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Do you approve the resolutions on the sub-1 ject of Abolition adopted by the Whigs of'he Northern Legislatures, and particularly tho net passed by that party in the Lcslaittre of New York, and the refusal of the Governor to surrender negro stealers upon the demand of the Executive ol Virginia? Do vou desire to set: the same kind of le gislation and Executive action resorted to by ttie Legislatures and Governors of Pennsyl vania and Ohiii, and other nou-slaveholding States ? Do yon believe it to be your duty to op pose, with all your power and influence, a party, the triumph of which will inevitably leatl to such fatal results? Do you not approve the nnti-Abuliijon re solutions adopted by the Democratic Legisla tures of the North, anti especially the act of Ohio relative to fugitive slaves? Do you desire to see the same spirit main tained, and the same legislation prevail, throughout the non-slavcholding States. THE CONSEQUENCES. Do you not believe it to be your duty to encourage, cherish, am! aid a [ratty which evinces, not by words only, but by acts, its dev man i to your interest and safety, and its ‘fidelity to the Constitution? Two things arc certain : If the Smith repel and treat with scorn her friends and allies in the North, she will soon have none! And if she league herself with her enemies, she must be'destroyed! Is it politic to make en emies of our fellow citizens in Pennsylvania and Ohio, in Indiana and Illinois, when it is just as easy to have friends? Would it be convenient to line the borders of Maryland and Virginia, of Kentucky and Missouri, with our sons in arms to repel aggression, or save our property from the hands of Abolitionists and negro stealers, i:i or out of authority?— | These things we should think of only in the the last extremity—only alter resorting toall peaceful, just, and prudent -means to main tain our rights, and preserve the peace and union of the Stales. And is not concert of action with those in the free States, who ac knowledge and stand ready to defend and maintain these rights, our first peaceful reme dy, our first and most obvious duly? II we refuse to act with them, can we expect them to act with us? If we sacrifice them to their enemies, and ours, how can we hereafter ex pect their aid, or even sympathy? It would be as unreasonable to expect it. as it would be impossible to obtain it. Upon our heads would fall the guilt, not only of surrendering our dcatest interests to our natural enemy, but also the crime of ingratitude in abandon ing our “natural allies.” THE CANDIDATES. Is there anv tiling objectionable in tho can didate whom the Northern Democracy pre sents for our support, or any thing peculiar ly attractive fur a southern man in the candi date of the Whig Abolitionists ? Mr. Van JLireu enjoys a fair moral character, talents of a high order, principles on every leading measure of public policy in conformity with those of the South, and is moreover pledged, by all legal means, even to the use ol the ve to, if necessary, to resist tlie measures of the Abolitionists. The attacks made upon him are, in every instance vet disclosed, luunded in utter falsehood, or upon circumstances mis understood, or two frivifous to be brought, fur a moment, in comparison with the great in terests now involved in the struggle of par lies. On the other hand, the candidate pre sented by the Whig Abolition patty of the North, stands identified with the great mea sures and principles which the South has op posed and resisted almost “unto blood. True it is, that at different periods he has giv en out indications of being on diiFerent sides of most of these great questions; aud t i* o qnally true, that he refuses to state on which side tie now stands. If not art Abolitionist, he has, while refusing publicly to answer any questions on the subject, written letters, and one to the lion. George Evans, member of Congress from the State of Maine, giving an Abolition coloring to ids acts and opinions, with the view of obtaining the support of those implacable enemies of the South. — True it is, that at about the same period, lie was writing letters to the South, cien\ mg ins Abolitionism, wit It the view of obtaining also the support of slave-holders! It appears that tno.