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prime dox.'Vhibt the tea*, foe coffee, the
silks and i he wines of the rich,, which Ire
principally exchanged'for the. production*
ol m mufacturtng or Northern labor; oojoy,
•( it regard* these article*, a ittMi unjust
diicnmm .'ioo in their favor. Operating
than neavily on the exchangeable value of
cmr product*, the act provide* for nothing
abort of • ttae-asonstroos Hijoather of-levy
ing, at loa*i three fourth of the-wliole a-
mountof the federal revenue, on' ih* in-
duetryof the Spothern State*, iflqt doe*
the groa* inequality of the'4** -stop -here.
It effect*, after till
the subtle artifices-of
■'exaggeration respecting a -diminution- of
our burdens have been dispelled,-a red ac
tio n, from the amount of dories levied un
der the act of 1838 aa modified by--that of
1890, of threo million* adven hundred
thousand dollarvob the unprotected arti
cles, and oal> the ptfifil sum of’some-
where about night hundred thousandddlltrs
on the 'protected, (which purchase tho
staple* 01* the South) making in all a re
daction of only four million* and 'a half,
lot toad ofltrelva, which last reduction tra*
essential to the accompKshment Of the de
sirable add highly conservative object of
bringing the revenue down to iho atandard
-of the' legitimate want*"Of thn Govern
ment. A* it is, nine millions of surplus
revenue will, in nil-probability, resale from
the imposts of (hi* Act, over and dbove
• (he necessary And 'constitutional expenses
. Of the conntry, to be dtsiribptdd'by a ma
jority irresponsible ww.hrcorrupt 1
^gesies or unconstitutional appropriations
t o rhose States which, without .
an interest in the Tariff, aremtide to' feel
*1 hat IhoV have an-interest in high taxation,
when byao Uhjust prov.tionof the Gov
ernment, they receive more than Ihejj are
made o pay.
R»pugnant as till* Act thus is to*btery
principle of justice, we cannot indulge even
the humiliating cousolalion that designed
■a it w it, in some respects, to subserve
the periodical struggle for site executive
! power of jhe country, it wfll'be temporary
‘ in its duration, and will at last yield to
that 1 returning sense of justice so long
{ tromised, and whoso advent has been so
ong and so tardily postponed. No. We
have the authentic Hnd solemn declarations
! of both tho great dominant parties in -the
Union, who are now contending for. its
power aud who conjointly'form -tin over
whelm! <g majority, that the system is as
-fixed as fate, except in those particulars
that ere yet to he modiGed mure benefi
cially for their interests, as cupidity only
be instructed by experience. That'the
- system, if we think proper to submit to its
’injustice, it the Gxed and settled policy of
.the cuuutry, so fur as the majority can
Will it to be such, we have much more
solid reasons for believing, than even these
declarations however authoritative. This
belief is founded oil the indisputable fact,
that it to impossible for the wit or wisdom
ofmau,to have contrived a -scheme'for
raising rhe revenue of the -country in t
mode mitre essentially and exclusively
beneficial to their own interest*. 'For * it
is a prpeess by which taxation operates
correlarivkty as a bounty to their industry;
and that whilst three'fourths Af the public
revenue is to bo raised on article* >n (be
production -of which (hoy enjoy a premi
um of more than fifty per cant, all the ar
ticles .necessary to'the.perfection of their
arts and manuf-ictures, -mil many essential
to the accommodations iifttfluxurie* of life,
are comparatively untuxed. 'It is not a
-cold abstract sense of justice or what are
Hiraltiogly railed the metaphysics Of cou-
s.tituiional liberty that will induce a peo-
- pie, rioting in such a hjgh and palmy slate
of prosperity, to surrender these rfdvama-
get, if i hey can find four millions ot con
sumers, willing to submit, to their exactions,
who happeu to bn territorially - separated
‘^from ihem, and vitho- exercise a species of
'industry in no degree competing with, but
oq.tbAjcontrnrv suuserviunt sod tributarylto
their own. We shall indeed have read
history, oi the world to very little
pbVpose if we ciieirish so idle and senseless
a conjecture. If the Southern State had
beeii subjugated provinces,-and after a war
of exhausting desolation, had surrendered
Ot. discretion under the aWord, I ask
white'Iter bill "for (Ac regulation of
trade with the colonies," ou< conqueror*
would have desired, but this very tariff
act of 18921 Of the uin which this mea-
sure will bripg upon us, we are not left to
' speculation. The signs of our decaying
prosperity are around us.
