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» % < ra ./> t %ju <iMi «% aJ w »,«*» gi**' '■j^ •*«u*oJ>ceW4>i p«rt tfta* tan, rang* Ml opeq tbe stde of those who smiga t£* conductor Ocorgi*, tapogn the motive* ef her LemshUomeud otter pubtlu efletrt, oT qtieJioo the soundness of the principle •he hut assumed, ihyi ee independent sov ereignty cue exist oitM* her limits, and liiu couijm i, <u iiiat trwiai uwii entire sovereignty, and all their rights, If they did not then surrender that sovereignty and those rigb's altogether, they mutt have designed in reserve to fbttmtelve* the talk: of protecting them. A cute may very well ante, in which an aueonvlilutional law may affect the rigtua of a eingle State only; and It would be a pinching met her law* within those limits, subject ol the very name of Slate Rigl^t* to tty that, only to ibe laws and treatiei of the United roeuch cate, the ewy not protect bortelf. In' States, mutt prevail and be enforced; and what other eoufte cap her ‘••safety" be that we may not be tmaaoderatood, we for* provid* d ferl If tweety-tfneo Stella thou Id tber distinctly my that we do not cmsidor unite in -cotting up every right which hpporlamt the treatfet made betweee the Government to the the twemy-fourili, ha* teat Stale no re- and ibt Indians a* partaking, in my detree dreat escept what a “mujorprltj w ol her bppree. in a national leeee, of the character of ire*- »ort may choose to gram I If tbit bethtimeen- leg of the resolutions, to far from affirming and protecting Statet right*, they affirm that no tingle Slate haa any right*, at nil, Besides, the reso lution* tpeak only of tbe resented rights of the Statet, among which reMtvdd righti, it that Which authorises State iuterpoiitioo, to arteti the uiurptihmt of the Federal Government. Now, how ere them rtghU”r*ser*edf" Due, one Siam “reeerve" lu own righti to another State, or any number of other States? Thu the power to mako n treaty which should tewna to me to be n gi ant, and not a reservation conttitnie or recognise an independent tov ofa right. Each State, then, retervet in own ereignty, within one of their Statet. You ’!(.*? *»d fhe rotoluticot affirm that will not undarttand ut u admitting, or even the right to refuao obedience to. an unconttiio* for one moment tuppoting, that thin bat 1 i mV" ■' n00 8 reverted righti. A- been either done or uttemmed by those gtin: If the State m»y not act upon iti own do- authorities; but we are tbui explicit, that cition until the majority hard sanctioned it, the oo doubt at to our opiniout may weaken right to to decido, in, at to til practical remits, the force of the suggestion wo are about to in that majority, **d not. iuSipte. The State make.. bat only the right fo ttprtttiS opinion, which Thus much being said at to the impret- Opinion, although involving hdr “ safety," and — — 1 hor very existence, goes.for, AOihmg, until ap proved by others. 'Mil* I* Indeed, ■ meagre Stain right, Mr/ RfMn*.‘' Besides, Sir, it there not tome contradiction in the positions! that a Stale may declare a law to be unconstitutional, aud yet that it it bound to tubhiit .o that law, for tome given time\ Whit difference m there, in principle, between in obligation to submit to an uncootHluiionsl.ltw for one dty, and an ob- ttgatk*!} 1? Hftrvno vear, or foreved iioa with independent nations, but rather bold I bam at cootrucia or articles of agree moot, tubject iq all cups (o the Contthn don of tbe United Statet and Ibe Taws of Congress; and we consider it inenntitu-n-, wholly and absolutely Inconsistent, with (bat provision of the Cottituliou, which guarantees to all the Stum of this confed nraoy a republican form of government,' that the President and Senate'should have jy u **' t » *‘fh adK«u u iu obT servants. sRffij 0 "' R. HYDE WALWORTH, GREEN C. BRONSON. SIMON DEWITT, I 5: f.km. 1 S. VAN REN3SELEA& DAVID SUTHERLAND,/ JOHN SAVAGE, 7- AB. VAN VECHTER, JOHN LUDLOW, WILLIAM B. SPRAGUE. J. W. CAMPBELL. WILLIAM L0C.KHEAD,' ISAAC FERRIS, H. BLEECKEIL Albany, December, 17, 1832 liont we entertain in relation to file law and the right of the cate, wo now speak as politicians. From tbn unpleasant agita tion! which, at iltn present time, are con vulsing, to