Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

IKtUTICAl*. To IIio I’coplc of OcorRiii. Al a meeting of tlie Whig mcmbors of the last General A.seinbly, n committee was appointed to address you; as members of tl.av committee, that duty lias devolved upon its. In order rightly to understand and appreciate a part of the legislation ol the last Genera! A-- semb'y, it is useful and pro[ er, that we briefly advert to a portion of the legislation of the last ton years, commencing with the condition of our affairs when the picsent dominant party were entrusted with the State Government. From thisrevicw.it will appear, that the legislative history of our State whilst under the control of that Combination of citizens, who choose to caM themselves the Democratic party, is strongly marked with blunders and disasters, weakness and wickedness, unsteadiness of purpose and vacillations in policy, wasteful extravagance and timid temporary expedients, a disregard of the public interests in official appointments, and con tempt for the sanctity of private contracts and the public faith. Yheir most recent demonstra tions scum to confirm these leading characteri tics * there seems to he a» increased tendency in their policy to substitute the will of the legisla tive majority for the constitutional barriers which fence about private rights, and protect them from invasion; to squantiei the public funds in ac complishment of partizanends, and then to sup ply the deficiencies thus created iti the public revenue, by the most odious and wrongful s quo-! rations of the accumulated labor of partic lar classes of the community who are believed to lie weak, and sought to be made odious, by a system rather deserving the name of legislative spoliation, than legitimate and just taxation.— The disregard of the public faith by these peo ple has been evinced in pleading particular pub lic funds by legislative enactment, to the security end redemption of public contracts, and then di verting and appropriating these funds to other and dissimilar objects, or dissipating them in public loans. We have but little cause to com plain that the world esteemed but lightly, pledges which we were so little careful to redeem. During the long and disastrous reign of that party, millions of public money have been ex pended in a public improvement, not yet com pleted, and therefore worthless ; and which they are afraid either to complete or abandon. Other millions, lira accumulated savings of their pre decessors during many years of prudence and economy, have been consumed and dissipated by them without advantage or benefit to the pub lic. 'Flie ordinary means for raising money for public uses were abandoned, and loans were re sorted to as the means of paying the ordinary expenses of the government. Those were the principles which they carried into the State Go vernment; we purpose to trace their progress and expose their results. In 1631, when these gentlemen, under the name of the ‘‘Union Democratic Republican Party,’’ obtained a majority in the State by the popularity of General Jackson, and the unpopu larity of Nullification, our finances were in a must prosperous condition—our troasuiy was overflowing—we owed no debts, and owned be tween two and three millions of money—our credit wai good—our good faith was spotless— our currency was sound, abundant, but not re dundant—our poor school au-1 academic funds were efficiently aiding in the education of the people—our people wore prosperous, virtuous and happy. Only four years of power by this party were sufficient to reverse the picture. At the end of that period we saw oar State wilhou t money, witnoutcredit, her good faith dishonored, our good currency exchanged for a redundant, worthless, fraudulent one—onr individual pros perity and happiness crushed beneath the over whelming weight of our national calamities. Before the meeting of the Legislature in 1837, within four years after these gentlemen obtained power, under the reckless policy which they adopted, the accumulations of former years, to gether with above a million of dollars received from the General Government, were exhausted. And at that session they were driven either to borrow three hundred thousand dollars to pay the ordinary expenses of the government, or to tax the people. A tax might produce inquiry among the people how their money had been expended, and endanger their power, they there fore resorted to borrowing. The loan was ef fected through the Central Bank, on 1*2 months time and it was expected to be paid from the collections of that Bank during the year 1838. But the Legislature of 1838 making no provision for the support of government during the year 1639, used the funds collected by the Bank for that purpose, and left the debt under protest; our debt was annihilated almost as soon as our money had been squandered. By this act of State degradation, tiiay were enabled to hobble through the year 1333, but at tho end of that year their difficulties were formidable ; their wants were great and urgent; they were unable to borrow and afraid to tax. Out of their des peration at this period sprung that desperate and disastrous scheme of the Central Bank to con tinue its suspension of cash payments, and sup ply t!n.i;i with its bills to carry on the Govern ment. The better to cover the real nature of the transaction, they also directed a loan of these bills to the people, to an amount limited only by the discretion of the Directors of the Bank. This was done to induce the popular belief that the measure was intended to relieve the people and not themselves from difficulties. In this State of affairs, the political revolution of Hill, which was scarcely less fortunate for them than the country, 9wopt them from the pub lie counsels, and the State Government was com mitted to tiie Whigs. The Whigs