informed as you are, gentlemen, of all
the details of this act, I am oonscieius
how miiinasaryyt Vs to press this view Of
the subject, any further. B it there ip one
consideration winch cannot be overlooked,
and that is, the solentu and abiding con
viction of the good people of this state,
that the right to pass a tariff of protection
is not lo b* found in the constitution of the
United States; thu-in the act of 1832 the
principle of protection is distinctly aud
triumphantly recognised; and that, ueither
in express terms or by an authorised itn
plication does any such pbwer exist in
the compact of Uniob. To submit to an
instruction of the .Constitution involving
the great right of hum itr industry and prop
erty, is lo acquiesce in voluntary servitude,
To meet this vital truth, the lessons we
have heeu taught by our ancesiors contain
an instructive and salutary moral, ’He
must be a very ingenious casuist Who can
discovet any difference in principle be
tween taxation withoti representation and
taxation with o nominal representation
but in violation of the constitution. The
result of both is, seizing and taking awgv
money without legal right. But grievous
as may be the pecttni.ti v loss arising from
this wrong, u m min e dust in the 'balance
in comparison with tin- shock which the
public libert-v-orihe countrs sustains, if the
people, by a relaxation of public spirit
th--cigh sloth servility or cowardice, are
prepared to submit to an infraction 01' Iboir
’rights, for it overthrows, ItT may go speak,
that love and reverence for tin- authority
-ofllSe general principles of liberty, so es-
-sential to the .preservation of tun iosti-
lotions of free states.
In tins summary, fallow-citiz*ns, I be
lieve i have uttered ooi fine word that doefc
nor meet a response in die overwhelming
public sentiaaent of ourphople. After fen]-n*tiuas.
yean of suffering sod remonstrance, we
have at length arrived at least at die end
of our hope*. "Our petitions and protests
have slumbered in apathy -and contempt
do t lie Journal* of'Congress. -The' Le
gislature of this State has however de
clared'and reiterated, d(hat a Tariff of
Protection is not only unconstitutional,
but an abuse Of power incompatible with
the principles of a -free ■ government and
the great Odds of civil society, n end has
avowed, its purpose “to expose and resist
all' encroachments on the true spirit of the
ConiiUatioib’' -You -have been elected
by the poople and charged by - their opin
ions to adopt meant tho beat ealcolated to
protect and defend them from these en
croachments; and you are now convened
by me for the purpose Of maturely delib
erating on the mode of accomplishing thi*
desirable and bkilowed object. Public
Sen*intent hat aliaady,'by unequivocal
tokens -declared in favor of a Convention
-of tho people of South Carolina, for the
purpose of considering iho character and
extent of the usurpation* of-the general,
government.—lo recommending that you '
promptly take measures to authorise the
meeting ef such an assembly, I feel, (not
withstanding my cordial concurrence in
this measure,) that *1 am-only respond
ing to that sentiment. As it was by an
assembly of identical and equivalent au
thority, that oor compact was formed
under the Constitution with (he co-Stotes,
when they agreed to establish a common
agency called the Gener.il Government,
so, on no tribunal can more appropriately
devolve the lugh,»pro»iuce of declaring
the extent bf our obligaiions under 'this
compact, “and in a case of a deliberate,
palpable and dungerous exercise of pow
ers, not granted by the said compact,” to
determine on the “ mode and-munsurc of
redress.” -indeed all Our political systems
-have flowed from the mighty source of
these great primary aad elemental assem
blies, which are trot the type-but the es
sence of the-suvereignty of the -people;
nor have they ever yet enlivened wiihoui
subserving some eminent purpose of pub
lic liberty and social-order. The judicious
guards in our own State ‘ Constitution, by
which the people have imposed restraints
upon themselves, in the convocation of
these bodies, by requiring the concurrence
of two thirds of both blanches of the Le
gislature, before a Convention can be call
ed, not only effectually prevent tumultuary
or revolutionary action, but ensure that
unanimity among the people so essential
to the success of all great, public move-
meats.