an unuauRl maimer and to an unusual extent, another of Ibe independent Statet of tbe Union, wo feel the deepest interest that All danger of conflict be- ttttien the authorities of Georgia and any or the authoritiaaof the Geuerel Govern ment should be put atrest. This, w « believe, I confess thst I can see none 'at all. Finally, | may be done by the pardon of these mis’ Sir--;or tbe subject was really not worthy t-f! guided men. Our reasons for this bt liuf must-‘ban lubi with levefa; ucustjfi^goliiunid-, ubiUU. ’version nod dnapprobmioa from a large and respectable portion of iIm people of tbe United States. ^loreovae, I am np- prixed that the political opposition which has been arrayed againet ns, has received even these practical sod popular views of it— suppose that tbe other States should refuse to aty whether tbe pqflictilar State which undertakes to pronounco a law unconstitutional, is right ot trroogl Theta are uo means o(compelling them to decide, snd, of eourie, a majority of the States, upoo yo*tr supposition, (it it bo yours,) have only to stand mute, ip outer to deprive alt the other States, uiul constitutionally too, nfeve- ry right which Appertains to them. Nay, eveu it tin other Statet should be disposed to set upou the subject in good (uilh, the right which the individual Statu interpose to protect, mny be; such as to bo lost forever, unless Ube promptly asserted. Our slave population will at once suggest to you such a case. The very delay,’ therefore, of this previous tpparf, may pe fatal <0 the very existence of the right. I can scarce ly think that it was the intention of the resolu tions of 1798, t* produce any such result us this. And now. Sir, let me briug you buck to my dilemma. The Resolutions of 1796, appi tsved by you, acknowledge the right of South Carolina to pronounce Jiia ,)or)f .Ihf*.. uftcpiutiiutionsl; tod do not roqttjre that the shall foibear to act grow oui cf thu late election. No subject wut more fully submitted to the people, pending that centos!, than the course ol the administration in relation to tho Indians and the opinions entertained by the Presi dent; which opinions, It was well known, would be carried out in practice, in case of his re-eleotien; nud wo feel safe in saying, that no question involved in the canvass was laboured to assiduously and so ingen iously on the putt of bis opponents. Still tho result has overwhelmed them with as tonishment and shame,-if not with convic tion of their errors. That same result bat furnished your patriotic State with n judg ment in her fMVor,’paraniountteall others undtw this Government, the clearly express- dojudgmem of the American people. Under those circumstances, we cannot but behove that the exhibition of magna nimity ou the part of the State, by the par- nun of the imprisoned missionaries, would have the most happy effect upon the public Fxscunvg Depaxtment, Ga. ) MilledgtvMe, January 5, 1833. j To Messrs. Silts Wright ir. A. C. FI John A. Dix, William L. Marcy, Elrp- thtlet Noli, Stephen Van Rensselaer, .R. Hyde Walworth, Green C. Bronson, Si mon De Witt, B. S. Welch, B. F. Butler. Jatoh Sutherland, John B. Savage, Abner V»0 Vechter, John Ludlow, William B. Sprague, J. N. Campbell, William Lock- bend, Isaac Ferris, arid H. Bleecker. Gxnti.hhp.k—Your -communications, bearing date the 17th and 18th ultimo, have been dnly received; and I have giv en, in them that earnest arid deliberate con sideration which their intrinsic merit and importance, and the .highly respected source from wbieh they rminalo, demand. Your commtfntcaliens, dlthosgh on differ ent papers, and in some respects different in matter, nevertheless exhibit such inden- tity of subject,, and coincidence of general views, as to justify, in my opinion, giving you a joint reply. And permit nte, gentleman first to assure you, that I highly appreciate the honorable, patriotic, nnd philanthropic mo tives which, I fuel convinced, have influ enced -you* to offer 1 your medita tion to allay .existing ezeijeritegfs, which disturb tho repose,v and even threat en tho stability ot\ the admit able civil institutions of our cosimon cout. .ry, And suffer me to return you my. grateful acknowledgements liir the