found the treai-nry without funds—no revenue law in ex istence to replenish it—the poor school fund swallowed up in the Central Bank and unavaila ble—nearly a million of Central Bank notes in circulation, with nothing to redeem them but the notes of its customers and the small remaining portion of its capital stock—a public debt to be provided for of nearly a million and a half of dollars, and above six hundred thousand dollars of that debt due, ami pressing the treasury for immediate payment—tho three hundred thousand dollar Ijan of 18:57 still unpaid and under pro test—ami a general suspension of cash payments by the hanks. To arid to these difficulties, and further to embarrass the government, his Excel lency Governor McDonald recommended to the Legislaturo to barrow enough money to relievo the people from the consequences of a had crop, and loan it out to them through the Central Bank. Ilow did the Whig party meet these difficul ties They reduced the appropriations, con fined them to their legitimate and necessary pub lic objects; levied a tax to meet their appropria tion ami pay the debts left by their predecessors: restrained the Central Bank from farther issues of its hills; provided for tho redemption of those already in the bauds of the people; ordered tho sale of such of the ungranted lands as had been drawn over eighteen years, after a limited lime allowed to the drawers to gr mt them, provided lor the sale of the haul; stock, and the collection of the debts then due the State, and the applica tiori of their proceeds to tire discharge of the public debts then due, and of the interest on those not due; passed an act compelling tho r sumption of specie payments by the banks, and providing for the forfeiture (if the charters of such ns might refuse; considered and rejected Gov. McDonald's electioneering project for p pnlur relief, us wrong in principle, and utterly impracticable in the then suite of our affairs even if riant. Experience has confirmed til wisdom nf all their measures. But immediately upon tli • a Ijjurnment of the Icgislat ire of 1819, piteous, hypocritical lamentations for the suffer ings of the people (which they had greatly con tribute.! to prod ice, and so conducted our final! ces as io render i: impossible to alleviate, over upon their mvn principles,) were forthwi h heard from ther e gentlemen throughout the broad ii:n- its nf tiie State. The Whigs were denounced a gratuitous oppression of dispeople. An ex ecutive order suspended the act disposing of the _.. 0 rantnd lands. And this nil warrantable, mon strous usurpation, utterly at war with popular liberty and free government, was sanctioned by ihnso who called themselves Democrats. Their ert'orts succeeded, the grand result was accom- plished. They carried the elections. Tbeir tri umph was decisive, overwhelming, yet it was beset with difficulties. They had excited ex pectations in the public mind which were doom ed to disappointment. They had given promises and pledges which could not be redeemed. No thing but a bold series of impositions could ex tricate them. Emboldened by tbeir recent tri- nnt’ps by the same means, they did not despair of success. Some simple hearted gentlemen among them were in earnest in tbeir cry for re lief. They bad boon dupes themselves, they be lieved in the “great measure of deliverance and liberty.” Hence an early adjournment of the Legislature became a leading object with the managers of the party. They speedily set about preparing "a tub lor the whale.” They saved a few thousand dollars by curtailing the salaries of the judges, and a few other public officers that they might have a pretext to talk of retrench ment—substituted for the whig prohibition of further issues by the bank, a delusive enactment of their own, intended to deceive ; which provi ded that it should not “relieve the people” until it could pay its debts in coin; a period, it is true, sufficiently remote for all practical purposes, and crowned their financial labours on this subject by the magnificent project of authorising the bank to issue 3fid,000 dollars of small hills, to be ex changed for large ones, and giving itthe inonop o!y of the shinplaster trade I In their address to the people recounting their Herculean labors, they demanded the approbation of the country fur repealing the whig law, and restoring tli: bank to “public usefulness;” affected to believe that •hey had reanimated their favorite paper machine vhen they Knew that their quackery had pro- luoed and was intended to produces hut galvanic distortion when life and vitality were extinct. Relief, the great test of democracy in tiie elec tions, they remembered to forget. Twenty per cent was voted off of the "odious whig double tax.” To ve*o that, was their Governor’s part of the responsibility. lie performed it with commendable fidelity, reserving his reasons therefore, (which stamped with falsehood every statement with which it had been attacked before tho people,) for the next session. They did not disdain to pocket the proceeds of tiie “odious double tax law,” and adjourned. They carried tiie elections of 1312 by dimin ished majorities, and assembled new ilillicni’ies. The financial crisis had arrived, tho truth could no longer be concealed—tiie necessity seemed resistless to vindicate the Whig policy of 1819, and to record their votes for a series of measures, the unjust condemnation of which had brought them into power. Many and discreditable were tho shifts and devices to which they resorted to avoid it, the most prominent arid discreditable of which originated with the executive. Ills Ex cellency represented the public necessities as ur gent. pressing, brooking no delay; the “odious double tax law” brought in coin too slowly for the wants of his retrenching democratic administra tion ; the hanks were suspected of