he could not express.
11 is system was critically examined, and
though he was pronounced to be perfectly
alive, it was announced by Dr. D. that he
could live but a few minutes, for congestion
ot the brain, which had not yet happened,
was rapidly taking place. Every method
was adopted to equalize the circulation of
the blood, and save the patient from the
terrible consequence of se bad a catastro
phe, but in vain. The blood-vessels of the
head were enormously distended, and his
eyes appeared to be balls of clotted blood.
His system was immediately thrown into
direful spasms, and he died in a few min
utes in the most excruciating agonies.
Other experiments were tried upon him,
which together with the one 1 have here
imperfectly sketched, will be put before the
public in a few days in a more minute form.
I have here suppressed the names of the
operators, fearing I should not do the oper
ation that justice, that will be done it by
the proper reporter, whose report will not
be ready for some time.
POJLITICAL*
From the National Intelligencer.
MODE OF ELECTING THE PRESI
DENT.
We congratulate our readers upon their
being put in possession of the two subjoined
papers; which, whether we consider the
character of the writers, or the importance
ofthe subject, cannot but be universally
read with the deepest interest.
We find them in the Louisville Journal
to which they have been communicated for
publication by the author of a series of
very able papers which appeared in that
paper during the early part of last winter,
on the subject of the mode of election of
President of the United States, the object
of which was to commend and revive the;
plan proposed many years ago, by the j
venerable James Hillhouse, formerly for a j
long time a Senator from Connecticut. A
correspondent in Connecticut, after reading
this series of papers, placed in the hands of
the author the letters of Judge Marshall
and Mr. Crawford, called forth by the ori
ginal proposition of Mr. Hillhouse, which is
■substantially and correctly stated in the
Louisville Journal as follows :
“ Each Senator belonging to the class
whose term of service will first expire, shall
in the alphabetical order of their names,
draw an ivory ball from a box containing
as many balls as there are Senators of that
class, one of which to be colored, the others
white; the Senator drawing the colored
ball to be the President for a term of two
years, and the drawing to be superinten
ded by a committee ofthe House of Repre
sentatives.”
We do not propose to encumber with
any remarks of our’s, the valuable letters
which follow ; but we must be allowed, as
an exception, to point ont to our readers the
striking and very remarkable similarity of
the views of these two distinguished men,
writing simultaneously without concert
or consultation with each other.
Woodland, Juno 4,1830.
My Dear Sir: I received with much
pleasure your letter oil.* ,e 12th ultimo, from
Washington, accompanies I’Y dm P a,l )‘
phlet which was enclosed. 1 reC?i vc( l ‘liis
token of friendly recollection with .more
pleasure as I pass my time in great retire- .
ment, and mix and mingle but little with
those who are now actively engaged in the
State or Federal Governments. I recollect
distinctly the propositions of amendment to
the constitution which you submitted to
the Senate twenty-two years ago, and which
I then seconded. At that time I had not
made up my mind definitely upon the
principle of the amendment. Reflection
and experience have convinced me that
the amendment is correct. I am now en
tirely convinced that great talents arc not
necessary for the Chief Magistrate of the
nation. A moderate share of talents, with
integrity of character and conduct, is all
that is necessary. * * * Butlamnot
certain that the nation is prepared for such
an amendment. There is something fasci
nating in the idea of selecting the first tal
ents in the nation for the Chief Magistrate
of the Union. The view which ought to
decide in favor of the principle of our a
mendment is seldom taken. The true
view is this.—Elective Chief Magistrates
are not, and cannot, in the nature of things,
be the best men in the nation ; while such
elections never fail to produce mischiefs to
the country.