desp. interest which you mnnifest for the welfare and tejiose of my own favorit* State, in regard to her present local difficulties growing out of her Indian relations. In regard.to some of yon, at letisi, I entertain the most grateful recoHoetions for your, past ox- ertions in defending the rights and charac ter of Georgia ‘against unjust and illiberal aspersions. As patriots and Christians, I trust and be lieve, our objects and ‘ ends are the same. While your communications are primarily directed tn a singla object, to wit, the case nf the missionaries, Messrs. Worcester iV Boiler, whose' immediate release from Penitentiary confinement you recommend, you guardedly avoid eittering upon tho dis ©quire that oa that decision, until it shall brt. Itfll'rmed by majority oftlte other Statu*. South Carolina has pronounced those laws unconstitutional; and you hsvo over and over again declared mm,jA< ft right in tiiaf refpect. Iloto con you coun tenance tht President and Congress, in subjec ting the people to the sward, for not obeying those latve l I would, if • regard for decorum did not forbid.lt, defy vou to the answer. You ought to give It, and plainly, and satisfactorily too, or else you ought to change ynur course. You are oncouraging the President to m»k* war •poo South Carolina. It is war, Sir, however you may disguise it; civil war, with ell its un numbered traiu of sufferings, tsars and sorrows. A husband and a father who contemplates this result, must have e nature mote callous than 1 take yours to be, if lie cun sdutlt into hie calcu lation, either the “ feelings” nf * political favorite, the success of party objects, or Urn poor pride of opinion. You can, if you choose, arrest it* wide spreading desolation with which our whole country is threatened. 1 oeseech you to reflect that it is at least poosibK you are permitting innnoceni blood 10 be 'hod, whoa it Is io your power to prevent it. Shell il not hereafter, ho requited at your handat I know, Sir that you have too much-respect for public optoion and for decency, th urge on the aaad measures of this administration, with out, M least, an attempt to justify vour course. I read your paper coostamly, yet seldom, of lara,*whhoot mortification tutd sorrow. 1 have Men Upon what grounds it Is, that you are willing to consign to the swerd—a sword that was uevor known to spare; u people of at geoe- root and lofty a character es tho whole world cap ahow. ‘The P resident bat profited by your •uggoMlona, end has founded hie proposed meat- urns of violence and carnage, upon roteoos with with which you have fiurnished him. The history of that mao'* pall life, afford* full nud terrible proof, that ho never wools excuses, good or bud', for any outrage which lie may propose to perpetrate upon the lews aud Coueiitutiou of hie count! y. Posterity will do him justice, although .this ego looms determined to bo blind to hie ml character. I cannot cloao theta leueit without an attempt to chow, that there it uo treeioo whatever which cue justify or extenuate the sanguinary purpose which W now outer! aios. I have mu yet, how ever, quite done with the tubject of nullifica tion. It will bo continued in my next letter. mind ni thu whole Union, while it would j mission of various subjects connected with, laltn away the ground of (tending litigation and which hav'e led to their present con- wbich desperate men may try to push to j (moment. I fnHy appreciate and approve nn tmpleasant result; and wo venture to nsk tltis exorcise qf tbe impotiptu preroga tive resting in your hands, because we are convinced that yuur patriotic felluw-cili- ssiuis would, after tho events which have transpired within the last few weeks, sus tain you in tne act,for the sake of the State ilsolf. We are sure they would dose for the quiet nud peace of the Union. Excuse us for this unauthorised intrusion upon your notice and your official duties; aud believe us, with the highest respect, your obed't. sorv’ts. SILAS WRIGHT, Jr. A. C. FLAGG,. JOHN A. DIX. Tram tbs Foderat Union, 4 h iest. fftate •/ Not York, Albany, Dec. 18,1831 Hit t/eetteney Wilton pumpkin, Governor of the State of Georgia' Dxau {St*.