'In earnestly recommending,-fellow-cit-
teeus, that you maks,'Yor?hwiih, legislative
provisions for the assembling of' safcli a
Convention, With all the despatch ' Com
patible with the public convenience, I
cannot but lodk forward to the delibera
tions and final decision of thi* -high and
authoritative body, as the' blessed menus,
not only offinully redressing eur wrongs but
of unitmg'oUr'Whole'people in one com
mon nlode and purpose Of -resisting op
pression, atid in patriotic and fraternal
bonds of concord.—When 'this assembly
shfil speak,‘-its voice, next to the Voice of
God, must command our most perfect
obedience. We owe no allegiance many.
Other power, except that which through a
similar assemblage, South Carolina has
'thought fit to contract for Os, aud which in
paying to iho extent, and so long as she
thinks proper that the obligation should
continue, i* but rendering our loyalty to
her.
1 forbear bringing any other subject to
your'consideration connected with the or
dinary and current'business of the State,
asundai the Constitution vqu must again
couvotie on the 4th Monday of the ensuing
month. I would respectfully suggest that
with the view, if practicable, of procuring
an assembly of the proposed Convention
at this place prior‘to that period, -you
likewise abstain from tho consideration
afony other matter than' the imporiaut
-topic and those noccssarily incidental to
it, which I deem for* -variety of con
siderations on which it is unnecessary I
should now dwell, in every respect desi
prosperity, by the glorious, t jrt of rev
ering for Our Country a pciv age we have
never-surrendered, of esc ingtng. in a
period of profound peace tit froit* of our
labor,-under a wise systemfreo -huer-
coutse with the rest of the'* trld,’ * priv
ilege which it hss been justly laid, belongs
to dm-Christian’s Code am »g civilized
nations. With these objectsJiaddHuuhhf
firmly on out right,—1 empfortathe bles
sing of Almighty God on ySpt" delibera
tions, that they may redoundto, the liber
ty, peace and happiness of our common
country as well at of the people whom you
specially represent.
J. HAMILTON, Jr.
'Cohmbia, Oct. 22, 1832,
. From the MtUedgsvillfl Beeostfe* W
Mean, linear (jr Oiut.-r-Si0tf the
subjoined correspondence has -fallen under
my nonce, 1 understand that to other sec
tion* of the State, Dr. Branham's view*
on the subject of the Tariff have Been e-
quaily misunderstood. I consider it duo
to himself sad.hts trieods that the error
d; you wdi therefore
please inaert tl*%wrespowle*oe iu your
paper. ' Awooo.
_ . A BILL .