-i, if not ail, of these letters, were written under an injunction that they should not be published, lie has expressed no opinions on the subject upon which the South can rely, and stands ready to act with the one party or the other, as either may have a majority in Congress. Indeed, from evidence, the truth of which we do not doubt, it appears lie has recently declared, on more than one occa sion, that he will not veto any bill which Congress may pass! The nomination of Mr. Seward fur Gov ernor of New Yoik, and the nomination of General Harrison for President of the United Stales, wore both procured by the same means—by a coalition of Whigs and Aboli tionists. In New York, they succeeded in making the Governor; and what has been the result ? Concessions to the Abolitionists, which, on one subject, annihilate the Consti tution and laws of that State, deptive the pro perly of the South of the stipulated protec tion,'and give encouragement and shelter to those who"steal it. This is the natural fruit of such a coalition. Elected by Abolition voles, the Governor is able to retain his of fice only on the assistance (-t those auxiliaries, and the Constitution and the rights ol the South are sacrificed to secure it. If Gener al Harrison, after being nominated by a simi lar coafition, shelll reacli the Presidential chair, must not tho same results necessarily follow? Will it not be equally necessary to secure the continued suppoit of the Abolition ists, and will not similar means be resorted to ! Will not the party in power be compel led to concede to their allies the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, the in terdiction of the transportation of slaves from State to State, the withdrawal in every possi ble way of the protection guaranteed by the Constitution to slave property, and the en couragement to those who steal it? A voice from Heaven could not more certainly warn the South of the consequences of placing the power of the union in the hands of such a coalition, than the example in New lork ! Why have the three Abolition members oi the Whig executive committee, and their nu merous associates in Congress, postponed any attempt to redeem the written pledges given to their constituents, that they would use every eflbft to procure the abolition of slavery in tbe District of Columbia, and an interdiction of lhe slave trade between the several States and Territories? Why did they not redeem those pledges at the late scs sion? ‘ Is it supposed that they have relin quished all intention to redeem i*iem, or that their Abolition constituents will permit them to do so? No; it is only postponed, lest the South should take the alarm too soon. It is postponed until they make a President by their votes—until their aid becomes essential to sustain a party in power. Then, as in New York, they expect to seo tho Con stitution and the rights of the South sacrific ed to maintain a party ascendancy, and se cure lilt'offices of the General Government, i lie result is as certain as that cause produ ces effect. We ftavo already seen indica tions ol the sacrifice. The Southern Whigs in Congress have already united with Abo litionists in appointing u political committee ; \\ lugs have consented to act with pledged Abolitionists upon that committee; Southern Whigs, at the late session of Con gress, were found voting with Aboltioi.ists against propositions relative to Abolition pe titions, which formerly they hail unanimous ly supported ; fearful of offending the Aboli tion spirit, a Whig committee of the House of Representatives refused to report a bill to prohibit the introduction of negro testimony in Courts martial held in the sinveholding slates or Terriloties; for tire first lime we be lieve, a formal Abolition speech from Mr. Slade was listened to on the floor of the House; and for the first time, such a speech was disseminated fur ami wide through the columns of ilie most respectable \V big news paper in Washington. Theconliiion at Har risburg has already produced union of politi cal action between the W higs and Abolition ists in Congress ; it is bur oue step more to a uuion of legislative actiou ; and that step will assuredly be taken as soon as a President shall have been elected with the aid of Abo lition votes. Not to believe this, is to close our minds to the approaches of reason, and shut our eyes to the warnings of example. And CAN the South give up the security she has in the character, pledges, and cottJ duet of Air. Van lluren, and it) the principle! declarations, anil uctsofthe party which sup” ports him, for the chances oi jtistice she may have from a man without any publielvavow ed principles, elevated to the Presidency by a coalition of which the sacrifice of her rights aud principles is every where the necessary fruit ? Wc cannot believe it. Such infatua tion dues not exist among the people of the South. What! submit to, regi.