—Wo beg leavo to addms you upou >t subj- rt w th which, we confehs, we have uo tight to interfere, aud in reference M which your ft'elitigs must, long era this lime, have been msAeieutly hirrustod. We refer to iherofmc- ’ tory mtssiunaties now toufined in the Periiieu- liary ef your State, in pursuance of a sentence of too Courts of your state, and upon coovictkM for • deliberate snd unjustifiabi* violation of <hi lawsfuf year State. It is act our object to rulttr either into exemihrittoq of (he tacts of their csseor into a dis cussion ofthe law which governs it, but tofmake 10 yhu friendly suggestions, proceeding from the host of motives, aid which, being communicated ealy to yourself, tea do no bum. If they do no •eod Still it is proper, thst we should prece de d o*o wggMtioM with such of our dourly eat'Hataa I fairies in relation j£ the |q- ttttue ffieriiT «f th* pending 4PWomt; Hit Excellency Wilson Lumpkin, Governor of the State of Georgia. Tho undersigned, citizens of the State of New York, having bestowed much at tention on the proceedings in ibe catu or Samuel A. Worcester aud Elixur Butler, end viewing those proceedings us likely to affect Ike welfare of the other States and the whole Union, feel it their duty to sub- UHt to your consideration, tho result ot their reflections on the subject. As this ex. pressiott of their opinions and wishes, spring* from uo feehuga adverse to Guor- ia, but on tho contrary is prompted solely iv a regard to what they sincerely believe to be .the true iuterest of nil parties, they flatter tlieinvelves yon wilt not deem it either obtrusive or improper. Fermit us then to state, that, under all existing circumstances, we doom it a mat ter of grant moment, that the prisoners ryfured to, should be set at liberty, without delay, which a* wo suppose, can only be -done by discharging them uuder a pajdou emanating from the State authority—and auch a pardon wo earnestly recommend. Tho result of tho recant election must render it apparent, that the removal of the Cherokee*, is deemed expedient by the Nation; and undar this impression, the undersigned ere of opinion that very many parsons, who have hitherto counteracted their removal, will now- deem it their duty to co-operate in bringing it about; and they have reason to believe and confident ly hope, that an influence will be applied to reconcile tho tribe to such a result, by those very persons who navo hitherto la bored to prevent it, Undar such a change -of circumstances, the undersigned cannot tee aoy possible advantage in the further confinement of thn missionaries. Ou the contrary they con ceive that since it is apparent that the In dian* must be removed, the release of the missionaries may be of use ia reconciling the Indians to that measure. For we can not believe, alter what bat taken place, that'the missionaries, any more than our selves, caii doubt tho expediency of acqui escing in tbe> policy of the General Gov ernment tus tamed, aa it teems to bkve been, by tho decMon of tho American peo ple. In tho present state of this question and of our piflilic affairs, every cause of tr- ritation should bo removed as speedily as possible; and a« we eineereiy believe that it ia in your powurby adopting thu comae of your motives in thus delicately present ing the subject, strqit of uil controversy and excitement. Novertheless. it must occur to you, that the peculiar duties and respon sibilities in the performance of the official act which you recommend, require that it. should be preceded by a fair and full con sideration on my part, of all thecircnwiltaii- ces connected with this peculiar case. However, 1 have neither lime ntJr dispo sition, nor do I deem it necessary, to pre sent to you nil the considerations, which must necssarily have s bearing on my mind in making up a decision in regard to my duty in this missionary case. I will say.to you however, that m the time, I deeply're gretted these men forcing ihumsclvris into the Penitentiary of Georgia,that their con tinuance there has been contrary to my wishes ;-nnd lltut the very first moment I can send litem ttwtiv, consistently with tny duty to God and my country, tbey 'shail nut remain lu prtsion a tingle day. Tho act bf tho Legislature of Geotgin, making it penal for u while