’wpremie for tie cutting ofu (mentis* ef tie
People Of this Otau
Whereas, the Congress o' die'United
States hath on - divers oecaiena, enacted
laws laying duties and impose for the pur
pose of encouraging and pothering do
mestic or American Manufieiures, and
for other onwarraotable pur|oses, which
laws in tlie opinion of the goal .people Of
this Stsfo, and the Legislative thereoi,
areunautirorised by the Constitution of the
United 'States, and are an infringement of
the rights secured to the Slates ‘respec
tively, and operate-to the grievous injury
and oppression of the citizens df South
Carolina: And wheroas, to. tho people
assembled in 'Convention it belongs to
determine the character of such acts, as
well as the -nature arid extent of tho evil,
and the mode and measure ef redress:
Be it therefore enacted, by tho Senate
antMIouse of Representatives-of tho -State
ot South Carolina, now met, and -sitting
in General Assembly, and it is hereby en
acted by the authority of the same, That
Delegates of the people of the- -said State
shall bo assembled in Convention, at Co
lumbia, on the third Monday in Nov. next,
thou and there to take into consideration the
several acts of theCougrcssof ihe-United
States Imposing duties on foreign imports
for the protection 1 of domestic manufuc
inres, or for other 'unauthorised objects;
to determine on the character thereof,
and to devise tho means ' of .redress;- end
farther in like manner to take ,inio con-
sidoranon such nets of the strid Congress
laying duties on imports as may' be passed
in amendment of, or substitution for, the
act, - or act* aforesaid, aBd also all laws and
acts of the ’ Government ol flu* Uniied
States which shall be passed, or done, for
the purpose of more effectually executing,
and enforcing, the same. ’
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted by
the authority aforesaid, (hat on the socond
Monday in November next, and on the
day following, the Managers of Elections
for the several election Districts and Par
ishes in this State, shall, after giving
public -notice, as in the cases of elections
for membets of the -Legislature, open
poHs, and hold Electrons in tbeir respec
tive districts, and parishes, in all re
spects, in the same manner and'form, and
at the same places, as elections are now
conducled-for members lo the Legislature,
for Delegates lo the said Convention, and
all, persous who are qualified, and entitled
by the Constitution and laws of this State
to vote for the members to the Legisla
ture, shall be qualified and . entitled to
vole for said Delegates to the said 'Con
vention; nod in a case of any vacancv
occurring by death, resignation, removal
Irom the State, or refusal to-qualify of
any. person elected as a Delegate to said
Convention,the Presidentdf.thosafd Con
vention shall issue his writ'of elections
authorizing and. requiring the'managers of
elections in the district, of'Par'ish In which
such •vacancy may : appeii, after giving
due notice thereof lo open- a JKtHj add
hold au'dlectipn to supply 'istldffwtteency
as in cases for the election of''Member* of
the-Legislature.
Sec. 0. And bo it-further eiihcted by the
authority aforesaid, That'each district
and parish throughout the Slate, shall be
entitled to elect and send to the said.Con
vention, a-number of Defogtjtes equal -to
the whole number of Senators and - Re
presentatives to which Inch District or
Parish it'now entitled to tend to the'Le
gislature; and the Delegates . to. the Said
Convention shall be entitled to tho same
freedom from arrest, in going to, returning
from, and whilst in atteudetce on, the said
Convention, as is extended to-the members
of tho Legislature.
'Sec. 4. And be it (briber enacted by
the authority aforesaid, Thai tho free
Colombo*. 8ejH,21»t,'183J.
Bear Sir:—“ Your -favol of ihe 18th
inst. has been received, lo reply, I have
to stiiie I have seen a new ticket (or indm
bers to Congress, from which your name
is excluded, and 1 understand it was dene
in consequence of your letter to the Au
gusta Committee, from which the impres
sion is drawu that you are a submissionist.
Your letter has boon made use of to the
injury of the party with which you have
uniformly acted.
Will you pardon me foi uskiog you to
reply to this letter, and give me your
views on the subject of Nullification; and
how far yon are willing to go, and what
measures you would propose for resist
ance!"
Yours very respectfully,
Edward Caey,
fable that our issue, with the General white male citizens of this State of the
Government, should bn made before the age of twenty-one years, aad upwards,
meeting of Congress.
In urging the expediency of calling a
Convention of the people, for the purpo
ses I have tudicarod, I have forborne to
make a single suggestion of what may or
may not, what ought or what -ought not
to be the remedy ibis Assembly should
ordaht.—’To a body so constituted aud so
empowered, let the whole subject of our
rights, and our grievances be confided, un
influenced by auy bias arising from tIn
official expression of our opinion*.—Rep-
resunting public sentiment, it canuot but
org.inaie and give foroe to the public
will.
fin conclusion, 'Fellow Citizen*, our
cause is worthy of our highest, our most
zealous and our most indexible efforts.
