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KOll THE NEWS <fe PLANTERS 1 GAZETTE. No. 3. “ Who yonder star's effulgence can display. Unless he dip iiis pencil in the rav.” 1 lie history of a pure intelligence, of thought rather than action, of moral rather than physical power, is not so apt to excite in tin: universal mind, that enthusiasm and admiration, \\ hich is yielded to the pomp end pageantry of war, the plumed helmet end t lie* successful hero. It is to be hoped hy every heart that loves its race, that as tune rclls on farther and nearer to the con summation of heaven's purposes, this love es military glory ; this morbid fondness for :ho carnage plain ; this admiration of iu'C <■ t ul conflicts; will give wav to ’ ‘• : hind ness, the meliorations of i j t o arts and blessings of uni , io It is to be Itoped, that man a hrured, not for his ability to harm j it bless, net for the splendour of his : i.lm y, but civil triumphs; not for the | • nations and the subversion of hut for the promotion of interna . >rtal •.• -noonl, national prosperity and in lii-'dual haziness. The name of Henry - Clay >i, u c:. and with the arts that adorn and bless, not those that oppress and injure tear). liis !.t'e lias been an intellectual one, in which’ the heaven- wrought beauty, t'lory ami sublimity of mind, have been ■•‘-•played in peerless perfection. It has electrifii d’■l: , n sponsive sympathies, its kindred immateriality, hut language how ever rich or copious, is incompetent to do- J :-crjb its workings, or measure its (lights. We have seen it however in its results, in its efleets upon the host interests, the dear est hop p s, the unsullied honor, the immortal x destiny of our country. lias that country rol!e#nn upon a tide of prosperous fortune to wealth and greatness and renown ; has her imperial eagle, in times of peace, fold ed its wings in calm serenity and repose and looked abroad upon the white sails of her spreading and universal commerce; upon the fields of her agriculture waving with golden harvests; upon her system of domestic industry bringing employment J and comfort and happiness to millions ofj her people ? Memory, truth and justice point to Henry Clay as the father, or the most eloquent advocate of those measures by which these peaceful and happy results have been produced. Has that same eagle, when the storm of war was up, unfolded its wings and grappled with victorious talons the crouching lion of England ? Whose snirit aroused his countrymen to a defence •'* l A f f r rights BiVu u hOBW#4L-43aKtSS4p!?- pet-voioe called them to. the conflict* - *, arms and cheered them on in the second ■'war of independence ? It was.thb spirit and the voice of Clay—of him whom Mr. Madison asserted to be possessed of the highest qualifications for a military chief tain of any man in the Union, whom he se lected to be Commander-in-chief of the American Army, but whose name he did not nominate to the Senate of the United States for that high military station, be cause he considered his services to be in dispensable in the councils of the country. And they were required there. Tories, traitors and federalists united in their op position to the war. They were led on by Josiah Quincy and John Randolph, both remarkable for their erudition, their wit .>hnd sarcasm, and power in de-ldfte. They denounced the administration of Mr. Madi son in terms of the bitterest reproach, they assailed its motives and the motives of the war party-, they declared the measure to be unjust, unnecessary and impious. But the I:- retribution was fiery and dreadful, never was a castigation more severe, or more just, than that which Mr. Clay inflict ed upon them. They shrank from before the lightning flash of his eye, they quailed and quivered under the lash of bis invec tive. The great orator in speaking of the thousandsof American citizens and gallant tars, who had been impressed on board of British vessels, and compelled to fight and die in her battles, broke forth in the follow ing noble and pathetic appeal. “ Let me suppose, that the genius of Columbia should visit one of them in his oppressor’s prison, and attempt to reconcile him to his forlorn and wretched condition. She would say to him, in the language of gentlemen on Other ; le, ‘ Great Britain intends you no barm , .he did not mean to impress you, but one of her own subjects ; having taken you by mistake, I will remonstrate, and try to prevail on her, by peaceable means, release you, but I cannot, my son, fight for you.’ If he did not consider this mere mockery, the poor tar would address her judgment, and say, ‘You owe me, my country, protection ; I owe you, in return obedence- lam no British subject; lam a native of old Massachusetts, where live my aged father, my wife, myjchildren. I have faithfully discharged my duty. Will k-you/refuse to do yours?’ Appealing to passions, he would continue, I lost this Jeyc fighting under Truxton, with the In : surgente ;” I got this scar before Tripoli; I this leg on board the Constitution, vs h n the Guerrier struck to it.” In the lan £ua<*e of Prentice, “ There was something the impassioned gesture sod pathetic | tone of utterence which distinguished this 1 appeal, that the feeling which dictated it ! passed from man to man, as if one mysteri j ous chain of sympathy connected every ; bosom. The editor of the Notional Intel | ligenccr declares, that the pathetic effect | produced by the appeal, admits not of de | scription. There were few individuals in | the house, who did not hear witness, by i their streaming eyes, to the orator’s control I over their sensibilities. Members of both i political parties—men whose patriotic 1 souls had been sustained by his eloquence, : and those who had-been writhing and ago nizing under his indignation—forgot their antipathies and wept together.” It was by such glowing and heartfelt appeals, united with a power of argument and force of rea soning never excelled that the President’s I recommendation of war was sustained.— j The Hon. Richard Rush a member of the | Cabinet of Mr. Madison in a letter to Geo. I D. Prentice Esq., of Kentucky said, “ 1 well remember, that during the war of 1812 having myself had a share in the adminis tration of Mr. Madison, during that war, though only in an humble wav, we consid ered Mr. Clay as the great prop of the public cause in Congress. However emi nent and useful others might have been, he stood foremost in ardour, in eloquence, in power to achieve the great ends, which liie exigencies of that period demanded.— This of itself is no light praise, when that body contained such men as Lowndes, Cheves, and Calhoun, besides others of scarcely inferior renown.” Mr. Madison himself said, “ The Army is doing its duty, the Navy is doing its duty, and Henry Clay is here doing his duty.” Can such deeds be forgotten ? Can they be recol lected but with the deepest emotions of pride, admiration and gratitude ? Other nations have risen, and reigned and fallen. Greece and Rome live only in history and classic recollection. It is no wonder then that our experiment of free dom should be exposed to tests of its dura bility and existence ; it is no wonder that the spirit of discord, should have stalked j abroad among our happy people, to disturb their repose and test the cohesive princi ples of their Union. Slavery is tiie ele ment of greatest discord and danger with us. Guarantied and perpetuated by our Constitution ; that sacred Constitution sign ed hy the Revolutionary fathers of the Re public; the offspring of their wisdom and patriotism, the tender child of their adop tion ; it is strange indeed, that a portion of our people should so soon forget its obliga tions ; it is strange indeed, that they should thijto early exhibit a faith and practice so treacherous and which in its consequences, if carried out, would annihilate every hope of security, safety and happiness, for which that constitution was formed by the wisdom of those, whose valor had first achieved our independence. In opposing the admission of Missouri, un less Slavery was prohibited by her consti tution, its enemies were aiming a deadly blow against that institution. It had nearly proved fatal to the Constitution and the Union. The waves of passion which it ex cited ran high and tumultuous. The chasm of disunion yawned before the assembled representatives of the people. While the dark storm was up, and howling in its wrath, when the stoutest hearts quailed at the solemn and awful prospect, when the Union was tottering to and fro, and its dis solution appeared inevitable, there was still a hope left to the friends of liberty. Their eyes were turned as a last hope to Henry Clay. On the 16th of January 1821, when the Session was more than half expired, Mr. Clay arrived at Washington. He moved like a guardian angel, in calm se renity and majesty amidst the raging tu mult. His eloquent voice was heard float ing like music upon the storm of passion, calming its violence and lulling it to rea son. With a sagacity unequalled, and an influence possessed by no other man, he came forward in a spirit of compromise.— He spoke of the dissolution of the Union and the Achilles and Ajaxes of anti-slave ry trembled at the picture. He spoke of the blood of our fathers shed for human li berty, and tlieir iron hearts melted to sym pathy and affection. He reasoned, he im plored, he pursuaded, he rose in majesty with the strength of Demosthenes and the fascination of Cicero, and that compromise so well known, which secured Slavery and preserved the republic, became the basis of peace and harmony to the disruptured ties and the distracted councils of the nation. It was hailed with rapture and acclamation from every section, and Clay was called the second Washington, and saviour of his country. Oh ! what then must have been the calm sunshine, and the deep joys of his soul. No selfish ambition was there, the good of man, the glory of his country was his only motive and impulse to action. The lurid lightnings ceased; the thunders died 1 awayj'CjX. ■ A nation’t ‘gratitude belongs to Henry Clay. Similar'T r ts of this great | man in 1833, when'the Union was again j shaken to its centre, by one of those civil j 1 convulsions to which all naitions or people are at times subjected. Who has forgot ten the fury of that contest, and who does not recollect the magic wand by which that fury was subdued ? The genius of Clay, • which Heaven gave for noble purposes, was again the salvation of