The evils of such elections have gener
ally induced civilized nations to submit to
hereditary monarchy. Now the evils
which is incident to this form of government
is, that of having the eldest son of the mon
arch for ruler, whether he is a fool, a ras
(al or a madman. 1 think no man, who
will reflect coolly upon the subject, but
would prefer a President chosen by lot out
of the Senate, to running the risk of having
a fool, a rascal, or a madman, in the eldest
n of’.he wisest and most benevolent sove-
I reign that ever lived. When the amend
j incut is considered in this point of view, I
think it will find fuvor, especially when it
must he admitted that the selection of a
President in this manner will bo productive
of as little turmoil and agitation as the
accession ot the son to the father in heredi
tary monarchies, ,'i'he more l reflect upon
tire subject, the more 1 am in favor of your
amendment. The country is ut this time
muck agitated on constitutional doubts,
v l.icli exist us to the acts of Congress.—
Would not a convention at this time re
move much of the discontent that now pre
vails ? The resolution for calling a con
vention should express the object to be, to
explain doubtful questions which have aris
en under the Constitution, and the election
of President. If vou should think with me,
will you use your influence witli the Legis
latures of New-England to obtain a call
of a Convention to revise the Federal Con
stitution ? lam persuaded that unless this
measure is brought about, we shall have
an explosion in the republic, and that in
our time. I have a little interest in the
preservation of union and harmony as per
liaps any living man in the nation ; yet 1
cannot feel indifferent to the symptoms of
disunion which are daily manifested.
I am. dear sir, vour friend and obedient
servant. WM, H CRAWFORD.
Richmond, May 10,1830.
My Dear Sir: I have just returned from
N. Carolina, and had this morning the
pleasure of receiving your letter of the 10th
accompanying your proposition for amend
ing the Constitution of the United States as
to the mode of electing the President, and
your speech made on that subject in the
Senate in 1808. I read your speech when
first published with great pleasure and
attention, but was not then a convert to ei
ther of the amendments it suggested. In
truth there is something so captivating in
the idea of a Chief Executive Magistrate,
who is the choice of the whole people, that
it is difficult to withdraw the judgement
from its influence. The advantages which
ought to result from it arc manifest; they
strike the mind at once, and we are unwil
ling to believe that they can be defeated,
or that the operation of choosing can be at
tended with evils which more that counter
balance the actual good resulting from the
choice. It is humiliating, too, to admit that
we must look, in any degree, to change for
that decision which ought to be made by
the judgement. These strong and appa
rently rational convictions can be shaken
only by long observation and painful expe
rience. Mine are, 1 coufess, very much
shaken ; and my views of the subject have
changed a good deal since 1808. 1 consid
er it, however, rather as an affair of curi
ous speculation than of probable fact.—
Your plan conics in conflict with so many
opposing interests and deep rooted prejudi
ces, that 1 should despair of its success
were its utility still more apparent than
it is.
All those who are candidates for the
Presidency, cither immediately or remotely
(and they are the most powerful members
of the community,) will be opposed to it;
the body of the people will also, most proba
bly, be in opposition ; for it will be diffi
cult to persuade them that any mode of
choice can be preferable to election, medi
tate or immeditate, by themselves. The
ardent politicians of the country, not yet
moderated by experience, will consider it
as an imputation on the great republican
principle, that the people are capable of
governing themselves, if any other mode
of appointing a Chief Magistrate is substitu
ted for that which depends on their agency.
I believe, therefore, that we must proceed
with our present system, till its evils be
come still more obvious ; perhaps, indeed,
till the experiment shall become impracti
cable, before we shall be willing to change
it.
My own private mind has been slowly
and reluctantly advancing to the belief that
the present mode of electing the Chief Ma
gistrate threatens the most serious danger
to the public happiness. The passions of
men are inflamed to so fearful an extent,
large masses are so imbittered against each
other that I dread the consequence. The
election agitates every section of the Uni
ted States, and the ferment is never to sub
side. Scarcely is a President elected be
fore the machinations respecting a succes
sor commence. Every political question
is affected by it; all those who are in office,
all those who want office, are put in motion.
The angriest, and I may say, the worst pas
sions are roused and put in full action. —
Vast masses, footed closely, move in oppo
site directions, animated with the most hos
tile feelings towards eau 1 * other. What is
to be the effect of ail this ?
Age is perhaps unreasonably tl.'uid.