-ter anil approve the fiat of Abolition, that “to be a slaveholder is to disqualify a man for President ?” Is there an honest man in the South who will not ro sist this unconstitutional proscription? Is there one among us who, by bowing his neck and giving his sup port tin lie Harrisburg nom ination, will degrade his State, degrade the statesmen whom lie delights to honor, de grade himself, and make the Southern States laud Smi’hi-n statesmen, not the equals, as the Constitution makes’ them, hut the provin ce-. inferiors and vassals of the Northern Statc-s and Northern men ! Who is there among us. that with the hope of receiving minor offices at the hands of Abolition Presi dents, will meanly sacrifice the dignity and hanor, as vveli as the rights, interest and safe ty, of his Stale ami its people? Wc hope not one. OUR TRUE POLICY. The true course lijr the South is to reject aqd repudiate nil connection, direct or indi rect, with Abolition and its allies, it is to vote for no man for any office in the Govern ment, who will not openly renounce ami de nounce all connection with Abolition, direct or indirect, and pledge himsi If to exert all the p.ovvcis vested in him l>\’ the Constitution aud laws, to protect the Constitutional lights of the sinveholding States. It is to supputt such statesmen as are true to the Constitution and faithful to their duties as membersofthis great confederal V. This course of conduct, steadily and sternly pursued, would afford to the South an immediate and ample protec tion. True to themselves, presenting an un broken front, and never wavering from their purpose, it is to be hoped the South would find in other sections, men in sufficient num bers, influenced by a sense of obligation to the Constitution, to make up a majority of the Union, to set nrc to Southern men their con stitutional equality, to Southern interests their constitutional protection, and to lire whole Union that limited, benign, aud just Government, v. hicli the Fathers of the Re public intended to establish. It is the hope of pr moling this grand and salutary uuion of sentiment in the South, no less useful to the Union ami encouraging ‘o mankind, than is essential to your own inter ests and safely, that we have taken the trou ble to collect these facts and submit these views. C. C. CLAY; of Ala. IE C. NICHOLAS, ofLa. Wm. S. FULTON, of Ark. FRANCIS THOMAS of Md. G. C. DKOMGOOLE. ofVa. .T. J. McKAY, of N. C. FELIX GRUNDY, ofTenn. WILSON LUMPKIN, of Ga. JOHN JAMESON, of Mo. LYNN BOYD, of Kv. A. G. BROWN, of Miss. T. D. SUMTER, ofS. C. (The Resolutions*, See. referred to in the pre ceding Address, will le published in lie next paper.) INDEPENDENT FKESS. WASHINGTON: WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 4K40. We present to nur readers to-day an ad dress to the people of the South, by the Re publican members of Congress; and we take occasion to bespeak for it an attentive peru sal. Tljp stubborn, undented and undenia ble facts there slate'll, and established, require no comment. They shew beyond all ques tion, the existence of a foul coalilion, of the federal vviiigs, with the abolition incendia ries of tho North ; and that the combined fac tions, are prostrating every constitutional bar rier erected for the protection of Southern rights in every state where the power lias fal len into tlieir hands; while those rights, thus assailed, are nobly respected, vindicated aud defended, by the democracy of the northern, middle and western non-slaveholding stales, ‘iho great point established by these facts is, that “the democracy of the North are tlie al• lies ol the South ;” —and Federal ivliiggery is now, as ever, our inveterate loe. Let par ly hacks and slaves, ieitl rivi ling slang G ang ers aud fuddle-brained idlers, without infor mation or the ability to acquire it, nr the dis position to slate it truly even if they had it; j prate üboul standing armies , negro testimony ami other standing lits, of federal whig lubri cation. Much stuff is addressed to tiro people upon the ohl federal principle, that they are Jools, incompetent to sclf-govermneut, and may be gulled with any soil ofdtipery. \\ c have no umbition beyond a desire to sprend fuels before our readers; and when they have the facts fairly aud fully stated, we are wil ling to leave them taAijko up their own obwiding our commenta ries upon tiiabm have ever been, anil we are still auaßUfratc li.r strict construction, against federal jpPnwiiua nanism;—as much opposed to a Aplerul^iuok now, as we were vvheiiGen.Jackson ‘Skfcd its reckoner; — and