the country. — His powers of pacification have never been excelled, perhaps never equalled, and the true secret of his success exists in that love of country, of truth and justice ; that per. sonal and political integrity ; that noble and magnanimous self-sacrificc, which while they have secured the love and ad miration of his friends, have in periods of public danger, given him the confidence of political opposition. This confidence and its consequent influence, was siguailyex. hibited by the unanimous vote of the Senate in favor of a resolution of Mr. Clay, by which our relations with France, which the rashness of Gen. Jackson had made socrit ical, were turned into those of a just and pacific character. But for his noble exer tions on that occasion, it is believed by ma ny, competent to judge, that the United States, without justification, would have pointed its hostile cannon at the bosoms of a people who had sympathized with us in our war of the revolution, who had aided us with men and money, who had fought for our liberties under that noble and gal lant Frenchman, LaFayette, the generous friend of America, and the bosom friend of Washington. Such have been a part of the many and matchless services of this il lustrious Statesman ; such is the man who has been called by his unscrupulous ene mies, a traitor to his country, its interests, and its honor. No terms of obloquy and detraction, afforded by our language, have been left unused to defame and blacken his personal and political character. Have his neighbors, of all political parties, borne tes timony to the beauty of his daily life, the kindness and charity that flow from his heart and hand ; have the holy ministers of a peaceful religion given their hallowed testimony to his puritv and worth ; those neighbors are alike assailed with their no ble friend, and those ministers are unpro tected by the sacredness of their vocation, and the purity of their ermine. The foul and slanderous charge of bar gain and intrigue with Mr. Adams, is again raked up from the reservoir of infamy to which it had been consigned, to tarnish the purity of his political character. Kremer who originally made the charge, wanted to apologize to Mr. Clay openly in Congress, but the friends of Gen. Jackson prevented ’ him from doing so. The charge a9 subse i quently made by Gen. Jackson himself, i was branded as false by Mr. Buchanan, the witness relied upon to sustain it, and Carter Bevetly who had also participated in the act of injustice, some few years since, having long been stung by remorse of con science, voluntarily wrote a letter to Mr. Clay, .retracting the aspersions w hich he had made. How self evidently false the charge of General Jackson, that Mr. Glay, through his friends, had proposed to give him his vote and influence for the Presiden cy, if he would make him his Secretary of State! Who could believe that Henry Clay would thus degrade hirtiself to be Gen. Jackson’s secretary, tvhen he could have obtained, as Mr. Madison has said himself, any office at home or abroad in his power to bestow'. The charge against Mr. Clay of being an Abolitionist, is so utterly false, base, and malicious, that it is rather insinuated, than made openly and directly. It is pro fessed to be founded upon his having favor ed the scheme of emancipation in Kentucky in 1797 ; his belief that slavery is an evil; and that the petitions of the anti-slavery party for the abolition of slavery in the Dis trict of Columbia and the Territories, in stead of being rejected, ought to be receiv. ed and reported upon. In 1797 anew Con stitution was about being formed for the State of Kentucky, and Mr. Clay then only twenty years of age, advocated, in com mon with a large and respectable minority of the citizens of that State, a scheme of gradual emancipation of the slaves within its limits. Did not Kentucky have the right to act upon this subject for herself? The scheme did not prevail, and no further answer can be wanting, than that which ex ists in the affection, which the people of that Slave State entertain for Mr. Clay (himself a slave holder) and the pride with which they have honored him in every way in their power, for more than forty years. If Mr. Clay thinks Slavery an evil, he does so in common with the sentiments which were entertained by Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe and Franklin,all of whom were Presidents of the Republic, and slave holders exceptthe last. Until within a few years past, I conscientiously believe, that seven out of every ten citizens of the South, looked upon Slavery to be an evil in some one or other of its features. For the ex pression of the opinion that it is a political evil, and that petitions, in reference to its abolition in the District of Columbia,ought j to be received by Congress, even our own ! distinguished fellow-citizen and represen 5 tativc elect for the Bth Congressional dis ■ trict, has also been called an Abolitionist, s Born and raised in this State, in this coun -1 ty, a large slave-holder himself, true and j unfaltering in his devotion to Southern . rights and institutions, he has not escaped - the malice, and detraction, and reckless i falsehoods of some of those, who have > sought to injure our