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NEWS & PLANTERS’ GAZETTE. J>l. DOTTING, Editor. W SERIES.] * V iii i'll iii him], unless at the the Kditor, without the settlement of Rp LT Letters,on business, must be postpaid,to insure attention. No communication shall be published, unless we are made acquainted with the name of the author. TO ADVERTISERS. Advertisements, not exceeding one square, first insertion, Seventy-Jive Cents; and for each sub . sequent insertion, Fifty Cents. A reduction will 1 be made of twenty-five per cent, to those who w advertise by the year. Advertisements not limited when handed in, will be inserted till for bid. and charged accordingly. Sales of Land and Negroes by Exec utors, Ad ministrators and Guardians, are required by law, to be advertised, in a public Gazette, sixty days , previous to the day of sale. The sales of Persona l Property must be adver tised in like manner , forty days. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must be published forty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary, for leave to sell Land or Ne groes, must be published for four months— notice that application will be made for Letters of Administration, must be published thirty days; and Letters of Disfhission, six months. Mail Arrangements. POST OFFICE, i Washington, Ga., Sept. 1, 1843. y EASTERN MAIL. By this route, Mails are made up for Raytown, Double-Wells, Crawfordville, Camack, Warren ton, Thompson, Dearing, and Barzelia. ARRIVES. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 9, A. M. CLOSES. Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at li, P. M WESTERN MAIL. lly this route, Mails are made up for all Offi ces in South-Western Georgia, Alabama, Mis sissippi, Louisiana, Florida, also Amens, Ga. and I the North-Western part of the State, r arrives —Wednesday and Friday, by 6 A. M. closes —Tuesday and Thursday, at 12 M. ABBEVILLE, S.C. MAIL. By this route, Mails are made up for Danburg, Creek, and Petersburg. ARRIVES. Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, by 1 P. M. CLOSES. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at C A. M. LEXINGTON MAIL. By this route, Mails are made up for Gentre ville, Slate Rights, Scull-shoals, and Salem. arrives —Monday and Friday, at 9 A. M. closes —Tuesday and Saturday, at 9 A. M. APPLING MAIL. By this route, Mails are made up for Wrights boro’, Waite Oak, Walker’s Quaker Springs. arrives —Tuesday and Saturday, by 9 A. M. closes —Monday and Friday, at 9 A. M. ELBERTON MAIL. By this route, Mails are made up for Mallo rysville, Goosepond, Whites, Mill-Stone, Ilarri sonville, and Ruckersville. Arrives Thursday 8 P. M., and Clows same time. LINCOLNTON MAIL. By this route, Mails are made up for Rehoboth, Stouey Point, Goslieu, Double Branches, and Darby’s. Arrives Friday, 12 M. j Closes same time. ’ ILF The Letter Box is the proper place to de- ; pos'te all matter designed to be transported by Mail, and such as may be found there at the times above specitied, will be despatched by first Kpostr"*~-’ &, BUTLER, f ATTORNIES, f TTAVE taken an OFFICII on the North rJL side of the Pul lie Square, next door to the Branch Bank of the State of Georgia. October, 1843. 28 NELSON CARTER, dealer in Choice Drugs and Medicines, . Chemicals, Patent*Medicines, Surgical and Dental Instruments, Perfumery, Brushes, Paints, Oils, Dye-Stuffs, v. Window Glass, S-c. Spc. RED MORTAR, j AUGUSTA, Ga. October 12, 1843. ly 7 HAVILAND, RISLEY &, Cos. Near the Mansion House, Globe and United States Hotels, AUGUSTA, GA., £ DEALERS IN CHOICE DRUGS AND MEDICINES, Surgical and Dental Instruments, Chemicals, Patent Medicines, Brushes, Paints, Oils, I Window Glass, Dye Stuffs, &,c. &c. Being connected with Haviland, Keese & Cos., New-York, and Hav u.ami, Harral & Allen, Charles ifnll ton i they are constantly receiving fresh supplies of every article in line, which they are enabled to sell at the Newest market prices. LF All goods sold by them, warranted to be of the quality represented, or may be returned. Augusta, August 1843. “ 51 SttiscclUmrotML A REMARKABLE ADVENTURE. The following historical incident, though possessing all the intefbst of romance, is ex tracted from the History of Illinois, now in course of publication at the New Worid of ice. The work, to which we have already called the attention of our readers, is from the pen of Henry Brown, Esq. of Chicago. “ The pioneer who dwells in the vicinity of Indian hunting grounds, forming a bar rier between savage and civilized men, learns to hate the Indians because lie hears him spoken of always as an enemy. Hav ing listened from his cradle to tales of sav age violence, and perused with interest the narrative of aborignal cunning anc! feroci ty, and nnmbering, also, among the victims of some midnight massacre his nearest and dearest relations, it is not to be wondered at that he should fear and detest the sav. age. While thewarhoopis sounding in his ear, the rifle is kept in readiness, and the cabin door secured with the return of evening. Among those thus born and reared, one Thomas Higgins of Kentucky, stands pre eminent. During the war of ISI2 he en listed at the early age of 19, in a company of rangers, and came to