It is for no object of ambition, no lust of
power or avarice, that we have assumed
our present posture iu relation to the usur
pations of ihe Federal Government, -but
it w to redeem the Constitution ot our
Country Irom unhallowed violation, to
maintaiu its ascendency over the law ma
king authority, teaave this once cherished
Union from a corruption and misrule, that
doom it,to irrovers ble disruption; lo bring
•he Govrrnmen- back to the salutary
principles of a just aud economical ad-
nnmstraiion; to restore to.ourowu homes
and tho hornet of our father* their wonted
shall-be-eligible to a tea tin said Couvon-
Sec. 5. And be it 'ftirther enacted by
the authority aforesaid. That tho said
Convention may be contilued by ad
journment from time to tin* to long as
may bn necessary for the ptgposes afore
said: Provided however, that unless soon
er dissolved by their own (uihority, the
said -0011*0011011 shall cease, and deter
mine in twelve' months froth the day on
which ihe Delegates to t|e same wore
elected.
Extract of a Letter,datod -
Colombia Oct. 94,1833.
The die it cast. The Convention Bill
has just p issed to a third reading in both
Houses. The vote in the,Senate was 31
to 18; and in the House, <jfi to 24. To
morrow and the next day will only be
taken up with matters Of form, and the
Legislature will adjourn on Friday, with
out touching any other business.'■
A musical amateur in Friqcehaa chal
lenged all the whistlers ot Europe to pro
duce as much noise with otto instrument
as lie can make with his moath. It is said
that lie was going to Eugl.tnd, where he
has been engaged by the director of tho
F reach Theatre.
Eatoxtor, 20th Sept. 1839.
Dear Sir—-Tour letter ol the 21st lust,
is before me, and I -make use of the earli
est opportunity ol replying to it.
You say that my letter to the Commit
tee at Augusta has been made use of to (lie
injury of the party with whom I have uni
formly acted. This, to me, is a matter of
regret and surprise; and I feel assured that
misconception of my meaning alone could
authorise such a result from it. In support
of this,-let me advert to my political beliet,
and in doing so comply with your request ns
to ray -views on Nulftfi-.ation. What I shall
say shalihe in as few words as possible.
-Each State of the Confederacy is sov
ereign and independent,-except so far us
she has parted with her sovereignty in a-
dopting the-Federal Golistiiutioo. She
is not bouttih-by any act contrary to the
Constitution; and in case of an infraction
of that instrument, site has the right to
judge of it for herself, and to determine
upon the mode and measure of her re
dress. No obedience can be rightfully
claimed'ftom her to an unconstitutional
net. If she yields obedience to such an
act, it is a matter of her Option, from'tno-
tives -if which she alone-is the judge for
liedcll; and that obedience she can de
termine at her pleasure.
In a collision between a State and the
General Government-upon Constitutional
points, the State may, upon her responsi
bility us to consequences, interpose lifer
sovereignty, and arrest the execution of
an unconstitutional law within her limits;
but in doing so she assumes an at
titude that may place her without the’Ud
ion; thought not necessarily so, as one of
the parties may yield and in that event,
the Union will be preserved. In all ca
ses where a question arises its to the inter
position of tho sovereignly nf the State
for the purpose of stopping the execution
of an unconstitutional law of the General
Government, duty to herself requires that
she should tuke into careful and enlight
ened considerulioa nil the circumstances
connected with it, so that she may judge of,
and determine upon the mode most likely
to remedy tho evil with rite least possible
injury to herself. 1 ennno. corenive that
any thing but disunion can grow out of a
conflict betwoen a State and the General
Government, in which neither party will
recede. In proportion therefore to the
difficulties to bo overcome, so ought to
be the care and-consideration with which
remedies should be applied, so long as
ultimate union and harmony is the object.
I would not-advise a coutse so feeble
to be unavailing; nor would 1,-by precipi
tate action, unnecessarily hazard impor
taut and fatal coaseqaencos, that by a lit
tle more prudence might be averted.