illustrious candidate * for the presidency. He has however es ■ caped the harm intended him, and they i have reaped the harvest of his scorn, and i that of all honourable minds. That Sla ■ very is a political evil, may be believed or f not, without any, the last sacrifice of our f rights, interests or honor. Though the I country has been more rapidly advanced • bv it; yet, to the eye of contemplation, as i it surveys the gullied fields, the pine ’ wastes, and the red hills that surround us i on every hand, the ultimate results and ad ■ vantages may be considered against the in stitution. The power is given to Congress, in the following language of the Constitu tion : “ To exercise exclusive legislation in all . cases whatsoever over such districts (not [• exceeding ten miles square) as may by cos. sion of particular States, and the accept ance of Congress, become the seat of Gov ernment of the United States.” In the opinion of most of the people of the North, this sweeping clause gives to j Congress the same Legislative powers over the District of Columbia, that are possess ed by the States within their respective limits. Under that impression, and with the right of petition secured to the citizens of the Union by the Constitution, the Abo litionists petition Congress to abolish slavery in the district. Mr. Clay entertains the just, prudent, and sagacious opinion, that those petitions ought to be received and reported upon, and their absurd objects and the dangerous consequences of graining them exposed to the view of the whole country. He thinks this the best, and simplest method by which the diaboli cal schemes of the abolitionists may he met and crushed, whereas by rejecting them, refusing to receive them, treating them with contempt, those artful incendia ries connect with their hellish schemes the cry, that the right of petition secured by the Constitution, is denied to the people; and thus, obtain a respectability as to position and numbers, which could not be obtained without that connection, for the hateful and pernicious principles whic h they entertain. Can any honorable mind, after reading the celebrated speech of Mr. Clay, delivered in the Senate of the United States on the 7th Feb. 1839, connect his sympathies, his feelings, his name, with those infernal ene mies of the South and the Constitution ? No no. So overwhelming was iiis denunci ation of the Abolitionists and their schemes, that Mr. Calhoun rose from his seat and thanked him for the effort, and it was be lieved, that it would have the effect of sweeping off that heresy from the bosom of the body politic. Remember, Southern freemen, that while he is called a bloody minded Abolitionist by his enemies at the South, he is denounced by all their papers and adherents at the North, as the inhuman champion of Slavery In the memorable speech to which I have referred, afier al luding to their wishes to abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia and the territories, he remarked. “ These as I have already intimated with ultra Abolitionists, are but so many mask ed batteries, concealing the real and ulti mate point of attack. That point of at tack is the institution of domestic Slavery as it exists, its these States.” “ The Convention wisely left to the sev. eral States the power over the institution of Slavery, as a power not neeessary to the plan of Union which it devised, and as one with which the general Government could not be invested without planting the seeds of certain destruction. There let it remain un disturbed by any unhallowed hand.” The following is the splendid and beautiful conclusion of the speech : “ I beseech the Abolitionists themselves solemnly to pause in tlieir mad and fatal course. Amid the infinite variety of ob jects of humanity and benevolence, which invite the employment of their energies, let them select someone more harmless, that does not threaten to deluge our coun try in blood. I call upon that small por tion of the clergy, which has lent itself to these wild and ruinous schemes, not to for get the holy nature of the divine mission of the Founder of our religion, and to profit by his peaceful examples. I entreat that j portion of my countrywomen who have given their countenance to abolition to re member that they are ever most loved and honoured when moving in tlieir own ap propriate and delightful sphere; and to re fleet that the ink which they shed in sub scribing with their fair hands abolition pe tilions, may prove but the prelude to the shedding of the blood of their brethren. I adjure all the inhabitants of the free States to rebuke and discountenance, by their opinion and their example, measures which must inevitably lead to the mod ealatni tous consequences. And let us all as countrymen, as friends, and as brothers, cherish in unfading memory the motto which bore our ancestors triumphantly through all the trials of the revolution, as, if adhered to, it will conduct their posterity through all that may, in the dispensations of Providence, be reserved for them.” The most dishonorable efforts have been made to injure Mr. Clay, by charging him with being unfriendly to our Irish fellow. . citizens, and an enemy to the Catholic reli- I gion. Let the following extract