having tire necessary supplies; their owners were few and feeble, and their wrongs were unlikely to enlist public sympathy—lienee they were marked out as victims. He recommended that the specie paying Banks be forced to convert Central Bank nnfnj infra nrclnnera n rafn nnf Kifflinr Infill . They carried every de- plunged into the other extreme of Nullification • ivernment. The country And now his powerful mintl is ilcrote/l to the task of denying liis old opinions, and of supporting his ncir ones—never right, hut alicays in extremis. the elections of 1841 pnrtmerit of the Government was plunged in the deepest pecuniary distre--— it was tiie time to test tho principle. But they did not do it. If the principle was right and practicable, as they said it was, they wore crim inally indifferent to the public distress not to put it in operation ; if it was wrong and impractica ble, as the whigs alleged, they mocked the pub lic calamity by inducing false hopes, destined and intended to be disappointed. We urge the calm consideration of these irand questions upon all the people of Georgia. The Democratic party are adroitly endeavoring to divert tho public attention from tbeir own gross mismanagement ot our State Government by attempting to raise new issues upon national politics. Their own political disgraces are sought to be swallowed up in a presidential can vass. Lei them not escape by this device, their conduct will he the same under any political lea der. Let the great political truth be kept con stantly in the public mind that, under our pre sent system of government, our social happiness ami prosperity as a people, must forever mainly depend upon.the honest and faithful administra tion of our local affairs. Respectfully, your fellow-citizens G. FOSTER, C. SAYRE, ROBT. TOOMBS, A. J. MILLER. l>y III#?! i I**r violit ing- pt< dges which they had fir er £ veil, au 1 f» iuscua ibility to the pccuni.i- ry distress. The t: x Jaw \ 'as represented as im I'O sill" “odious.” ntoJera )Ic and unnecessary bnrth t - upon jhe country Semi oilicial jf-i’e- mt lit* \ re re put fori i to d. reivo tho psople as to lilt am out of m »n ey whi h the tax bill would rai sc. The eoudi? on nf io Centra! Tank was rr ws!y falsified, an 1 tbe jople were taught to he iovc that hut ft r \Vi»i T opposition to that t»r »s:r i «• concern. never Isiili tig stream of^old w. u!<i have fljvvn from t into their pockets. 1! itnhi 5&ry was e Inc •<! to an exact science 1) 1 cl »u mjtrated by fi : ire*. Distinguished •TllOC ■itic politic i toj enU ;red into arithmetical c 1 cult ions, provir g to a cent how much each Vi ter h »? lost by th * cruel perverse opposition *»r the Whigs Me Don aid s relief measure. comp ailing rash payments by the banks °.V bad faithlessly promised the people to carry out, Was represented as a wan- '■ --a; eoutraction of the i arreocy and notes into exchange at a rate not higher than five per cent premium, or in default thereof to tax them two per cent upon their nominal capi tal, which amounted in some instances to as much as six per cent on their actual capital, when other property was taxed at (averaging) not one twentieth of that rate. Those of our fellow- citizens who by legislative authority, if not invi tation, had invested their money in a business which proved to be unprofitable, and in which some of them had lost the greater portion of the investment, were required to pay that enormous tax or submit to still greater exactions. This measure was sustained by a large number of Democrats in the House of Representatives.— Other financial expedients were suggested and introduced with the same objects, which if less atrocious were equally unsuccessful, and the ma jority finally affirmed the "odious whig double tax” of 1810 by voting to increase it twenty five per cent. They sanctioned its principles and details. They virulently opposed it before the people in 1841 on the ground that it was oppressively and unnecessarily high; after trying it two years with the Government in their own hands, and boasting of their economy and retrenchments, their then only objection to it was, that it was too low! Wo leave them to escape the dilemma that they were either ignorant of tho wants of the government or wickedly and wilfu'ly de ceived tho people to get into power. They re traced their steps of 1841, touching the Central Bank and fell back upon the whig policy of 1010. Having passed an act placing the bank in liqui dation free from objection except that it does not go far enough; they ratified the whig policy of 1840 concerning the ungranted public lauds, even after they had extended the time for taking out grun’,9 until December 1843, for which rea son many of the whigs, deeming the public faith implicated, were constrained to oppose the act. What they did was chiefly in affirmance of the policy of the whig party. That which they at tempted and failed in was all their own. To tins part of their career we propose now to refer. It was chiefly characterized by efforts to replen ish the exhausted coffers of the Central Bunk, without reference to justice or right, and to ar rest the ordinary administration of the laws. The depreciation of Central Bank notes, re sulting as it did, from the most uniform and ob vious laws of trade, was attributed to whig bro kers. It suited their purposes to give the whigs a monopo'y of that class of traders. Under the avowed pretence of abolishing the business of brokerage, but with tiie real object of compelling people by law, under heavy pains and penalties, to receive a depreciated, fluctuating currency, at a rate fixed by the legislature, tiiey introduced, and a majority of tho party sustained, in its dif ferent stages through the House of Representa tives, that memorable bill entitled “an act to de fine the business of brokerage, and to require brokers to