Illinois. One of the most extraordinary events during that war occurred near Vandalia in which Hig gins participated. Men talk of Marathon and Thermopylae and Waterloo, as if deeds of courage and danger were exhibited only there, without reflecting that a single ran ger of Kentucky had eclipsed them all. A little fort, or rather blockhouse, hav ing been erected about 20 miles from Van dalia, late the capitol of Illinois, and about 8 miles south of the present village of Greenville, to protect the frontier settle ments from the Indians, Lieut. Journay and 12 men were assigned as its garrison. Os the latter, Higgins was one. The surrounding country was at that time a continued forest; and the little ham let of Greenville a frontier town. On the 30th of August, 1814, strong in dications of savages being in the neighbor hood were apparent, and at night a party of Indians were seen prowling about the fort. On the morning of the 31st, before day light, Lieut. Journay, with the whole force under his command, sallied forth in pursuit of them ; they had not proceeded far before a large party of savages, 70 or 80 in num ber, rose from their ambush, and at the first fire the Lieut, and 3 of his men were killed and another wounded—o returned in safety to the fort and one(T. Higgins) lingered behind in order to have one pull more at the enemy.’ The morning was sultry ; the day had not yet dawned ; a heavy dew had fallen during the night, and the air being still and humid, the smoke from their guns hung like a cloud over the awful scene. By the aid of this cloud the companions of Higgins escaped to the fort. Higgins’ horse having been shot in the neck fell to his knees; he rosehowoer again. Hig gins supposing him to be mortally wound ed, dismounted and was about to leave him. Perceiving soon his error, and that the wound was not dangerous, he determined to make good his retreat, but resolved be fore doing so to avenge the death of some of some of his companions. He sought therefore a tree, from behind which he could shoot with safety. A small elm scarcely sufficient to protect his body was near. It was the only one in sight, and before lie could reach it the smoke part ly Arose and discovered to him a number of Indians approaching. One of them was in the act of loading his gun. Higgins having taken deliberate aim, fired at the foremost savage and he fell. Concealed still by the smoke, Higgins reloaded, mount ed his horse and turned to fly, when a voice apparently from the grass hailed him with ‘ Tom, you won’t leave me, will you V Higgins turned immediately around, and seeing a fellow soldier by the name of Bur gess lying on the ground, wounded and gasping for breath, replied ‘No, I’ll not leave you, come along.’ ‘1 can’t come,’ said Burgess, ‘my leg is all smashed to pieces.’ Higgins dismounted, and taking up his friend, whose ankle had been broken, was about to lift him on his horse, when the lat ter taking fright, darted off in an instant, and left Higgins and his wounded friend behind. ‘This is too bad,’ said Higgins; “but don’t fear; you hop off on your three legs, and I’ll stay behind between you and the Indians, and keep them off. Get into the tallest grass and crawl as near the ground as possible. Burgess did so and escaped. The smoke which had hitherto concealed Higgins, now cleared away, and he resol ved if possible to retreat. To follow the track of Burgess was most expedient. It would however endanger his friend. He determined therefore to venture bold ly forward, and if discovered to secure his own safety by the rapidity of his flight.— On leaving a small thicket in which he had sought refuge, he discovered a tall, portly savage near by, and two others in a direc tion between hipt and the fort. He paused for a moment, and thought if he could se parate and fight them singly, his case was not so desperate. He started therefore for a little run of water hard by, but found one of his limbs failing him; it having been struck by a ball in the first encounter, of which, till now, he was scarcely conscious. PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING. WASHINGTON, (WILKES COUNTV, GA.,) AUGUST 1, 1814. I The largest Indian pressed close upon him, and Higgins turned round two or three times in order to fire. The Indian halted and danced about to prevent his taking aim. Higgins saw it was unsafe to fire random ; and perceiving two others approaching, knew he must be overpowered in a moment, unless he could dispose of the forward In dian. He resolved therefore to halt and re ceive his fire. The Indian raised his rifle, and Higgins, watching his eye, turned sud denly as his finger pressed the trigger, and received the ball in his thigh, which other wise would have pierced his body. Higgins fell, but rose immediately and run. The foremost Indian,certain of his prey, now loaded again, and with the other two pressed on. They overtook him! Hig gins fell again, and as he rose the whole three fired, and he received all their balls. He now fell and rose again ; and the Indi ans, throwing away their guns, advanced upon him with spears and knives. As he presented his gun at one or the other, each fell back. At last the largest Indian, supposing Hig gins’ gun to