from one i ofhis speeches in the Senate of the United States in 1832, show what he thinks of that i brave,oppressed, and generous-hearted peo ple, the countrymen of the patriots and ora tors Curran and Grattan, and the young, unfortunate, immolated Emmett: “Os all foreigners, none amalgamate themselves so quickly with our people as the natives of the Emerald isle. In some of the visions which have passed through my imagination, 1 have supposed that Ire land was originally, part and parcel of this continent, and tiiat by some extraordinary convulsion of nuture, it was torn from A merica, and drifting across the ocean was placed in the unfortunate vicinity of Great- Britain. The same open-heartedness ; the same generous hospitality, the same care less and uncalculating indifference about human life characterize the inhabitants of both countries. Kentucky has been some times called the Ireland of America. And I have no doubt that, if the current of emi gration were reversed, and set from Ameri ca, every American emigrant to Ireland, would there find, as every Irish emigrant here finds, a hearty welcome and a happy home !” How, in what way, at what time has he shown himself to be the enemy of the Cath olic religion ? Did he evince this hostility in his generous and untiring efforts in favor of the Catholic patriots of South America ? Did he show it in his glowing appeals to the representatives of the Union to recog nize their independence in their dark hours of trial and danger ? Did that people con sider him their enemy when his speeches were read at the head of their armies, to animate and encourage them in their dead ly conflicts with the brutal and ferocious myrmidons of Spain ? Did the Roman Catholic comrnander-in-chief, Simon Boli var, the Washington of South America, look upon him as an enemy when he wrote him a letter of thanks, in which he used the following language: “ All America, Colombia, and myself, owe your Excellency our purest gratitude for the incomparable services you have render ed to us, by sustaining our cause with a sublime enthusiasm.” Did he show himself this enemy, when, in combatting the arguments of those who called those patriots ignorant and supersti tious Catholics, unworthy of Liberty ? He said : . “ They worshipped the same God with us. Their prayers were offered up in their temples to the same Redeemer, whose in tercession we expect to save us. Nor was there any thing in the Catholic religion unfa vorable to freedom. All religions united with government, were more or less inimi cal to liberty. All separated from govern ment, were compatible with liberty.” This spirit of toleration, this privilege to wur hip God aecn.ding to the dictates of our own conscience, is found in the Consti tution. and finds a congenial home in the gen erous and noble nature of Henry Clay. The period is rapidly approaching, for the people of the United States to make choice of another Chief Executive ruler. This is the. highest office in their power to bestow. Shall it be given to one whose name is unknown in the bright annals of your country, or the dark periods of her danger ? James K. Polk has been known only, as the subaltern and bitter partizan of Gen Jackson and Mr. Van Buren. The impress of his genius and services, is visi ble in no great national measure, no victo rious battle field. The Presidency should be the reward of the long tried and veteran friend and servant of his country. Set aside the claims of one who has grown old ana grey in the public service, upon whom his country leaned for security in war and danger, and for prosperity in peace; set aside the claims of such a man, for a thing of yesterday, a national nothing, and it needs no prophecy to tell the doom of that country. To tell that political ambi tion instead of being noble, will become mean, instead of being pure will be cor rupt, instead of seeking the aid of public virtue and integrity, will seek those of in trigue and corruption, of treachery and treason. Countrymen of Henry Clay ! “ Now’s the day and now’s the hour” to re ward him, who is “first in peace; first in war, and first in the hearts of his coun trymen,” and this you are called upon to do, for the good and glory of your country. This man was the mill boy of the Slashes of Hanover ! He was no gem of aristo cracy, his childhood was not spent amidst the splendors of a palace. History tells us, that he toiled many a long summer day, with his feel bare, following the handles of a plough to assist his widowed mother to maintain her family. Poor and friendless, with no education but that obtained in an old field school in the neighbourhood of his mother’s dwelling, he toiled along the steep ascent by his own unaided exertions. He has been the architect of his own fortunes. Were his name now torn from the pages of his country’s history, that history would be obliterated ; were the pictures which are hung up in the Temple of Freedom robbed of their representations of his deeds, those pictures would be mutilated and defaced; j were the exhibition of his achievements. ■ which are carved within its inner walls, ami emblazon them on every handout out and torn frem their places, that tern pie ■ would look as though it had been blasted by a curso