takeout license, and for other purpo ses.” The definition of brokerage contained in the bill included, and was intended to include, every human being who could by any possibility acquire a Central Bank note. Tiiey defied it to be. among many other things, buying or selling bank notes, coin, gold or silver bullion, “prom issory notes, due bills, drafts or bonds.or other obligations, to pay money of any description whatever.” It subjected to its grinding oppres sions every description of citizen, the capitalist, and the honest daily laborer were equally to be its victims. It annihilated the internal trade of the State, unless tinder legislative license, to be issued only upon the payment of heavy pecu niary executions, and violations of its provisions were punishable by heavy fines and disgraceful and protracted penitentiary confinement. The humblest laborer in tho State, who toiled hon estly for Iris daily bread, and accepted in pay ment for his labor the note of his employer, or a Central Bank bill, was by that act to be re strained in the free disposition ol either without license from the State, and was to bo ptiuished as a felon for exercising die commonest right of a freeman. The worst of tyrants have some times debased the currency of our country, and inflicted punishment upon such of their unfor tunate subjects as refused lobe swindled by the operation: but the Democratic Representatives of tho pcoplo of Georgia are believed to be the first representatives of freemen who ever at tempted to imitate tliuv.example. Their efforts to arrest die administration of the laws, lost much A'their force for the want of concentration. The legislative calendar was trim; with the heterogenous collection of bills imposing stay laws, valuation laws, laws au- horising officers to receive Central Banknotes fur debts, or upon refusal of plaintiff to receive them, to suspend collections, and laws author ising the redemption of properly sold at sheriff sales. Each of these measure* strutted its “brief hour upon tiie stage,” cud w«3 defeated. After they had been severally defeated, a committee was raised in the House of Representatives upon the subject of efficient and practicable relief to the people. Nothing was expected to grow out of this movement; it was well understood to be intended to produce a measure fur consumption in the elections this fall. Tho bill which this committee reported, embraced all the worst fea tures of its predecessors on the same subject, and shared their fate ; and all their promises of relief ended in that bcuuticient measure of docking Justices Courts to three instead of twelve terms a year ! The conduct of the Democratic party upon this question of legislative relief alone should forfeit them the last vestige of public cmiliJcncc. Tho special Executive message of 1' in paved the way, and "McDonald and Re lief’ were the watchwords of the party during From the Georgia Journal. OPINIONS OF JOHN C. CALHOUN. Upon almost every important subject which the political press is now agitating the country with Mr. C tilljuii s recorded opinion, can bn any thing but acceptable to the Democratic party; and to those who advocated his con-is- tency—w ho have the temerity to assort that lie has not changed; these opinions cannot but be mortifying in tho extreme. The people arc told by his supporters, that their interests and cn.n liberties are at stake in tho presidential con test—that, to save tho country from tho evils which threaten it, they must support Mr. Cau- iioun for the Presidency, because of tho well known opposition of this gentleman to a Bank Internal Improvements, and a Tariff; and some of them desperate in their efforts in fiis behalf, even venture to say, that his opposition to these measures has been during bis whole political life.—But the record does not lie 1 If the Bank is a measure injurious to the people, tho record proves that Mr. Calhoun was one of its ablest advocates, and that to his ability in advocating and defending it, it owes more to Mr. Calhoun than to any other politician living. It was the proud boast of this gentleman, not many years since, that lie was the chief advo cate of the old Bank, when first established, and there is scarcely a man in tho whole Union who does not remember how nobly lie defended it, when it was assailed by Gen. Jackson. The record, too, proves that Mr. Calhoun was no less an advocate tor Internal Improvements than for a U. 8. Bank. Internal Improvements, by the Federal Government, was by him, urged in the Councils of the Nation ; and to such an extent did ho carry his then favorite doctrines, that ho was, by Timothy Pickering, rebuked for his lalitudinarianism. Take the following ex tract as a portion of the testimony which the records of the country furnish upon tilts point. It is from ono of his speeches delivered since the last war. “ We ought to contribute as much as possible to the formation ef good military roads, not only on the score of general political economy, but to enable us on emergencies to collect the whole mass of our military means on the point menaced. The people are brave, great, and spirited ; but they must be brought together in sufficient number and with a certain prompti tude to enable them to act With effect. Tiie im portance of military roads was well known to the Romans; the remains of their roads exist to this day. some of them uninjured by tho ravages of time. LET US MAKE GREAT PERMANENT ROADS, not like the Romans, with views of subjecting and ruling provinces, bat for more honorable purposes of defence; and connecting more closely the interest of carious sections of this great country. Let any one look at the vast cost of transportation during the war, much of which is chargeable to the want of good roaJ*and canals, and bo will nut deny the vast importance of a due attention to