mutt to reside on the Indian territory within the limits -of the State, without first taking an oath, to sup port the Into and constitution thereof, was jsrcdicHted dn the belief that mischievous while men were the prime causes of all Our controversies and difficulties with the rem nant Tribes of Indians residing within our State. -Before the law was enforced a- gainst these missionaries, they wore advised and admonished by the Governor of the State to leave the State peacably or obey the law. They not oniy refused to do ei ther, but a tied in a spirit ot defiance to the authorities of the State. After they had arrived at the prison gate under sentence 'of the lata a free par don was offere.' tp them, if they would mer ely promise not to aettle again on the Indi an Territory of Georgia. This they alio refused. From the day they entered the prison until usv ; they might at duv rime have been discharged, by relieving the State from the throats nnd tnenacta of kb-, iog (breed to discharge them aud by ma king respectful application tot the tmbori- tivs of the State. Jfltru than whut I have named has never been required by Geor gia, and less never will be deemed Wislac- tory.' The ground which Georgia lias ta ken on this tubject can never be abandon ed without dishonor to herself—la vital stab to the palpable constitutional rjghtt of the Stale, to enact and eoforce law*,for the Government nf their own population with in their admitted jurwdictiooal limits—and a degradation of the present ExccUt ministration ol tho Federal Govon which haa coincided with the Georgia in every important step wl has taken hi ibis matter. The eonttiratioeal right* ofthe States, vinlica' ted by the preteat Executive of the Ur eoggeaed, to render eu immense service totLe r Nation, without injuring in the least tlm iuterest of your own Statu, ww moat respectfully solicit to the subject your qrjy tad favorabl* cop-tiduraiioo. grout ttftbgih,zealous aid sod co-operation from a highly talented and influential por- ln conclusion, portnit me 'agatut to odvert to tho cose of tho missionaries, bud to aisore y<A, gbodemen, that 1 1 w> win triWM anv thin0 but nrinciulrs whic 1) i lion of the Uhrisilto community of our country.' JodDed the ‘opposition hat been such, and so ably dtaokged, that its prepon derating influence 'would have paralyted nhv cause, not bbsedori 'Ihe'etttnel 'priu-, tuples Of truth, justice And gobil -drill to wards ntan. Six years ago, as tome o( yqn can wit ness, when (humble a* are my pretensions) I had the honor to propose and urge upon the consideration or the. American Con- gross the expedihney'ahd propriety of pro viding by law, for the removal, of the wkoleof the remnant tribes of Indians, their remaining in Ibe Stares and Territories of the Union to ae eligible country West of the Mississippi, I was’considered by a ma jority of thaj, kplightaned assemblage ts premature and Visionary in 'my plan—and was accused of the dishonorable motive of Keeking popularity at the expense oT (lie lives and best interests of the unfortunate remnants of the aborgioals of North Amer ica. But now, as you intimate, the wis dom, the expediency and thd practicability of the plan have received the teal of ap probation from three fourths of the poeple of this Union. ” Truth it •mighty and teill prevail." Now under the flattering prospects of tbe consummation of this de- lirnblo object, is it wise, prudeot or expe dient, thst the authorities of one ofthe sov ereign States of this Union, thus sustain ed in her course, should make humiliating concessions to the very individuals and public functionaries who have, upon mista ken grounds, to say the least, contributed so much to excite*aud agitato our beloved country t No, gentlemen: Georgia can never abandon the gruunJ which she has taken and defended on this subject The pt'ople of Georgia understand llteir rights, and such as they deem to he of vital im portance they will defend at every Inns trd. They are Ardently attached to the.Federal Union, and they believe its preservation depends upon the Federal and S.ate gov ernments being strictly confined within their respective, constitutional spheres of action—and that Georgia has beoo sustain ed in acting upon these principles, in tdi her unpleasant conflicts with tho different de partments of the Federal Government has, in my opinion, beeu clearly established by the verdict of the grand inquest of the A- merienn people. It wifi be remembered that Georgia has upon several occasions received the sentence of condemnation hv Presidents and Judges of the supreme Court, but tho sovereign people of the Union imve, upon the appeal boiog brought before them, reversed these verdicts. 