of Heaven. Miltiades the hero of Marathon, died in prison of the wounds received in fighting for his country. The-’ mistocles died a friendless ad wandering exile from the country he had so faithfully served in peace and in war. Cicero was slain by his own countrymen, and his head was hung up in (he Forum, where the thunders of his eloquence had so often struck terror to the hearts of tyrants ; and it remains to be seen, whether tlie Ameri can people will bo finally ungrateful to the noblest champion of their rights, their li berty, their Constitution and tlieir Union. Shall I appeal to the Whigs to do their du ty ? No ! I can add nothing to the sublime , enthusiasm with which you will rush to the coming conflict. Venerable patriot and Statesman ! The measure of your fame is full. Success can add no new honor to your character, defeat can detract noth ing from the fullness of your immortality ! “ Unchanged in thy glory—unstained in thy fame, The homage of ages shall hallow’ thy name.” MADISON. Washington, Oct. Isth, 1844. ‘ COALITION ! COALITION f ! Address of the Abolitionists of Pennsylva nia—Abuse of Henry Clay as a Slavehold er, and opposed to all Emancipation im mediate or remote—the Abolitionists hand in hand with the Democrats— Startling J)e ----• velopments—The proofs offered. GEORGIANS, READ IT! READ IT!! In our Washington letter of Saturday', it was announced that the Abolitionists wore in league with the Democrats to defeat Henry Clay. The address of the par ty in Pennsylvania has come to baud, and is one of the most startling docu ments we have ever put eyes upon. It is an authentic document, signed by C. J. Cleveland and Russell Errett, Chairman of the Eastern and Western Committees, of the State. It professes to oppose both Mr. Clay and Mr. Polk, and to advocate the claims of Birney for the. Presidency, and yet it is filled with the most bitter and scan dalous abuse of Henry Clay, while? it con tains scarcely one word of censure upon Polk. It barely intimates that heis a slave holder, and cn;y?ain,? (think of that!) that Van Buren was not the nominee of the jlerti ocratic party ! ! But we must be brief. Here is an, ex-- tract from the address : GEORGIANS, READ IT ! READ IT!! “There are some features of the moral character of Henry Clay which we have not the least desire to discuss. From the time lie first entered upon public life at Washington, until a very few years, unless common fame has done him the grossest in justice, his moral character could npt but meet the reprobation of every good Had he given any evidence of sincere re pentence, we would be the last even to de lude to these things. That he is utterly unworthy of the suffrages of the friends of liberty, however, we need hardly te}! you. That a man who will say in a speech be fore the Colonization Society, tkaj ’ he-is ut terly opposed to all emancipation of the slaves, either ‘immediate or gradual, without their re moval ;’ that a man wlioexeried all his in fluence for the admission of Missouri into the Union as a slave State ; that a man who declared in the Senate ofthe United States, February 9, 1830, that ‘that is property which the law declares to be property' —that two hundred years of legislation have sanc tioned negro slaves as property ;’ who, in the same speech pronounced the opinion of Madison, that ‘man cannot hold property in man,’ to be a ‘ visionary dogma ;’ and who had the awful blasphemy to compare men, held as slaves, with other ‘ live stock ;’ that such a man has no claims to a free man's vote, we need, certainly, take no pains to prove.” Can it be longer concealed from the Slaveholders of the South, that the Aboli tionists are leagued hand in hand with the Democrats of the North : that jheir com mon work is the defamation of Henry Clay, and their common object his defeat ? Here is the proof from the Abolition side of the House—it is authentic—the names are gen uine—it can be seen and examined—but our opponents may say that the Democrats are not moving in favor of emancipation. Do they desire the proof? Here it is : “TwELyE thousand Democrats in Mont gomery county, New York, in favor of an nexation, because it will extend no incon siderable influence to the final extinguish ment of slavery.” Hear them ! Hear them !! From the Albany Argus, (Deni) Sep. 20 ’44. “Resolved, That we believe the title to Oregon to be ic these United States, and that immediate steps should be taken to se cure the possession, and that we are in fa vor of the re-annexation of Texas to this re- i public as soon as may be consistent with the honor and faith ofthe Union, being ful ly satisfied of its great interest to this coun try, and that the re-annexation of Texas, while it must necessarily cut off the foreign slave trade entirely from the continent will EXTEND NO INCONSIDERABLE INFLUENCE TO THE FINAL EXTINGUISHMENT OF SLAVERY IT SELF.” People of Georgia, read, reflect, and vote not under the shaokles of party, but so as to defend the character ofthe great and pat riotic from the aspersions of Abolitionists and Democrats, and so as to defeat the “fi nal extinguishment of slavery'’ by annexa tion, in the form advocated by the twelve j THOUSAND DEMOCRATS OF MONTGOMERY COUN ! ty, New-York. Savannah Republican.