Certain it is that I now dread consequences
which I once thought imaginary. I feel
disposed to take refuge under some less
turbulent and less dangerous mode of choo
sing the Chief Magistrate ; and my mind
suggests none less objectionable than that
you have proposed. We shall no longer
be under the banners of particular men.
Strife will no longer be excited, when it can
no longer effect its object; neither the peo
ple at large, nor the councils of the nation,
will he agitated by the all-desturbing
question, who shall be President? Yet he
will in truth be chosen substantially by the
people. The Senators must always be
among the most able men of the State.—
Though not appointed for the particular
purpose, they must always be appointed for
important purposes, and must possess a
large share of the public confidence.
If the people of the United States were
to elect as many persons as compose one
Senatorial class, and the President was to
be chosen among them by vote in the man
ner you propose, he would be substantially
elected by the people ; and yet such a
mode of election would be recommended
by no advantages which your plan does not
possess ; in many respects it would be less
eligible.
Reasoning a priori, I should undoubted
ly pronounce the system adopted by the
convention the best that could bo devised.
Judging from experience, I am driven to a
different conclusion. I have at your request
submitted my reflections to your private
view; and will only add that I am with
great and respectful esteem, your obedient
servant. J. MARSHALL.
From the National Intelligencer.
The season is propitious for the publi
cation of the following lotter, on the utility
and necessity of a National Bunk, from
one of the purest patriots whose name adorn
the history ofour country ; one of those Fa
thers of the great Republican School so
respectfully alluded to in the late Address
of President Tyler to the People ofthe Uni
ted States. This Letter was originallv
published ten years ago : but many ofour
present readers have probably never seen
it, and those who do remember it will ac
knowledge, on re-perusing it, that its rea
soning has gained additional strength from
the occurrences which have intervened
since it first appeared in print.
LETTER FROM EX-PRESIDENT
MONROE.
TO SILAS E. BURROWS, ESQ,
New York, January HO, 1831. 1
Dear Sir : The confidence I liavs in
your rectitude and patriotism will induce
me to give an explicit answer to the general
interrogatories contained in your letter, of
the 7th, though I fear that my continued
weak state of health will make it less satis:
factory than itotherwise might be especi
ally as I have none of theofficial documents
with me which are calculated to illustrate
the subject.
You ask me what is my opinion of the
effect which the United States Bank has - on
the national currency, and as to the policy
of renewing its charter ?—what the situa
tion ofthe Government without its aid du
ring the last war?—what its general advan
tages in regulating exchange, in facilita
ting remittances to individuals, and its
general importance ?
When the old United States Bank was
first instituted, I was one of those who vo
ted against it in the Senate. I doubted the
power of the Government, under the Consti
tution, to make such an establishment, and
was fearful that the influence which it
would give to the Government over the
moneyed concerns ofthe Union would have
a very improper effect on our free system.
The bank was instituted soon after the
Government was adopted, and at a period
when the question ofthe relative powers of
the two Governments excited great feeling,
and divided the Congress of the Union into
very jealous and violent parties. I was of
that party which construed the powers of
the National Government strictly, and
sought to impose on it correspondent res
traints. So far as any change has since
taken place in my opinion, it has been the
result of experience, and prompted by a be
lief that such change would give strength .
to the system, and weaken or endanger it.
Between such a bank and any arrange
ment which the Government can make the
alternative must be, between a bank ot the
Government itself, and under its exclusive
control ; a reliance on its own resources
and surplus funds deposited in a manner
to produce the best effect; and a depen
dence on the banks of several States. 1
have no hesitation in declaring it as my
decided opinion that neither of these could
accomplish the great objects contemplated
and that each of them is liable, in other
respects, to the most serious objections.—
To a bank ofthe Government, this remark
is applicable in both views, and with pecu
liar force in the latter. If confined to the
metropolis, it could not extend its discounts
beyond a very limited circle, nor its a
gency as a deposite for the revenue re
ceived in the several States, nor for remit
tances to individuals and for other objects it
would be equally limited. Such an insti
tution requires an active supervision by
those for whose benefit it is intended. The
regular official duties of all the Depart
ments in the Executive render it impossible
for that branch to perform that service
without an interference with those duties,
to the injury of the public. If branches
should be established, their position might
enable them to remedy one of the defects
stated, but they would accumulate others
of much greater force. The interference
with the constitutional and regular duties
of the Executive would, in the same de
gree, be increased. But that is compara
tively a slight evil. A bank thus institu-
ted being under the control of the Execu
tive, by the appointment of its directors,
and in all its operations, might in thq.hands
of a bad Administration, be wielded ,as an
instrument to sap the foundation of the Gov
ernment itself. Appeals would be made
to th? Government from every part of the
Union for its influence in obtaining dis
counts, and thus a seduction might be prac
tised to a great extent for the worst purpo
ses. The influence would be reciprocal.