1 am, therefore, continually strengthened in the belief, that tho peopelo of these U. Stales are not only capable of Self-Gov ernment, but of foitr Self-Government. And I trust that a kind Bnd indulgent Providence designs, through thu instru mentality ot a virtuous people, to perpetu ate the blessiogs of our good system of Government to the end of lime. I am fully aware of the various efforts which have been made, and are still in pro gress, with o view to identify Georgia with her. Sister State, South Carolina, in her new theories And novel proceedings. This, .gentlemen, is u delicate subject ; but we have fallen on times which demand patrio tic plainness. The integrity of the Utiini; is jeopardized, «nd consequently theiiber- tdaneefed. ties of the people «re eudangered. 1 am sure you have too much intelligence tu be lieve* that the conduct of Georgia in the Missionary case is identical—a parallel caso—with that of South Carolina and her scheme of nullification. It cannot be believed; that any honest man of common sense can be at a loss to draw the proper distinction. South Carolina has not only avowed Iter deter minutioit'io resist the exe cution of the revenue laws of the country, but lias openly assumed a position |>repar- atory to disunion, and has actually com menced the organization of u separate and distinct government; based upon belliger ent and warlike principles. Her new form ot proposed government is not euiy founded in principles of hostility to her old confederates, but is Arbitrary, despotic and (yrennir.il in the extreme, towards the mi nority of her own citizens, who are still disposed to adhere to the Union. Now, because the people of Georgia are united ly resolved at all hazaids, to maiutain and defend their own local laws enacted for tne punishment of offences committed a- gdititt them within her acknowledged jur isdictional limits, shall she, therefure, be identified with South Carolina 1 I trust not. 'While tho people of Georgia bad reason to believe that Sooth Carolina wot honestly contending against the unequal snd unjust burthens of the Tariff system, even her errors and iaordistte seal were viewed with forbearance rod a kindred feeling waa indulged towards her, even when her theories could not receive our sanction. But the ippoaraoce of the South Carolina Ordinance, and other sub. sequent acts of bet State authorities, have caused the great body of ibe people of Georgia to respoud to the words contained in a late Resolution of the Legislature of llm StatP, ” wg ABHOR NOLLWICATION.** But while 1 thus deprecate the proceed ings of the ruling party io South CArolina, I trust you will boar with my frankness io expressing the opinioon, that 1 most seri ously mtoriain io regurd- to tho proveca- vont of the Southern Stales. The people, in some .sections of this country, assume tojthetuselves uot only ihecqpaci/jr, hut tbe right to judge and determine ulul measures will most effectually promote the interest of the South. In other words, yield *ny thing bat principles whit i» deem to be inseparably connected with the best intefeit of ou: common country,, to gra'ify the wishes and promote the view w of yourselves, us well as very many other val ued frieudt. But it ,is my deliberate and settled opinion, that, in the- present po# tore of affairs, it woujd be destructive to t *ital constitutional principles aud deeply injt «ri- ous to tho character nod reputation of the State. It may be true; as you suggest, t hat liberating these men at the pres, snt 'moment, might contribute to the accele ra tion of making an arrangment with t ItO CliorokeCa tor their lands in Georg in. But, desirable Its this object is to tbe cit fl uent of tbit Stale, 1 would greatly preh ir