this object.” Now we ask the Democrats if they can point out to us, in any of Mr. Clay’s speeches, lan guage strougei than this ? What man is there in this whole Union who has gone as lar as Mr. Calhoun, and who can go farther. To despotic Romo, he even went for argument to prove the utility of liis favorite policy; and yet, he is held up now to the country, as one to be admired and supported for his consistency, and for the vast benefits which his administration will con fer upon tho country ! Strange infatuation. Again. Mr. Calhoun is now the great Anti- Tariff candidate. Scarcely can he he brought to support a Tariff for revenue ; and with him and his followers, a Protective Tariff is an abom ination. Well, the record here too tells a tale, disagreeable in the extreme, to the ultra free trade politician, as well as to his followers. Ez- punged though it be from his published book of speeches, yet it cannot be kept from the people, by deception and artifice. Where his other speeches were collected, the ono in which he lauds Protection, and a protective tariff, can also be found. The files of the Washington city papers teem with expressions which go to prove the fondness of Mr. Calhoun at one peiiod of his political life, for the American System. Front one of his speeches, the follow ing extract is also taken. Read, and ponder upon it, people of Georgia! “ In regard to the question how far manufac tures ought to be fostered. Mr. Calhoun said it was THE DUTY of this country as a means of defence, TO ENCOURAGE THE DO MESTIC IN IJ USTRY OF THE COUNTRY, more especially that part of it which provides the necessary materials Cor clothing and defence. Let us look at the nature of the war most likely to occur. England is in tho possession of the ocean ; no man, however sanguine,can believe that we can deprive her soon of her predomin ance there. That control deprives us of the means of maintaining onr army and navy cheaply clad. The question relating to manufac tures must NOT depend on the abstract principle, tluit industry, left to pursue its own course, will find in its own inicrcsl all the encouragement that is necessary. I lay the claims of manufactures entirely out of view, said Mr. Calhoun : but on general principles, without regard to their interest, acertain encouragement should be ex tended at least to our toollsn and cotton manufac- lures.’’ it.sa U ntil, that to Mr. Calhoun’s efforts, as much as to any other American statesman, is the country indebted for the introduction, as the Government policy, of a United States Bank Internal Improvements, and a Protective Tariff. The fact cannot be denied, that ho most ably sustained all these measures, and that to him, as much as to any one else, is the country to attri bute the evils, whether imaginary or real, com- plntiicd of by the democrats. Let them then AGRICULTUBAL. A politician from 1815 to 1833. utterlt unsafe, and never to be trusted!” What do the Democracy of Georgia think of it? Whatdo Mr. Calhoun’s friends think of it ? For our own part, we have been somewhat sur prised at Mr. Ritchie’s eourse—we have been somewhat surprised at his preferring, particu larly at this time, Mr. Van Buren to Mr. Cal houn. But we are no longer surprised—the matter is plain enough now. In tho above Mr. Ritchie asserts that Mr. Calhoun is “uttet.i.y unsafe and never to be trusted.” Georgia Journal. From the Baltimore American. “WHO ARE THE PLUNDERERS.” It is unpleasant to find in a political opponent, or any one else, a dismgeniousness in statements of facts. Such perversions aro pitiful subterfu ges; they depend for tbeir effect upon the ignor ance of men; they must stand exposed sooner or later to the view of all wlio prize honesty or possess intelligence; they are resorted to only by such as feel the want ol better means of ex culpation.—Chronicle and Sentinel. Some of the Van Buren journals are asking “Who are the plunderers?”—and they are an swering the question in a manner to suit them selves. The Richmond Enquirer publishes an article from the Nashville Union, and commends it to particular attention, ivitli the view of show ing that the Whigs are the authors of the great bulk of the existing debt of the Government? Statements marked “official,” and by “T. L. Smith, Register,” are submitted, ono to show the amount of public debt on the 4th ofMarch. 1841, and another to show the amount on tho 18th of February, lc-13. By tiie first it is made to appear that on Mr. Van Buren’s retirement from office the public debt was in all $7.460,692—of which the chief item was for Treasury notes. I!y the other state ment it is made to appear that the public debt on the 13th of February, 1*43, was 827,369,221. It is then said—“there can be no mistake in the statements, for they emanate from no doubtful au thority.” Here then is an apparent difference in the pub lie indebtedness of some twenty millions in the course of two years. The Whigs have been in tho majority in Congress during that time. Mark the grave complacency with which Whig extra vagance is condemned in tho article above men tioned. “It is a moment when wo arc at peace with all nations; and yet we have been running in debt at tiie rate of ten millions a year. IIho arc the plunderers? The Presidenthimselfcannotspend a dollar of the public money unless it is first ap propriated by Congress—lie cannot even draw bis own salary—so be cannot be charged with no offence. Who then?