I do not, thetefore, consider that the
interposition of the sovereign power of
the State to stop an unconstitutional law,
or in. other words Nullification, under
present circumstances, and at the present
time, either a certain, safe or preferable
expedient for remedying the evils of the
tat iff—Because, I cannot conceive, from
the vast amount of. individual precuuiary
interests involved, and variousotheraspecis
in which it m*y be viewed, that such a rem
edy would uecessarily be peaceable and
efficient, i am fearful that this quostion
cannot be settled in that summary wav
which others, with as much principle in
volved, might be; and that unless the len
ient effects of time assist in the work, en
tity: disunion might result from the mea
suie. If, however, no other -alternative
should remain but submission to a govern
ment with unlimited powers or septra-ion,
I should unhesitatingly prefer the latter.
Before separation, however, I would try
all reasonable expedients to preserve the
Union upon fair and equitable principles,
because in any event separation will always
be ip our power, but once disunited, union
upon fair terms might not be.
ft is contended that Nullification would
be a peaceable and efficient temedv for
the Tariff. - If I could think so. I would
at once advise it; but when I reflect that
its exercise by. a Slate would probably di
vert almost the entire commerce of the
Union to one point giving to that point’ (lie
control of almost all (he revenue that might
be derived from that source, to the destruc
tion of other oommercisl cities in almost
all oilier parts of me Uutou, with the vari
ous interests dtopeudem npon them, I can
not possibly think that a measure of conse
quences so vast, will necessarily be peacea
ble. If disunion without bloodshed should
follow of course the me.i>uro would not be
efficient to the desired end. In shot t, it conld
only be entitled to tbs character oi peacea
ble and efficient by Ita'icausnlg o repe&t of
the Tariff so las as il is objectionable, and
for reasons before assigned, it cannot be
assumed with any thing like tolerable cer
tainty, that (hit would be suddenly and at
once done. 1 must therefore refuse my
approbation to Nullification. Whenever
the State in- her sovereign .character as
such, shall find k necessary to judge of
and determine upon the final mode of her
redress, every ex|>edient will bo at hei
option; and whatever mode she may a-
dopt, that mode will at least. have my
support.
We can never do any thing effectually,
without Union. Iu my opinion, a Con
vention of the State should be held. The
co-operation of the other aggrieved States
should be invited. Every step taken
should be moderate, but firm. No meas
ure should run ahead of public opinion;
for more danger is to be feated from a re
trograde step, than almost any. that is uni
formly progressive, and stomped wi'.ii uu-
iou among ourselves; dignity and deter
mination.
I should be glad to'iouch upon many
other topics connected with this great
question, but havo neither limn tier apace
to fio so. -Let nte only add, that not the
least among the evils to be deprecated in
the Tariff is; that if the principles which
sustain it bpcont* permanently incorpora
ted in the Government, Us character will
no longer be that of a free one.
Respectfttlly yours,
HENRY BRANHAM.
1
‘From the Southern Argus.
Extractofa letter oftbe ri°n William H. Craw
ford to a gentleman Dallas County.
Mr. Calhoun says that nullification is
peaceable, constitutioVal, remedy. Mr.
M’Duffie in a late speech lias declared it a
revolutionary msasnro. As a revolution
ary measure I object to it, -beSaoso' in its
very nature it must be inefficient. When
a revolutionary measure is resorted to, it
eltould, be one that if successful, would fe-
liove from the evil that oppresses. Since
4 'have reflected upon the measure, I'ant
somewhat indifferent,about nullification,
because I am convinced that it will not
produce pivil war. The call of a State
Convention to consider of the means best
adapted to obtain rnlief, 1 consider not the
best course, but one likely to produce no
immediate evil.
I am still forcalliog a Federal Conven
tion. That is a constitutional measure,
and I think ought to be the first step ta
ken. Our federal constitution is tbe-only
one in the civilized world which enables
a nation to revise its fundamental law from
time to time.