like the old hero of’2s, we intend to re sist the re-establish memos that federal engine, because we believe that “every tkingjincuu- will follow” iu its train. jflpr ‘ R. A TOOMBS. ■Phiisindividual, as will be seen by Ids note, [thinks that our statement in regard to his ad* j missions at Maliurysville is iniv ct so far as ! lie is represented to have admitted slavery to Ibe a “moral” evil. It is a only u political | evil. While we claim liir ourselves uo tx- I emption iiotn that liability to err common to , man, we are yet unprepared to admit the iu j fulibiliiy of Mr. Toombs, it is possible that | we, and those who understood Mr. Toombs j as v.e did, may be mistaken; and it is also 1 possible that lie, from a misapprehension of i the full purport of our questions made larger i admissions than lie intended. As the terms | of Mr. Toombs’ note arc not disresj ‘ctful, [ and wc are at all times ready to do ample justice, when called upon in a proper inan ! nur, vvegiie his note a place in our columns.. ; We take occasion to say, that while we do! 1 not care to hold Mr. Toombs responsible fur | the admission which lie disclaims, wc have j yet deemed it but justice to ourselves loap pem.l to this article a number t certificates from men of unquestionable truth, which if they do not shew t hat the mistake in ibis mat ter is on the side of Mr. Toombs ; will at lea-t >u i fy every candid mind, that ii we erred, it was upon reasonable grounds.— After all, n w iil puzzle Mr. Toumbsio shew, Imw it is pos sible for slave!\ to be a political, arid yet not a moral evil. It is not a moral evil because the Bible “sanctions it;” —yet is a “political evil!” Does (he Bible sanction evil of any kind Mr. Toombs? That God wills and wishes the; happiness of bis creatures, is the basis of all moral law; or rather that will, v. huher re vealed in the Bible or discoverable from the light of nature, is the moral law— “ Ills tender mercies are over all Ids work.s” Ifthen slavery he a political ■ Gl.it ran on i ly ue because it is calculated to ■ d'ect injuri ously our social happiness; and if it so af fects our happiness it is adverse to Ins will, whose will is ilio moral law :—it is a moral evil. We regard then the attempt to set up a distinction between moral and political mil as a mere quibble. Whatever is till in any sense, is offensive to God, and therefore mor ally wrong. We tell Mr. Toombs, and we proclaim it to the country, that his doctrine that slavery is a political evil, and that Congress should re ceive Abolition petitions, will not do for the South. It encourages the intermedliiig, and animates the hopes of the fanatics. It iscal rulated to lead to another com; romise of the Southern rights. It is abandoning the high ground heretofore occupied by the South.— Let the overwhelming vote given a few years ago to General Glascock for the stand he ma le against the reception of those petition, bear witness! Let Georgians of all parties maintain tlieir ground upon this momentous question, and put the seal of their reprobation upon him who falters at a crisis like this! Washington, Sep. Iff, IS-10. Mr. S. Fouche, Your statement in your paper of the I6th inst. that I have admitted that slavery was a “moral” evil, i< incorrect. 1 never entertain ed or expressed such an opinion. I know of no rule of morality, except the revealed will of God in the Bible, that sanctions it. Correct the statement yourself, or insert tliis note in your next paper. Your ob’t serv’t. ROB’T TOOMBS. ■ I certify that Mr. Toombs, a’ tlie Alallo rvsville meeting, responded affirmatively to the two following questions, propounded by Mr. Fouche viz : Do you consider slavery a moral and politi cal evil ? Are you in favor of the reception by Con gress of Abolition petitions ? His answer to the second question, I think, was thus—“yes, receive and report upon them.” I). M. ANDREWS. I hereby certify, that Mr. Fouche, while addressing the citizens of Mallorysville, ask ed tbe following questions, pointing at the same time to Mr. Toombs, who sat just in front of myself: I)o you believe slavery a moral and polit ical evil ? Are you in favor of tLu reception by Con gress of Abolition Petitions? To which Air. Toombs noded assent. I. T. IRVIN. Jr. I hereby certify that I was present at the discussion at Mallorysville. anil heard Air. Fouche ask Air. Toombs whether lie re gardeil slavery or. a moral and political evil? and whether he was favorable to the recep tion of abolition petitions bv Congress? To these questions Air. Toombs assented by a nod of his head. REUBEN KENDALL. 