Those connected by such a tie with the
Government would be looked to for support
at elections, who would not lu:! to render
it. Thus the revenue of the nation, raised
by taxes on the proper objects to support
their free Government, might be made an
instrument to its overthrow.
The second alternative suggested, a reli
ance on the surplus funds, for the accom
plishment of the objects contemplated, it
must be obvious, must fail in every instance.
The revenue of the Government is gener
ally limited to certain specified objects
according to an estimate for each, and to
which it is appropriated. The fund raised
sometimes falls short of the object. It sel
dom exceeds it in any considerable amount.
For the want of a surplus, it must lie idle in
the Treasury until appropriated, and if
appropriated as a provision for an emer
gency—for war, for example—it must still
lie idle in the Treasury until that event
occurs, or be loaned out. It could not lie
idle ; the whole nation would revolt against
: it; and ifloaned out it might be impossible
to obtain it when called for. and might even
bc lost. In this mode, the regulation of the
value of the currency, of exchange, and of
rendering service by facilitating remittan
ces, would be abortive. The third alter
native which has been suggested, a reli
ance on the State banks, would be equally
unproductive. The Government would
require no aid except in time of war, when
immense sums would be necessary, which
could lie produced only by loans : and
when application should be made to them,
there is good cause to apprehend that each
would endeavor to obtain the best terms it
could. There is no particular bond be
tween them and the National Government,
and, impelled by their interest and that of
the stockholders, it is natural that they
should pursue that course. Should such
an emergency arise as menaced the over
throw ofthe Government, the interest there
by excited might be paramount, and force
the banks under the direction ofthe stock
holders, to unite in a common effort to save
the country. But the great object is to pre
vent such a crisis by a command of funds,
which would enable the Government to ar
rest it. In every other object the State bank
would tail. There being no standard to
which all must adhere, no connexion be
tween those of different States, and many
ot them with limited funds and in embar
rassed circumstances, they would neither
fopulutG thu nvluc uftwlfi, us tnchange, HOT
facilitate remittances.,
A National Bank occupies a different
ground. Connected with the Government
by its charter and its capital, which con
sists of stock, in which the Government par
ticipates in a certain degree, there is no in
stance in which on principle, there can be a
difference of interest between them, and
many powerful considerations by which the
interest of the Bank must stimulate it to
support the credit ofthe Government in any
situation in which it may be placed. If
the credit of the stock should sink, the cap
ital of the Bank would decline in an equal
degree ; the effect of which would be felt
in all its operations. Its paper would de
preciate, and a check be given to its circu
lation, if not an entire suspension. Stand
ing at the head of the moneyed operations
of the Government, it is its intermediate a
gent in making remittances to Banks and
individuals throughout the Union, and like
wise between individuals, from which
much credit and influence are gained, if
not profit. It has the means, and may be
considered the most powerful agent in rais
ing and sustaining the circulating medium
on a par with specie throughout the Union,
and of elevating the State Banks to that
standard, by subjecting them to the neces
sity of reaching and adhering to it, to sus
tain their credit, and even their existence.
Let the credit ofthe Government sink, and
all advantages are lost. The bank, there
fore from a regard to interest, is bound to
sustain it. The directors, except the few
appointed bv the Government, are elected
by the stockholders, and are amenable to
them. It gives its support, therefore, to the
Government on principles of national poli
cy, in the support of which it is interested,
and would disdain becoming an instrument
for any other purpose.