Iu other countries changes in this law are
the results of revolution and bloodshed.
England is the only instance iu modern
history of a change of constitution by le
gal means. In this Republic when the
constitution bus given us the right of cal
ling a convention to revise that in»trument,
we seem disposed to refuse that mentis
and choose 'rather to resort to revolution
to effect that object like the inhabitants of
the old world, without reflecting that they
have no -other means of righting (heir
wrongs.
Some in this State are opposed to a con
vention; and for what reason 1 Why,
that instead of producing the change we
desire, the constitution would be so
changed as to fix (he system upon us of
which..we now con)|)lain. Suppose it -did,
what injury would it-do us? -It is fixed
upon us by the present legislation as firmly
as if it were constitutional, and will be ad
hered'to as pertinaciously as if expressly
authorized by the constitution, i ntn
convinced that much of the complaints mid
discontents thut now exist Hre the result
of a conviction thaijhe tarifflaw is uncon
stitutional. If-we believe it to bo consti
tutional, we should submit to it without
murmur. But is it certain that such
would be (lie result of a convention ?
think there is no such certainty* The
same men when met m convention would
probably act very differently from what
they would act ou the floor of Congress.
In the latter they act upon a constitution
Which they alledge has conferred upon
them the very power of which we com
plain. They fiave put their construction
upoe it, and they ate influenced by every
motive of self love, combined with a love
of power and interest, to adhere to that
construction.
Wheit met in convention the question
will be what power shall be granted the
Federal Government, not ichat has been.
The membe’rs from thb South would
say; wo most be protected from being rob
bed and filched ad libitum, or we must
cease to belong .to the Confederation.
Choose the alternative which is most con
genial with your feelings and your inter
est. All wo ask is security from robbery
and pill-ige under color of law. If you
will not ^renounce.the t ight and practice of
plundering us ad libitum, we will renounce
all partnership with you: after which you
may continue your restrictive system at
pleasure.
If all the anti-Tariff States will pass
resolutions, calling a Federal convention,
and the Tariff States shall refuse their
concurrence, it will amount to a declara
tion ou their part, that they are determin
ed to adhere to the system with rigor.
Such a declaration would coovince the an
ti-Tariff States that they had to choose
between an unlimited submission, not only
to the present tariff, hot to every other
measure which cupidity and avarice could
devise to filch from: us what -yet remains
of the blessings of Fiovidenc.e; for in a
late procedure of Congress it was openly
avowed that the tariff act was intended to
equalize the advantages which the South
ern Stoles enjoyed beyond those of the
Not tit.
The revolution was produced rather bv
the declaration of the British Parliimoni
that they ha'd the right to bind the -cn-og
nies iu all coses whatsoever, than by tho
paltry tax npon lea. The English Law
Books tell us, that the Stilish Parlia
ment is omnipotent, but their omnipotence t
has in no case attempted' to correct tho
supposed errors of omniscience and otndi-
potence united.
In all the folly and 'extravagance ebrti-
mifted tsff that omnipotent body, their ’re
cords furnish nothing to equal bur Con
gress. But for the declaration of reme
dying the supposed defects vf Previdcnco
by federal legislation, I should he still for
forbearance under the conviction that the
tariff would eventually cure itself; but
when Congress assumes aa a ground of
legislation, the right to correct the sup.
posed defects of omniscient omnipotence,
it is abundantly more alarming than thb
declaration of the British Parliament -to
b ind the colonies in all cases whatsoever.
Under this assumed principle of legislation
the most vivid STnaginaiion can set no
limits to the usurpation and abuse tiiat may
and probably will flow from it. Under
such an assumption of power ( am not
willing to remain a member df this Union
if a union of the South and South western
States can be formed.
Lot then all the anti-Tariff Slates pass
resolutions for the call of a federal , con
vention. This will show the strength ot
rhe new republic. It is wholly unsatisfac
tory to say the Turiff States will not con
cur in tbo call; or if they concur they will
not. consent to the explanatory amoitdmeot
demanded by the South. In ‘either of
these events a great object will be gained.