another thirty years’ painful eontrovers U to dishonorable compromise. Admittio g I could ut this moment content for Geor - gia to abandon the ground which she ha t occupied in regard to this cate, what wouh I be the inevitable effect 1 We should no t only be justly accused of yielding our priu > cipiet in regard to State Rights, but tb< t false chtirgohrooghi against the President , (oo account of his late Proclamation,) thu t he is disposed to ptatstrate the rights ol' the States, would receive strength attdj countenance. It would be ttlledged that* had yielded up the vital rights of Ueorgra to aid hint in exerting a despotic sway <W<$" the State Governments aud to wreak his 1 vengeance against the political men oi South Carolina. The President’s Course, from first to last, io relation to our local Indian questions, arid the cases which have arisen out of them, affotds tbe most conclu sive defence of the correctness of his opiuiotts in regurd to the rights of the States, and no act bf mine shall ever Contribute to tarnish his reputation on this subject. After all that I have said, I trust, gen tlemen, that you will perceive, that, with kind aud tespeciful teelmgs towards you, aud others who tire not so intimiilely identified with tins missionary, case us myself, I am bound to say, that I cannot yield to tho assumptions of thu Supreme Court in this matter. Tito permanent prosperity ot our beloved common country forbids my yielding - Let these moil dis miss tho proceedings now pending belure the Supremo Court Against Georgia, uud let shern apply to the proper authority of the State, iu a respectful and becoming manuals and they shall go free, and uot till then. With high cotttderation and regard, 1 am, your most ob’t servant. WILSON LUMPKIN. mtta. ’ tael ho! no! j ou mm. your way jhsi now, and avery disagreeable way it was. This is mine and a most disagreeable one. But yon must excuse me; it is my way,” Thus be continued amidst the laughter of all present, stopping tho fellow’s mouth with a nul-shell every time he attempted to speak, till he fairly pelted him out of the room, at tho door of which he emptied his hat upoo thu critic’s heady exclainiirtg 4 you* mast excuse me: it is my way.” on questions of controversy growing eit ol they seem to think they understand our this inditn subject, will do immortal honor true situation, circmnstattcto, nod interest to t|»o ntmo or Andrew Jackson ; andjviH belter tbao wo do ooreelve* Theee ire afford materials tor thn future iitstonafi to assumptions which will “over bo quietly vindicate his feme from thn cnlommas ol endured bv freemen. Wo know that the present moment—wherein he is chsrg- those at a distance atm wholly ignorant of, ed with a disposition to trample upon tin nnd unqualified to manage and direct oar right* Ofthe State*, awd'cbnage.thoFod loetd affair*. I have kuown for year* that oral into n consolidated Government. theVotnctivo Tariff system most be aban- I am felly aware, ns well lu yourwlves dooridor tbe Union would be destroyed. that the eround^aken by Georgia, and tht Measures whith are considered iutol- rhich has beet ‘ ■■ policy been pursued bv her an arable hv whole sections of our cuum y. From the Traveller uud Tune*. YOU MUST EXCUSE ME; ITS MY WAY. Dining nt tho Yutk hotel, where a mini orous party were assembled, S—K—— the comedian, and several ol Ins brothers uf the sock and buskin grouped themselves towards tho end of tho (able. This arrangement was quickly perceiv ed by one ot tho amateur critics, wuuld-be literarins, who ure tho pest of all public companies, indeed of till companies ipto which they c.au get admission. Fellows with no more brums than a sqtiuezed tur nip, and-who gabble ’monstrously. Now this follow, who yielded neither in folly nor assurance to any of his taste, uo sooner perceived the arrangement, than he determined [though utterly unknown] To tiiuke one ol llto party. In this he suc ceeded, was politely revived, and all went on well till tlto fruit came on the table. lie thou preluded a discourse, with Which it was liis evident mutation to aston ish, if not to enlighten his auditors, by one pr two gross remarks upon actors iu getter- »l. Against this violation ef