The view above presented is supported
by experience, and particularly by the
events of the late war. When the war
commenced, the Government had not the
funds which were necessary to support it,
and was, in consequence, forced to resort
to loans, which were with difficulty obtain
ed from any quarter, even in a limited de
gree, &on unfavorable terms. I have not
the official documents before me, and can
not state the sources from which any loans
were obtained, nor the conditions, with the
decline of the public credit as the war ad
vanced. I well remember, however, that
when I was called by the President to the
Department of War, on the 31st of August,
1814, the Certificates of the Treasury were
selling at SBO in the SIOO, by which S2O
lost. It was evident that, if a reliance was
placed on the sale of Certificates only, a
still further decline would ensue, and that
the worst consequences might be appre
hended. The country was invaded through
the whole inland and maritime fron
tiers, and powerful squadrons were at the
mouth of every bay and river leading toour
principal cities, which were threaten
ed with attack and ruin. The Metropo
lis of our Union had been forced, and its
public buildings destroyed. Such was the
state ofthe country, and the funds, when I
entered the Department of War. Umler
such circumstances, an appeal was made
to the patriotism and interest of the cities,
and banks within them, by the Department
of War, with the sanction of the President,
for loans of money necessary for their own
defence, for that of the maritime frontier,
and the Union. For the first loan that was
obtained—one million of dollars from the
city of New-York, which, took place a few
days after I entered the Department —no
price was fixed. As the Treasury notes
were selling for SBO in the SIOO, that was
claimed, but not acceded to. It was left
for subsequent adjustment, to bo settled on
fair principles. Several millions of dol
lars were obtained from the District of Co
lumbia and principal cities throughout the
Union, and, according to my recollection
at par. This proves, that, until the Union
is threatened with ruin, no loans can be
obtained in emergencies, without a Nation
al Bank, otherwise than at a great sacri
fice. These considerations led to a change
in my opinion, and induced me to concur
with the President in the propriety of insti
tuting such a Bank, after the conclusion of
the war in 1815. As to the constitutional
objection, it formed no serious obstacle.
In voting against it in the first instance, 1
was governed essentially by poliev. The
construction I gave to the Constitution I
considered a strict one. In the latter in
i stance it was more liberal, but according
f to my judgment justified by its powers.
The above sketch contains my sentiments
on the subject of your several interrogato
ries, which I communicate to you not for
public view, hut in the spirit of confidence.
Since my retirement I have sought to avoid
all political controversies. Having con
curred with the President in the propriety
of instituting the latter bank, my opinion
was not withheld, as is I presume known,
and it remains unaltered. Should a justi
fication of my conduct for the change of
sentiment in the interval between the insti
tution ofthe first and second bank become
necessary, or any other appeal is made to
make it a public duty to explain the cause
of that change, I shall not withhold it. I
shall be attentive to the course of events,
and not fail to perform that duty, should
either call bo made on me.
I am, dear sir, with great respect and
sincere regard, yours,
JAMES MONROE.
Silas E. Burrows, Esq., NeW-York.
GEN. HARRISON'S SPEECH FOR
THE RELIEF OF MRS. BROWN.
Since our remarks on the subject of
giving one year’s salary to the family of
General Harrison, we have read his
speech in the case of General Brown.
We insert it below, and our readers, wc
think will be touched with its simplicity
and truth. It convinced the Senate then it
will convince the nation vow. For who
has rendered so many or so important scr
viVn tn t|,e country ns General llar.ui
son? Whose life lias been more consist
ently and faithfully devoted to its best in
terests? Contribute, say we to the people,
as said our departed friend to the Senate
in the case of Mrs. Brown —contribute
something from the public treasury to edu
cate the children and grand children of the
gallant General whom we have lost.
Your money will not be thrown away. In
your future history it will produce to you a
rich return. Other Harrisons will arise;
like him will conquer; and like him honest
ly serve, or if necessary, die for their
country.— Cincinatti paper.
On motion of Mr. HARRISON, the bill
for the relief of Mrs. Brown, widow ofthe
late Gen. Brown, was taken up for consid
eration.