Wo shull have ascertained our own
strepgth and thqjr ultimate determination.
We shall have done more. We shall
have shown our siucrro*dcsire to preserve
(he Union, and their recklessness. We
shall have put ourselves in the right, and
them iu the wrong. If the first event oc
curs we will separate from the Union and :
call a convention to form a constitution.— 1
If the second, we shall still separate, if tho
number of States which ore disposed, to
secede will make u respectable republic.
To refusa to do a tiling because it is ap
prehended that others will not dolheir du
ty, is not correct eitliet in politics or eth
ics. Let us do our duty, and leave to
others tho liberty of doing wrong if they
choose. But I think I have shown
whether others do right or wrong good will
and must result from the measure.
1 hope your State wiUvrttefor Van Bu-
ren for Vice-President, as-its vote will bo
thrown away upon Barbour, who cannot
be elected, and voting for him will elect
John Sergeaut, a full blooded Americhn
System man. The veto which Poindex
ter got for President protein, of tho Sen
ate, proves' conclusively that Van Butep
cannot be elected-in that-body if the elec
tion is carried there. The Senate will
have to choose between Van Burnt aud
Sergeant, for ho will get a higher veto
than Barbour.”
Extracts from tho Argos.
On the way to the city, it was almas*
impossible te keep back the crowfi who
pressed up to the carriage window to taka
him by the hand. We believe that no oc
currence pleased him. more than the cir
cumstance ofa large number of little boys,
who had ranged themselves by the road
side, just at the point where he arrived
in sight of Lexington, and having of their
own accord, supplied thetoielves with
hickory boughs, they greeted the Presi
dent with the most animated shouts and
waving of the boughs.
We do uot hesitate to assert, that tho
crption which he met with on this occa
sion in Lexington, equalled that of L*
Fayette io 1826. Boto hearty aud-ofo-
ANDREW JACKSON.
HOMAGE TO TJIB “ GRRAT AND GOOD.!’
Louisville, 0<t. 3,1832,
Gen, Jackson leached Lexington op
Saturday evening lust, on ltis return to
Washington. He was escorted into tho
city by abont a tboasand citizens, among
whom were Governors Breathitt, Adarr
and Desha. A correspondent who wit- '
nussed his reception by the people, dcs^.
cribas it hs distinguished by-every demon
stration nl tho most enthusiastic aitach-
meut. Tho highway, along which ho
passed, for miles was lifted witit multi--
tudes, all unxious and pressing forward to
greet their venerable and patriotic Chief
Magistrate. When the General arrived
at his lodgings, at PostlethwaiVs, tho
crowd assembled, it is estimated, could
not have fallen short ef four thousand per
sons.
The spectacle was most interesting.?-* *
All was gladness, and gratitude and exul
tation. The patriotic “ fair” of the city,
were seen crowding the doors aud win
dows, nnd waiving their white handker
chief* in honor ol the Hero, who, when
“ Beauty 1 ’ was the watch word ofa ruth
less enemy, was willing to “ perish in the
last ditch’’ in its defence. Our corres*-
pondent remarks.
“If a stranger, unacquainted with tho
state of party feeling here, had witnessed
the General’s teception, he would havo
supposed that there was not an individual
in the city or neighborhood opposed to
him. The display of feeling in his favor
was so overwhelming, that not a word wax
heard but in bis praise, and scarce a coun
tenance see i, that was nut lighted up with
the gladness and spirit that pervaded tho
multitude.”
These proud and brilliant tokens of
confidence and unshrinking devotion to the
Old Hero were given in the city of Mr.
Clay’s residence, and but seven days aftev
the convention of the Bank lawyers had
adjourned. Tltoir “ travails” have been
“iove’s labor lost.” The louder theso
food gentlemen bellowed agaiast tho
r/esident the belter the people seem to
like him.—Advertiser,