1 itereby certify that I was at Maltorytvilte I at ffte discussion in this month, and heard ; Mr. Fouche ask Mr. Tootnln whether he re ganletl elavery us n moral and political evil? and whether lie was favorable to the recep tion of abolition petitions by Congress?—“to all ofwhich lie nodded assent. THOMAS WOOTTEN. Sep. 28,1840. I was present at tho meeting nt Atnllorys ville, on the 2d Saturday in this month, and would say, that to the best of my recollection, Air. Toombs admitted slavery to be a moral and political evil, and tiuit abolition petitions 1 ought to be received by Congress. WYLIE H. POPE. I certify tlint 1 was present at a public dis cussion at Alnllnrysville on the 2d Saturday in this month, and heard Mr. Fouche a-k Air. ; rViombs tiie billowing questions, viz:—Dues the gentleman consider slavery a moral and ! political evil ? Would lie be in favor of the reception of abolition petitiehs? To both of these questions Air. Toombs answered in the affirmative. DANIEL SHUMATE. September 28, 1840. I certify that I was present at the discus sion at .Mallorysville, op the 2d Saturday in this mouth, and heard Mr. Fouche propound the following questions toll. A. Toombs, viz : i Does the gentleman regard slnvrry as a mor al aml political evil? Is lie in favor of the teceplion of abolition petitions by Congress? These questions Toombs answered by nod ding his head and saying vos. k WOODSON CALLAWAY. ■k Sep. 28, 1840. > September 28, 1840. •Ve hereby certify that at a political meet ing at Mallorysville, on the 2d Saturday in this month, we heard Air. Fouche enquire of R. A. Toombs, whether be regarded slavery as a moral and political evil? anil whether he was favorable to the reception of abolition petitions by Congress?—To both of which questions Toombs assented. EDWARD J. COX. his JOHN S. ] [*!] COMBS.* Test. mark T. AI. Bradford. Ido hereby certify that I was at the meet ing held iri Mallorysville on the second Sa turday in this month, and distinctly recollect hearing Air. Fouche ask Air. Toombs wheth er lie considered slavery to be a moral arid political evil ? and whether he was favorable to the reception of abolition petitions by Con- j fgress ? to both of which questions Air. ‘Toombs j ■answered, yes, with a nod of the head. \ R. W. JOYNER. \ AoM'Wf- introduced into the last Legislature, and passed the lo\Wl’ HR use by a vote of 113 to 48, repealing from the27thio the 29th sections ofan act to incorporate the Savannah Insurance and Trust Company, and the Oglethorpe Insurance and Trust Company of the city’ of Alacon, and also the it estern insurance and Trust Company, as sented to December 23, 183(5. This” last is now called Alaj. Cooper’s Siiavinu Ma chine by party hacks, for political effect, tho’ granted nearly four years ago to a Ciderite, and heard little of until recently. W ould not plain dealing honest men suppose that those so Imrror stricken at this “ iniquitous ” “shaving shop” voted to repeal its charter? Against the repeal we find tbe name of An derson, Harris of Warren aud Miller in the Senate, where the bill was lost, by a majori ty of two. IJad these gentlemen voted dif ferently, there wodld have been no such tiling as Maj. Cooper's shaving shop iu exis tence. Against the repeal in the House we find Darden of Warren, Jenkins. Wingfield, and Q7STEI*i!ENS. s /B Pretty’ deep shaving can be done without an incorporated machine. If some of those gentry wete half as attentive to business in the Legislature as they are in using means to get there, we should have shorter sessions and bellet laws; no enormous and unjust tax upon piivitle mo ney lenders, and exborbitant privileges to in corporated compunies. A SPEC IVES. A writer in the News says that the opin ions of Harrison upon the subject of internal improvement were the same as those of Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, and Mr. Monroe!— Tliisis a fair specimen of whig accuracy. Does this writer know that Harrison voted for a bill making appropriations for internal improve ments which was vetoed by Madison on con stitutional grounds; anil that Harrison en deavored to carry it over the head of .Madi son by a vote of two-thirds ? Either he does not know it, and is therefore writing upon a subject in relation to which his ignorance leads him into mistakes; or ire dors know it, anil asserts what lie knows to be unfounded. In either case, he is an unsafe guide. We can siiow 28 votes given for wot Us of inter nal improvement of every grade by Harrison. Can this writer exhibit similar evidence that Jefferson, Madison, and Alonroe were in fa vor of that system ? We defy him to make the attempt —Nor can he strew but one little isolated vote of Air. Van Buren in favor of such a work; given at the commencemerrt of his career in Congress, and that followed up by a long train of votes against them in Iris after course. These are the facts. They shew that Air. Van Burcn’s course upon this question, accords with tbe republican rule of construction, while Harrison’s was in strict accordance with tiie rule of tiie federalists. This is one of tire systems which will follow I in tiie trait) of a federal Bank.