be empty from his fire having been thus reserved, advanced boldly to the charge : Higgins fired and the savage fell. He had now four bullets in his body—an empty gun in his hand—two Indians, un harmed as yet, before him—and a whole tribe a few yards distant. Any other man but Higgins would have despaired. Napo leon would have acknowledged himself de feated ; Wellington, with all his obstinacy, would have considered the case as doubtful —and Charles of Sweden have regarded it as one of peril. Not so with Higgins, lie had no notion of surrendering yet. — He had slain the most dangerous of the three; and having little to fear from the others, he began to load his rifle. They raised a savage whoop and rushed to the encounter —but kept at a respectful dis tance when Higgins’ rifle was loaded, but when they knew it was empty, they were better soldiers. A bloody conflict now ensued. The In dians stabbed him in several places. Their spears however were but thin poles, hasti ly prepared for the occasion, and bent whenever they struck a rib or a muscle. — The wounds they made were not therefore deep, though numerous, as his sears suffi ciently testified. At last one of them threw’ his toma hawk. It struck him upon the clieeck, passed through his ear, which it severed, laid bare his skull to the back of his head, and stretched him upon the prairie. The Indians again rushed on ; but Higgins, re covering his self possession, kept them off with his feet and hands ; graspingat length one of their spears, the Indian in attempt ing to nui it from him raised Higgins up, who, taking his rifle, smote the nearest savage and dashed out his brains. In do ing so, however, his rifle broke, the barrel only remaining in his hand. ‘File other Indian, who had hitherto fought with caution, came now manfully in to the battle. His character as a warrior was in jeopardy. To have fled from a man thus wounded and disarmed, or to have suf fered his victim to escape, would have tar nished his fame forever. Uttering therfore a terrific yell, he rush ed on and attempted to stab the exhausted ranger ; but the latter warded off bis blow with one hand, and brandished his rifle-bar rel with the other. The Indian was as yet unharmed, and under existing circumstances, by far the most powerful man. Iliggins’ courage, however, was unexhausted and inexhausti ble. The savage at last began to retreat from the glare of his untamed eye, to the spot where he dropped his rifle. Higgins knew if the Indian recovered that his own case was desperate ; throwing therefore his rifle-barrel aside and drawing his hunting knife, he rushed upon his foe. A desper ate strife ensued—deep gashes were in flicted on both sides. Iliggins, fatigued and exhausted by the loss of blood, was no longer a match for the savage. The latter succeeded in throwing his adversary from him and went immediately in pursuit of his rifle. Iliggins at the same time rose and sought for the gun of the other Indian.— Both therefore, bleeding and out of breath, were in search of arms to renew the com bat. The smoke now passed away, and a large number of Indians were in view.— Nothing, it would seem, could now save the gallant ranger. There was, however, an eye to pity and an arm to save: and that arm was a woman’s! The little garrison had witnessed the whole combat. It consisted of but six men and one woman; that woman was of her self a host—a Mrs. Pursley. When she saw Higgins contending, single-handed, with a whole tribe of savages, she urged the rangers to attempt his rescue. The rangers objected, as the Indians were ten to one. Mrs. Pursley, therefore, snatched a rifle from her husband’s hand, and declar ing that ‘so fine a fellow as Tom Higgins should not be last for want of help,’ mount ed a horse and sailed forth to his rescue. The men, unwilling to be out-done by a woman, followed at full gallop—reached the spot where Higgins fainted and fell, be fore the Indians came up; and when the savage with whom he had been engaged was looking for his rifle, his friends lifted the wounded ranger up, and throwing him across a horse before one of the party, reached the fort in safety. Higgins was insensible for several days —and his lifo was preserved by continual care. His friends extracted two of the balls from his thigh—two yet remained— one of which gave him a great deal of pain. Hearing afterward that a physician had settled within a day’s ride of him, he de termined to go and see him. ” The physi cian (whose name is spared) asked him •SoO for the operation. This Higgins flatly refused, saying it was more than a half year’s pension. On reaching home he found the exercise of riding had made the ball discernible; he requested bis wife to hand him his razor,;and with her assistance he deliberately laid open his thigh until the edge of the razor touched the bullet, then inserting his two thumbs into the gash ‘he flirted it out,’ as he used to say, ‘with out costing him a cent.’ The other ball yet remained : but it gave him little pain, be carried it to his grave. Higgins died in Fayette county, Illinois, a few years since. He was the most per fect specimen of a frontier man in his day, and was once doorkeeper of the House of Representatives in Illinois. The above account is taken principally from a newspaper ; its author is unknown. The facts, however, therein stated, are fa miliar to many, and were first communica te! to me by one of the Justices of the Su preme Court of this State. They have since been confirmed by others, a>'d there is no doubt of their correctness.” FOIiITKA L. Extract from Gen. Waddy Thompson’s Tex as letter. After arraying the arguments used by the Democratic advocates of annexation, to the effect that it would result in the aboli tion of slavery ir. the older Southern States, Mr. Thompson proceeds thus : “If I believed, with Mr-Walker, that abolition either was or would become bene ficial or necessary for the South, I should certainly be in favor of annexation, as both the most certain and best mode of accom plishing that object. But Ido not think so, but believe, on the contrary, that it would be injurious, deeply injurious, and in the end destructive to the slaves themselves, disastrous to the whole Union, and abso lutely ruinous to the South. Holding these opinions, my object is not to postpone this result for a short time, but to prevent it for ever. Will any one deny any of these pro positions : 1. That the most efficacious measure in favor of abolition would be to destroy the value’of slave labor ? 2 That the reduction of the price of cotton to three or four cents would destroy the value of slave labor in the old slave States ? 3. That any large increase of the quantity of cotton produced would have the effect to reduce its price to that point, or even lower ; say, for example, a sudden increase of five hun dred thousand bales ? and, 4. That the an nexation of Texas would cause such an in creased production ? Much the larger por tion of the produce of slave labor is cotton. It is the price of cotton which regulates exclusively the value of slaves, as of al most every other article. Let it bo borne in mind, too, that Texas is admirably a dapted to the production of sugar, long sta ple cotton, and tobacco—the only articles, with the exception of rice, which are produ ced by slave labor. But, if the price of cotton is not thus ruinously reduced by o ver production, it will not be denied that slave labor can be employed in Texas with at least twice the profit which it yields in the average of the slave States of the Union. Our slaves will then be carried to Texas by the force of a law as fixed and certain as that by which water finds its level. The slaves will very soon disappear from Mary, land, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Kentucky, and in a period very short for such an operation, those States will be come non-slaveholding States ; and when ever that is the case, they will not only no longer have a common interest with the re maining slaveholding States to defend the institution, but will very soon partake of that fanatical spirit of a philanthropy which is now pervading the whole .world. Thus shall we lose the most important of our al lies ; most important in numerical strength at the ballot-box ; still more important if we should be driven to the cartouch-box as our last defence. And what are the advan tages which we are to gain by this meas ure ? 1 mean we of the slaveholding States. Are we more secure against foreign attack? The question is not whether Louisiana will be more secure with Texas than without it. I think it easy to demonstrate that such would not be the case. But the real ques tion is, will Texas then be more secure than Louisiana now is? For Texas will then be’a portion of our Union, and we shall be under the same obligation to proteS Texas as as we now are to protect ana. With our rail roads and rivers, we can assemble three hundred thousand men in thirty days in New Orleans, or at any other point in the slaveholding States.— Not so with Texas. There would be no means of transporting troops to Texas but by the dangerous navigation of the Gulf; thus encountering all the inconvenience in the defence which an invading enemy would have in the attack ; and, with a su perior hostile naval force in command of the Gulf of Mexico, which is to be antici pated in the event of such an invasion, our troops could not be transported at all. In any event, it would be transferring the con flictfrom the land, where we should be ab solutely impregnable, to the water, where we might be the weaker power, Then, a gain, instead of the impassable swamps ly ing between the Mississippi and Texas, a natural and impregnable fortification, wo should have an increased marine frontier of several hundred miles, and a land fron tier of two thousand, without rivers, moun tains, or swamps, or any the slightest nat ural barrier, unless we could realize the very bright idea of General Cass of annex ing all the contiguous territory. To do which, we must round off our boundaries by going to Cape Horn and the l’aeific. I know only one instance of'an equally sa gacious suggestion as that of General Cass about contiguous territory, and that was of the farmer who said that he discovered that the squirrels destroyed only the outside rows of his corn, he would secure himself against future depredations by planting no outside rows. If lam descend ing from the dignity