—Look into the Con gress of tho United States, ill both branches of which there is a large modern Whig majority, S(C.” One would suppose from the air of virtuous indignation distinguishing this severe lecture on Whig extravagance, that the writer really be lieved there was some truth in bis inferences and accusations. Yet it is difficult to imagine that any well informed man could have been so ig norant of common facts as to be misled by the shallow artifice of the two official statements, from tho juxtaposition of which erroneous de ductions were designed to be made. The amount of Whig expenditures for tho two years just passed may he easily ascertained from the appropriations. Those of tho last year, un der the rigid system of retrenchment and econo my introduced by the Wings, will scaicely ex ceed one half the amount cf the average annua! expenditure under Martin Van Buren. Every body knows this or may know it. But whence comes the large public debt of $27,389,221, when it is made to appear that the amount on Mr. Van Buren’s retirement was on ly $7,480,032 ? The explanation is easy enough if one docs not wish to suppressfit. In the state ment of the Van Buren debt no account is luken of the appropriations left by that administration unprovided for, to be met by the suceednig ad ministration. These appropriations amounted to about twelve millions. Many of thorn were made recklessly during the last session of the Van Buren Congress, when it knew that the responsibility of meeting them would devolve on the Whigs. The Whigs accordingly found them as obligations that con'd not be set aside ; they existed by force of law, and must be provi ded for. There were also sums due the tiavy pension fund for money used by Government—sums due various Indian tribes—sums due to I’ost Office conductors and others—sums due Florida, Geor gia and Maine for services of Militia—the vari ous items amounting, together with the out standing Treasury notes, to 12 millions moro. The revenue, moreover, had been allowed to dwindle down to an amount altogether inade quate to the wants of the Treasury. For two years and mere Mr. Van Buren had been rely ing on Treasury notes to make tip the deficiency in the annual income of the nation. What mar vel is it then that the Whigs were obliged to use the same means temporarily, until a sound rev enue system cotild be established and made to operate efficiently ? They were obliged to bor row money, both by way of Treasury notes and a loan, to meet the outstanding obligations of the Van Buren administration, consisting of actual debt and appropriations unprovk’ d for, and to procure tbe means of supplying tho deficiency m revenue necessary to carry on the government. When Whig extravagance is condemned here after let tho accuser learn to discriminate be tween an inherited and created debt; let him not impute the profligacy of a previous administra tion to the succeeding otic that was obliged to as sume tbe burden ready prepared for its shoul ders: let him look to facts, and state them as they are. If lie will have the candor to do this he will be an accuser no longer. Tho expendi tures of tho Whigs are to be ascertained hy the amount of their own appropriations—not by the amount which they were compelled to borrow to meet the appropriations nf another administration. INTERESTING TO FARMERS. VV iieat and Fiajun.—If we mistake not, the public intelligence has fallen far behind the actual improvements already made and now in progress in tho growing 0 f wheat, especially on tho Continent of Europe. Everywhere we see journals, well informed on other matters, taking tho average price of wheat for the last forty years as a fair estimate what may be expected for the samo article for years to cotno. tinder this impression, the St. Lottie New Era. of22d June, publishes the following list of prices in Phila delphia, made by a flour house of fifty years’ standing, from actual sales •— Annual average, price of Flour in Philadelphia for forty years, commencing in 1795. 1795, $9 00 1819, $4 72 1790, 1*2 54 1820, 4 78 1797, 8 94 1621, 0 59 1798, 8 15 1822, 0 84 1799, 10 15 1823, 5 59 1800, 10 40 1824, 5 II ISfll, 6 90 1825, 4 70 1802, 0 85 1820, ft 27 1803, 0 21 1827, 5 00 1S04, 9 69 1828, 6 32 1805, 7 30 182!), 4 96 1600, 7 18 1830, 5 77 1807, 5 55 1831, 5 73 1803, 7 76 1832, 5 7“ 1809, 0 09 1833, 5 20 1810, 10 06 1834. 5 88 1811, 0 54 1835, 8 01 1812. 8 70 1836, 8 06 1813, 7 88 1337, 9 53 1814, 8 57 1333, 7 73 1815, 9 80 18.19, 7 22 1816, 11 72 1840, 5 07 1817, 9 97 1841, 5 40 1818, 9 90 1842, a 28 lavish abuse upon Mr. Calhoun, in the same proportion, that they do upon Sir. Clav, and tiie people will put some confidence in their denunciations. But until they do this, upon these subjects, they may 33 well maintain pro found silence. The Richmond Enquirer and 3fr Calhoun.—In a controversy with the U. S. Telegraph in 1835, Mr. Ritchie, Editor of the Richmond Enquirer, thus speaks of Mr. Calhoun: “ We retort upon the Telegraph the false hood which it has charged upon us. Its editor knows, as well as we do, that John C. Calhoun was an advocate of the Tariff system in 1810— that he went out of the war an ultra-stickler for the powers of the Federal Government—that he supported the Bank; a general system of In terna! Improvements; ami the Protective Sys tem as tbe qurnuincnt jndicy of the Government. The loyal Telegraph knows, and his political master knows, that spite of his late equivocating speech, Ac was the advocate of the bill of 1610 ; that there is not cne word about raising revenue :n tbe speech of 1810 ; and that he insisted that manufactures should bo established beyond the reach of contingency; and that he strenuously supported the odious and oppressive system of minimums. •• Wc know further, and we have no doubt this miserable sycophant of Mr. Calhoun knows the same, that as fardown as 1821 ; he was in favor of building up manufactures by the scaffolding of tbe Federal Government. Finding, however, that his ultra-doctrines were becoming odious to tiie south, and thatlns ambition never could be gratified by this course, lie was compelled to yield to the force of Suiitbcr:: sentiineuts— cooled towards liis Federal doctrines—gradually came over to tbe cause of State Rights ; l*nt like .11 new proselytes, hurried to cxe-ss, and There is a long letter from Nicholas Bid dle published in the Philadelphia papers, in which he broaches a new doctrine in regard to the debts due to foreigners by those States of the Union, which have proved de linquent in paying; it is that the loreign creditors can coerce payment by having suits brought by their Governments in the Supreme Courts ot the United States against the States so having failed to pay. He lays down these three propositions; the State of Pennsylvania is taken as an ex ample : 1st. That by the Constitution of the Uni ted States, a tribunal independent of the States is established to decide all questions between Pennsylvania and any foreign State. 