—The attempt jof this witter to throw the mantle of Jeffer son sd Aladison over this system of scumb ling for the public plunder, is as (utile as it is unblushing. FEDERAL WHIG REFORMERS. These gentry are getting up among them selves a spirit which falls but little short of treason. Some of their office seeking lead ers have intimated a disposition to appeal from the ballot box to tbe sword, in the event of tlieir defeat by the people in the approach ing elections. We are to be refoimed by force! In an adjoining county, a creature professing to be a’ Christian and a man of peace, profaned the sacred desk, and dese* crated the Sabbath by pleaching Harrison isiti from (he pulpit, instead of “Christ & him crucified.” In the same county, wo have heard of a wretch who professed his rendincss to assassinate tho Chief Magistrate of the lit* public. These arc ilio ir/ti mat ions of the re form these desperadoes would bring us.— ‘l’ite followers of Absalom, of Catuline, and Ctrzur, were in debt, am! so arc many of the leaders, as well ns tho ia:ik anil file of fede ral wlrlggery. They appeal constantly to the debtor classes to join tlrein. Their cry is distress! distress! by which they mean debt. Will a change of Presidents ge* them out of e b I .. . I ‘fc [k ’’ / *Ja wmm **** ’ m * * , ! ffl : ’ , ; - . , / ■'■ -’ Vflj * £-> -• •../ j/i ‘> /.?////‘ / and WG.. I:; . ; 1 . / /. * W ’ wi , l! :l V -. .vi i v i . m. lie dimt Cl t hi- liGVfJj ■ G . . and that the “string / “ 11111111>;l- I >)l r I i,i ~ |, tint” —.. prt .t'.-arii; nt i-i which less typical of the condition tail. We dismiss this peltv retailer of men’s opinions, to ‘-fret and fume arid stink along” in the elevated “ atrn.tsphcrc” to which he Iras attained. XT’ Republican Ticket,*£s . FOR THE LEGISLATURE. Senate. TIfOKLIK TAIBOT, House of Representatives. LEWIS S. ISROWJV, IKENBSY I\ WOOTTKY, RIl lIARI? HESAUEOKP, Congressional Ticket. EDWARD J. CLACK, of Scrivcn, MARK A. COOLER, of Hull, AV. T. GOLQ?TT, of AI nsoogee, D. C. CAMPBELL, of Bibb, JUNIUS HILLYER, of Clark, ALFRED IVERSON, of .Muscogee, J. 11. LUMPKIN, of Floyd, J. S. PATTERSON, of Early, ROBERT YV. POOLER, of Chatham, Kleetoral Ticket. THOMAS WOOTTEN, of Wilkes, B. W. WOFFORD, of Habersham, W. B. BULLOCH, of Chatham, JOHN BATES, of Murray, MILNER ECHOLS, of Walton, SAAIIJEL BEAL, of Wilkinson, JOHN ROBINSON, of Jasper, SAMUEL GROVES, of Aladison, SEABORN JONES, of Muscogee, EDWARD HARDEN, of Clark, JAMES ANDERSON, of Burke. COMMUNICATED. Dikii in this place on the 27th insf. Job tf F. Vickkrs, formerly of Greenville, S. C. in tire 2lib year ofTiis age. But a short time belore his illness, Air. V. became ll e happy subject of redeeming grace, and from a sense of duty united himself with the Methodist Church; after which lie evinced by a well ordered walk and a Godly conversation, that he was what he professed to be—a Christian. It may be some consolation to distant friends to learn, that his last moments were those of peace;—exclaiming while sinking in the em braces ofileaili— all is well. WE are nthorised to announce Air. •Tacacs Itcnily a candidate for Collector &. Uaceiver of Taxes, in lire coun ty of Wilkes, nt the election iri January next. Sep. 30, 1840. ll—tile. E are authorised to announce Air. E ” phl'RilM Baißey a candidate at the election in January next, for Receive! & Collector iif Taxes in Wilkes county. Sept. 30 1340. 11—2tdlw. ~ WASHLTOTOW - Female Seminary. THE THIRD TERM, in tliis In stil nt ion, commences mi the FI RST MONDAY in OCTOBER. E. AI. BURTON, Secretary. September, 23d 1840. 10—2 t. GEORGIA , Wilkes County^ WHEREAS Thomas Rlakcy applies to me for letters of Administration, on the Estate of John T. Dent, deceased. This is therefore, to cite, summon and ad monish, all and singular the kindred and creditors of said deceased, to be and appear at tny office within the time prescribed by law. to shew cause, (if any they have) why said letteis should not be granted. Given under my hand at office, this 28th September, JB4O. JOHN H. DYSON, c. c. o,