of tlio subject, it is because ridicule is the only proper reply to such an argument. It is said that the annexation of Texas will increase the political power of the slaveholding States, and their vote in Congress. Such can not be the result in the House of Rep resentatives ; for the slaves will only be diffused; their number will not be in creased ; that is perfectly clear. But it has been said that Texas will be divided in to four or five States, all of which w ill be slaveholding States, and of course repre sented in the Senate, and tn rs give to ‘he South a conservative, a checking power. If 1 believed that the non-slaveholding States would concede us this, I would dis regard all minor objections and go for the measure. But does any sane man really believe it? Will the non-slaveholding States, having the majority in the Senate, as a legislative body, surrender that ma jority, and also the majority in the House, as an alternative electoral body of Presi dent ? Will they divide Texas into four States, and give to those four States equal power in the election of President with New York, Pennsylvania. Ohio, and Massachu setts? Would we, under like circumstan ces, consent to the annexation of Canada, and divide it into four or five Stales^?— Would we do this too at tiie risk of a for eign war; and the more especially if our Northern brethren, with a most remarkable frankness, were to announce to us that their great motive in desiring it was to take the political power out of our hands and place it in their own ? And are they less saga cious in perceiving their interests, less prompt to pursue them, or more liberal in sacrificing them than we are ? Such cer tainly is not the general estimate of their character. A striking fact in this matter is, that, at the very threshold of this ques tion, it has been proposed by two Senators from slaveholding States, (Mr. Benton and Mr. Henderson) to divide Texas into an equal number of slaveholding and non slave-holding States. What then, will we have gained in political strength? If South ern Senators begin by making this conces sion, there must be some show of reason on that side. And is it to be supposed that the members from the non-slaveholding States will yield the point! As to the Missouri compromise, the obvious reply which will be made will be, that the compromise was made with reference lo the territory which was then included in the Union, and not to future acquisitions by purchase or con quest. In case of such a division, shall we have gained any tiling by having non-slave holding States of the Union on our south western border instead of a foreign non slaveholding State ? 1 decidedly prefer the latter; for it is not to be denied that our Northern brethren, in this respect at least, “a little more than kin, and a little less than kind,” often commit outrages upon our rights which would not he submitted to from a foreign Power; and, besides, if non slaveholding States of the Union were es tablished there, we should have the danger ous element of political and party feeling, which would not exist in the case of a for eign ncn-slavehoidmg State. But the real question is not between Texas, a foreign non-slaveholding State, and Texas divided into an equal number of slaveholding and non-slaveliolding Statesof the Union; but it is between Texas thus divided, if admitted into the Union, and Texas, if not annexed, an undivided slavebolding country. My life upon it, Texas will not consent; five per cent of her population can never be brought to consent to the abolition of slavery. And we should thus have a slave slaveholding Republic on our border, with similar institutions and interests, and which must necessarily be our friend and ally, and which would serve as a breakwater be tween us and our non-slaveholding neigh bor, and would guard our frontier ; to use a familiar illustration, enjoying all the ad vantage which I do wtth my neighbor whose farm joins mine, while he has to keep up the fence, which nevertheless protects my crop as much as it does his own. But if it is really intended that all the States to be created out of Texas are to be admitted as slave holding States, why was it not so stipulated in the treaty—why was it not thus “nominated in the bond?” Was it intended to steal a march on the non slavc holding States—to be silent now upon that point, and hereafter to insist upon it? Ifso, it should have been remembered that in the body which must decide that question the non-slaveholding States have the majority. I solemnly declare that, in a recent visit to the North, I have seen no single man who was willing to receive Texas divided into slaveholding States into the Union, nor of the very few Northern presses which advo cate the measure have J seen a single one IW. J. KAPPEL, Printer. which does so on the ground of its giving security to the institution of slavery. I believe that it is almost universally advo cated by the few at the North who are in favor of the measure upon exactly opposite grounds. Will any leading politician of the North come out and say that lie is in favor of dividing Texas into three or four slave States, and receiving them as such into the Union ? Will Mr. Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, sav so? 1 am not to be frightened “front my propriety” by the fear of Texas forming some alliance with England disadvantageous to our interest. — This is an old story. General Hunt, as the Texian Minister, held out the same idea more than seven years ago. Why has such an alliance never been entered into ? Surely Texas has stood in more need of it than she does now. I have known a hesi tating swain led to the altar by his fair la dy, threatening him that if lie did not marry her she would marry someone else. One scarcely knows how to meet this phantom, for it is perpetually changing its shape.—■ First it was, that, if we did not receive Texas, she would throw herself into the arms of England as a colony or dependen cy. Then again it was that England was to guaranty the independence of Texas up on the condition of the abolition of slavery ; and the last version is, that England is to interpose forcibly, if need be, and nut an end to th war, without any condition-as to abolition. As to tiie two first versions, England has over and ever again disclaim ed any such purpose, and 1 know no simi lar instance in her whole history of her condescending to repeat a disclaimer once already made and not credited. England is not the country to do a mean and sneaking thing. A wrong and an arrogant one she may do, but that “old and haughty nation” is incapable of deliberate falsehood ; and I must say, in this connexion, that I can see no justification for the jealousy and vitu peration of England which is so common with a certain class of politicians. 1 be lieve that there is no country in the world with which it is so much the interest, and therefore the policy of England to cultivate friendly relations as with the United States. We consume nearly one-fourth of the pro ductions of English labor. This bond of interest is enough, but there are others (of not less force) in language, laws, race, and free institutions ; for, with the exception of our own country, there is no other where all the securities of private rights and all tiie guaranties of public liberty are so nu merous and perfect as in England. It is not upon us that England looks with jeal ousy, but upon the powerful despotisms of the north of Europe ; and in a contest with them,* a contest between unlimited monar chy and the representative principle, she looks to us as allies, not as enemies. That England desires the independence and prosperity of Texas Ido not doubt. Do we differ with her in this,or shall we quar rel with heron this account ? It is perfect ly natural, too, that England and all other commercial nations prefer to see Texas an independent Power, with her markets open to all the world, than to have her annexed to our Union, and fenced in with our pro hibitory tariff. And is the South disposed to enter upon this crusade of annexing all “ contiguous territories ” for the sake of se curing their markets for the Northern man ulacturers ? I think it extremely improbable that En gland will put in jeopardy the large capi tal employed by her subjects in Mexico, her profitable commerce there, and the fit'- teen millions of specie which she annually derives from that commerce, by’ an forcible interposition in favorof Texas. The whole of the English West Indian and \merican establishments are paid with the specie thus derived ; and I do not see, if this supply is cutoff, how the deficiency can he supplied. Thatthe abolition of slavery will be made the condition of such interposition, I un hesitatingly say is not true ; and if it were, I as confidently assert that Texas will re ject the proffered boon on any such terms. That General Santa Anna will consent to recognise Texian independence upon the condition of abolishing slavery there, no one can believe who knows the man. He is the very last man in the world to be led off by such a sickly, canting philanthropy. I have strong reasons for saying that he has no prejudices against American slavery; and, like a wise man as he is, would have no great objection to see it introduced into Mexico. 1 will not be responsible that the characteristic sensibility to insult which belongs to the Castilian blcod. ari l which the Mexicans inherit from their ancestors, may not precipitate them, in a moment if resentment against us, to do that with view to injure us which no other indui rnent could have tempted them lo do. They are an impulsive and violent poop and in a moment of passion there is notbi two rash and violent for them to do ; a. ail the circumstances connected with the Texas treaty, and particularly the belen guering their cities and frontiers with our armies and navies, will deeply wound and irritate them. Treat him with proper re spect, and the proud and generous Spania <’■ will concede you any thing ; wound h - pride, and he is forever your enemy. Arr> injury, however deep, he will promptly fo> give: an insult or disrespect, never. At New Orleans on the 3d inst., war rants were issued for the arrest of S. W. Oakley, John Clairborn and Fonte nette, three of the judges at the late elec tion, on charges preferred against them by several citizens, of having wilfully and {jritudulent’y disfranchised ih*sm . j [VOLUME XXIX.