2d. That before that tribunal, judgment can be obtained for every dollar, principal and interest, that the Stale owes, and that the property of the State can be sold to pay the judgment. 3d. That the other twenty five States are bound to carry into execution, by arms if necessary, the judgment against the State of Pennsylvania. The New York Express says that Mr. Biddle in a clear, able, and forcible manner, contends that foreign creditors can obtain We do not hesitate to express the opinion that the average of the above prices cannot be maintained. Im provements in tiie science of wheat culture, and in all the mechanical operations, by the aid of which the business is prosecuted, will soon bring down the average market value of cotton, woollen and iron goods with in tho last twenty-five years ! A re duction in the price of bread studs in England, France, Spain and else where on the continent, analagous in haracter though less in degree, is now in progress. It has taken an enormous increase in the aggregate to bring the supply up to the demand, and this may not yet be fully accom plished. But the day is at hand when such will be the case. According to the official tables published in the llevue des Econo- mistes of recent date, it appears that the annual wheat crop in France has been nearly doubled within the last eight years ! The increase of wheat* en food has been ninety per cent, lar ger than the increase of human mouths to be fed. Even priest-ridden Spain produces more wheat than the Islands of Great Britain, not to say the whole of the United States. It is needless to speak of the large wheat-exporting regions on the Rhine, Danube, Black, Adriatic, and Baltic Seas. Col. Lecoutcur, of the Island of Jersy, one of tbe most successful wheat growers in Great Britain, in his “ Prize Essay,' for which the Royal Agricultural So ciety of England awarded him a pre mium of twenty sovereign?, and which we are sorry to say has never been republished in this country, estimates the amount of land annually cultivat ed in wheat in Great Britain, at five millions of acres. He has shown by data, which cannot be controverted, that it is quite probable that the crop of each acre of this land, will soon be increased to the average amount of eight bushels, giving an annual aggre gate increase of 40,000,000 bushels, and thereby furnish a large surplus foi exportation. Professor Johnston, in his recent work on agricultural chemistry, says —“ The superficial area of Great Britain comprises about fifty-seven millions of acres, of which thirty-four millions arc in cultivation, about thir teen millions are capable of culture, and the remaining ten millions are susceptible of improvement.” With a superabundance of capital lying idle, with a limited and decreasing foreign market for manufactures, with a large population without work and without bread, and with all the advantages of science and concentrated manures— the latter, by a wise law of our bene ficent Creator, seems to increase in the ratio with the increase of tho human family —why should not these ten mil lions of acres of waste lands be cul tivated, and confer plenty and to spare upon every human being in England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland ? The proposition is entirely practicable, and will soon be effected so far as to se cure a full supply of all the bread stulls needed for home consumption. The all-grasping despotic policy of Great Britain has pushed her naval power, her commerce and her manu factures quite too far for the well being of her people. All nations need only a limited amount of food and raiment, and these in due proportion It is folly, nay, it is madness to spend time, labor and money in pro ducing vastly more of anything than there is a good remunerating market far. So deeply have American far* mers been impressed with the uncer tainty of all foreign demand for their surplus bread stuffs in times past, that Thomas, ol this county. The pro cess of manufacturing, we learn was of the simplest character. The corn stalks were cut up, beaten in a trough, and then thrown into a common cider press—the juices of the stalk, then un derwent boiling, &.C., and the syrup is thus made. Our planters without ex*, ccption should prepare to make this syrup—if not for a market, at least for their own home consumption.— Tho sample before us was made in South Carolina. The stalks from an acre of land, it is said, will produce about 90 gallons.