As yet, sir, public opinion is far in ad
vauce of the Legislature, upon subjects of
[his kind. As far as my observation has
extended, no appropriation of money, for
any object is viewed with such decided ap
probation by the American People, as
those of the character contemplated by
the present bill.—Where was any meas
ure hailed with more joy and satisfaction
throughout the whole Union, than that
which provided for the ease and com
fort of the indigent’soldiers of the Revolu
tion? I had the honor, about the same pe
riod, to introduce into the other branch of
the Legislature, of which I was then a
member, a bill to extend the pensions
granted to the widows and orphans of those
who fell in the late war, to an additional
period of five years, and I can say with
truth, that no act of my political life ever
received more decided approbation from my
constituents.
“The grounds (said Mr. II.) upon which
I support the bill now under consideration,
are those of moral obligation and correct
policy. 1 am persuaded, Mr. President, that
there is not a Senator within this Hall, who
placed in the same situation with regard to
other individuals as this Government stands
in relation to the family of Gen. Brown,
would not acknowledge that lie was bound,
by a sense of duty, to provide for them a
decent and comfortable support. An old
and faithful servant, whose best days have
been spent in your service: who iias re
ceived on his own manly bosom, the mis
siles aimed at your life, and in your ab
sence, protected your property from being
plundered and your family from dishonor,
dies of a disease incident to his employ
ment. Is there a person within the reach
of my voice who would abandon the fami
ly of one by whom he bad been thus faith
fully served, to the cold charities of the
world, if he possesses the means of relie
ving them ? No !I am persuaded there is
none. I may be told, that it is the money
of the People which we are now called upon
to disburse, and that it was placed under
our control for no such purposes ; that we
should be generous with our own, but not
with the funds of our constituents. But,
Sir, if I am correct in supposing that there
is a moral obligation, upon the part of the
nation, to make this appropriation, who but
ourselves can discharge it ? We are the
representatives of the People, and possess
ed of the sole authority to perform the obli
gations. 1 will not believe that it will be
asserted that’the principles which should
govern honorable men do not apply to a
nation ; that and crime which would attach
infamy upon an individual,would be consid
ered as nq crime at all, when perpetrated
by the Government of a People, who, indi
vidually, profess to be honorable and virtu
ous. But, it is asserted that we have been
furnished with written instructions, by our
constituents, which do not authorize us to
appropriate their money in the manner pro
posed. I will endeavor to show, Sir, (said
Mr. H.) that there is no constitutional im
pediment to our making the proposed grant;
but, even if the question is doubtful, (which
1 most positively deny) there is one mode of
settling it to which 1 always delight to re-
fer, and which under any circumstances,
would put an end to my doubts. Apply,
Sir, to the plain, honest, unsophisticated
opinions ofthe American People. Follow
the family of General Brown to their home
—no, Sir, they have no home—not a spot
of earth upon the globe which they can call
their own. Follow them to the place of
retirement provided by a friend, and, as
you march along, enquire of every farmer
or mechanic you may meet, whether the
proposed appropriation shall be made or
not; and if ninety-nine out of an hundred
should not tell you to make it, then I will
acknowledge that I am ignorant of the
character of the American People.
“But, let us, Sir, take a glance at the
Constitution, and see what power it lias
given us to act in this matter. By that
instrument, Congress is authorized “to raise
and support armies, and make rules for
their government.” Under this authority
we have raised and supported armies, and
have established severe rules for their gov
ernment. For wlmt purpose, but by rigid
discipline, to make them efficient ? And is
the power given to produce this efficiency
by punishment, by torture, and by death";
and that which is more effectual, and which
operates on the mind of the soldier, which
elevates, and enables.his character, with
held ? If this is so, what ignorance of the
character ofour race floes it manifest upon
the part of those who framed the Constitu
tion.”
From the Boston Atlas.
EXTRA SESSION OF CONGRESS.
The eyes of the whole country arc direct
ed toward the approaching Extra Session
of Congress, with intense interest. The
opening measures ofthe new Administra
tion are expected to be there unfolded.