—Geo. Journal. From the Georgia UcpuUicau. GEORGIA COTTON BAGGINu It is more than a year and a half since, that we had an article on this subject. Lately wc referred to it a* gain, showing statistically, that cotton bagging enough, and more than enough to suppy this State could be made at Columbus, at 8 to 0 cents per yard. Experience has proved first, that the cotton bagging is as strong as the hemp; and secondly, that it is as durable, if not more so. In our first article alluded to. wc in stanced the fact, that several years since, when Cotton bagging was used to some extent, a boat load was left on the bank of Savannah River for two or three weeks. It had been wet, and lay there until it could be removed. A part of it was put in cotton bagging—a part in hemp. When taken aboard again, the hemp bagging would tear off by the slight est exertion. The cotton was as strong as ever to all appearance, and the essential oil in this species of bag ging had protected the cotton in such manner, that it was not so much damaged as that put up in tbe hemp bagging. Taking the ordinary crop of Geor gia cotton, it can be clearly proved that if wc would manufacture our own bagging within our own borders, the citizens of this State would save more than $350,000 per annum, which they now pay for foreign and Ken tucky bagging. It is true, that free trade goes against making our own bagging, and would pay all this mon ey to England or any body else. But free trade is nothing more than a popular democratic cry, the folly of which is now discovered. It was well to cry free trade when cotton was 10 cents per lb., but now that it is 0 scents, we must make within ourselves, what we used to buy else where.—Then we had the means to buy ; now, we have not the means, anil wc must take the trouble of being economical. The article of cotton bagging is now manufactured in this State, and wc are told that its manufacture is on the increase,—but we fear it is not sold so cheap as it ought to lie. When the machinery used for its fab rication is as well managed, as highly improved and efficient as it might be, this bagging should be furnished at 11a 12 cents per yard at the out side. Wc hope tbe time will soon come when the citizens of Georgia vvill not be compelled to send cither down to the opposite side of the Globe, to England, Scotland, or to Ken tucky, for an article which can be made at their own doors for hall the price which they now pay for it. Oh 1 the excellence of Universal free Iradc, which operates in favor of every na tion but ourselves. Some sensible remarks from the Southern Agriculturalist, on this sub ject, will be found in our columns this morning, to which we refer the read er. We would also take occasion to remark that Mr. T. J. Walsh, of this city, keeps the article for sale, a spe cimen of which can be seen at the Savannah Reading Room. comenus wai loreign creditors cun uoiain .1. ' *i j r • • from any defaulting State tire amount ihcy have faded for yep in succession 1 to grow enough for home consump tion. The increased faculties for transporting bread stuffs by means of railroads and canals from the most sequestered portions of Europe and the United States, vvill of itself create a new state of things, which will ren der all former experience in regard to the price of wheat and flour on the sea-board, entirely at fault. It will lead to the vastly wider diffusion of agricultural labor, and bring into suc cessful cultivation millions of acres of wheat land hitherto untouched by the plough of the husbandman. their established claim, and that the whole military force of the other States, if neces sary, must see the judgment and payment enforced. The position taken is in a great measure a new one, and one that will be very apt to be pushed. If it is sound law that States can be sued in the United States’ Courts, and a judgment when obtained be enforced and collected, such suits will he very apt to be brought. The prevailing opinion has been, that neither suits nor any compulsory measure, could be brought whereby a recovery could be had. It vvill he fortunate indeed if Mr. Biddle’sdoctiine should prove true. There is no more rea son wiiy a State should cot be compelled to pay than individuals ; lint on the contrary, if there should be any favor, it should be to the individual.—N. C. Chronicle. I Corn Stai.k Svnur.—We have Dread/,U. It is state,! by some of Mr. Cal j before US an article of Com Stalk houn'i friends? in S. Carolina, that when Martin j Syrup, Whjcil 13 GCjUaf, IP every TG- Van Buren first proposed.to him to • ‘come over ’ ... * ““ that Johnny fainted. Has he recovered from th fit JT» ! 1 —Carolina paper. Turnips.—As this is the proper time for sowing this useful and profi table vegetable, we would suggest the propriety of sowing more largely than has been our custom in this State. In Europe, and in the northern states, turnips constitute a large share of the winter food of stock. Why should it not be so in the South ? Certainly not because our cattle and sheep have an abundance of other food. Bute- ven if it were so, that our planters fed their stock liberally m winter,the im portance of this crop would not be diminished. For every one who knows anything of rearing stock, is aware that a change of food is im* portant to all animals; and turnips, even with an abundance of other food, would be profitable on this account. But it is very far from being true, that our stock arc well led in winter. To keep them from dying of actual starvation, during the cold months, seems to be the very perfection of good management on the part of ma ny planters. If, however, instead of a half acre of turnip, some six or eight acres were sown, a very large amount of wholesome winter food for stock would be afforded, at the cost of very little time and labor. We have never had experience enough in stock raising to speak from personal observation, os to the value of this crop for them ; but the lact that in England, whence we import our finest cattle and sheep, it has. for a hundred years or more, been re garded as a valuable crop for this purpose, should be sufficient to in duce us to avail ourselves more fully of its advantages. [ Carolina Planter. spec;, to the best molasses. It was left tit our office l>v Col. John ft. To Make Yeast.—Take two mid dling sized boiled potatoes, mash, and add a pint of boiled water and two ta ble spoonfuls of brown sugar. One pint of hot water should be applied to every half pint of the compound