1 hat relief from financial embarrassment,
which was so long struggled for in vain,
and for which we contested and won the
last Presidential field, may bo there dc
’ ised, and shaped for future operation.
The late calamitous event, by which our
idolized leader was taken from us, excited
lcars in the minds of some, that the char-
‘*• a. .1 c
and the course of policy in some points re
versed. But the recent declarations of the
President have peinoved all apprehensions
upon that score. And the readiness he
has expressed, to give his approbation to
any judicious measures for reformation in
the financial concerns of our country, and
the restoration of a healthy currency, adds
new interest to the inquiry, what the most
advisable method would be for the promo
tion of the desirable ends.
This subject lias been gone over so often,
that we cannot be expected to present any
original information respecting it, but it
may be of advantage to set forth, in a col
lected view, some ofthe most prominent
points of a question so important to the
country at large. It is a decided point,
that some measure of reform and relief is
absolutely necessary, for the prosperity and
efficiency of every description of business;
and the people have decided, in as positive
a manner, that the Sub-Treasury scheme
is not to be permitted to encumber our plans
of finance. Notwithstanding the jealousy
with which some of the sublimated abstrac-
tionists of the South, among the Whigs, as
well as the more avowed Loco Focos, re
gard the proposition of a National Banking
Institution, the majority of the people are
looking to something ofthe kind, as the on
ly rational means that can be adopted, with
a prospect ofthe desired advantages.
The fact is, wo need a currency that
will bear a par value in every quarter of
the Union. We have long felt the evils
arising from the want of it; and the losses
experienced in exchanging the currency of
one State for that of another, have been ru
inous to trade and to manufactures of al
most every kind. The want of any safe
and solvent Bank in many of the States,
would preclude any chance of success.
The scheme of a National Bank has been
thoroughly tested,’and is free from the ob
jections to which every untried experiment
would be liable. If there were faults in
the former organization, there is no necess
ity for perpetuating those in anew char
ter. None wish to renew any exceptiona
ble features that were perceptible in the
former charter. None desire a revival of
that charter unaltered. Though its opera
tion was infinitely superior to the changea
ble and experimenting policy, which has
characterized the ruinous Administrations
of Jackson and Van Burcn, yet there were
still many features in that institution that
might bo much improved.
The failure of a State Bank in Pennsyl
vania lias been much expatiated upon, by
those who are hostile to a National Institu
tion. Every advantage, upon which such
an occurrence gave them a plausible oppor
tunity to seize, has been converted to use
with unexampled avidity. But every one,
of any reflection, must be sensible that the
downfall of that ill conducted and ill omen
ed corporation, has nothing whatever to do
with the question of establishing a safe and
competent National Bank, under every re
striction which prudence could dictate.
The United States Bank of Pennsylvania
has no more connection with the subject,
than any of the failures of the Pet Banks,
after the removal of the deposits, all of
which demonstrated the necessity of an In
stitution of a National character, to supply
a medium not subject to these explosions
and fluctuations. The little dependence
that can be placed upon many of these
State Banks, convince us more strongly,
that something better is absolutely requi
site to the prosperity ofthe country.
That majority, whose voice should be su
preme in a republican Government, has
spoken upon this subject, in a language
that cannot well be mistaken. The la
mented Harrison was universally under
stood to be a friend to the proposed meas
ure, previous to his election, and ready to
obey the instructions of the people, through
their representatives, upon this point, when
ever they should be presented. The tre
mendous majority which he afterwards re
ceived, proves conclusively what the wish
es of the Amehican People are on this
point.
And even of the Opposition, there are
many, very many, who would honestly pre
fer the establishment of a well regulated
National Bank. And hostile as their lead
ers show themselves, we doubt whether a
vote ofthe party throughout, at least in the
States west of the Alleganies, upon that na
ked question alone, would not be in favor
of such an Institution. I
From the Richmond
PROSCRIPTION !
We have no malice in our composition:
but for the life of us, we cannot resist a
thrill of delight when we hear the plaintive
cry of “ Proscription ” from the lips of the
Spoils Party. It is the voice of retributive