decorum a— R—remonstrated, but in the mildest terms. Tho remunstrunco, -however,-* seemed to take effect, lie was quiet for a time, and Sag), who is known to be nue ol the best dinner companions iu Euplaud, be gan as asu-tl toj play The lirst fiddle. Iutreed, considering the convivial talents of R. ■ -■* we ure uot susprised lie sat still for some hours, when the small beer begae to phiz, out flow the cork, and an explosion took place. Leaning across the table, in tones by nti means modulated, to the pur pose of privary, our would-be (bus ad dressod R—-. “By God, Mr. R— ., you aro one of the most facetious, 1 (and agreeablo, pleasant fellows, I ever toot in my life. (R—— bowed; the room became silent) How is it then that to clever a man cac be such a damned stupid actor (attention became intent.)-^—-Excuse me: it’s my way; But i * you are without exception, t think, the worst actor I ever saw. You must excuse me; it's my way. There’: t your* famous Jerry Snakt’tis no more iike Jerry Snak then I am. You tee I tel I you my mind' freely. But you must excu te me; it’s my way.” • Thus he went on for a' lot jg time, inter, larding his comments with *"i tau must ex cuse me; it’s my way,” untill those present began to suspect Sam inlet t ied to play Jerry in real life. It is tree Ute critic was one of the six-foots; but Sam was thought to be a- man who never rt tspected the thews or sieews of au *aut- tgonist. At length, the discourse being « sided,, Sam called for hit hat. and having (died it with the nut-shells ho,could obtain u rithoul leav ing Ins seat, he addressed the aelfereatod critic. “Pray, Sir, would you t be pleated to let me have vour uut-sbells.’'' These were accorded. When Sam fin sling his hat heaped, placed it Au the t ilile. Then taking one of the shells betwv ran his finger end thumb, he discharged it si the tip of the critic's nose, where it t» ok immediate effect. This was followed by i eight or ten more, in saeh rapid Success!* m, as to pre clude for the moment,' the p. ossibilhy of a remonstrance. Routed rq length, by the shower, which Sam nev er allowed fur an inslam to cease, the> fell. »w roared out, “t’death, Sir, you are peltin t me with your Mt-shelis.'" “He he! hot if know I am,” says R . “But you most excuse me, it is my way." Thm entic aow rase from his chair, and got into the centre of tho room, followed by R , still keeping up a cloao and wall directed fire, as oar de- tkoritfet, qud Mistaiaad by the P.esidoo yWiitu ivd or imaginary mutt bg aban jtpstcfiea have R. u ]ff\rat n the matter, ' A Proposition.—The subjoined propo. tition, from a very respectable contempo rary of ours, has the air ol commopdabie. Every word is true of the argument by which it is supported; apd it cornel with peculiar propriety from one <»ho has demonstrated of epistolary communica tions of intelligence to the public, through the medium of lire Newspaper Press. Who, thst has read Mr. Broor’s Lettes from the Creek country, from New Orleans, from Louisville, from Cincinnati, but will allow that the writer of such let* ters for tho Public ought to he exempt from taxation for postage. National Intelligencer. From the Portland Daily Ado., June 14 Postagx; Letters; Editors. A* this is a time when all political feeling js subsiding, and one can be beard for hi* arguments, and not for hit partizsnship, ’ iv a are Induced to recommend to the con. sideralion of our Legislators and our brethren of the. corps editorial, the letter* postage. . We waive all argument upon the propri ety of abolishing newspaper postage, dr letter*postage in general, though all - agree in acknowledging that tho Charge* upon what ere termed double and treble letters, are absurd aed Utqust—for we do not hope to make An Impression upon the public ou subjects In'whiclt ait are uot con- cm-ned. But we will recommend to tho S tibtic the means of amelioteting the bur- An of postage so that the public may be generally benefittod, and the income of the Post Office Department ho but slight ly affected. First. Whatever aid* the newspapers in obtaining information, is of great advan • luge to the public in general—an advan tage not only to the merchant iu furnishing him with “ Prices Current,”the slate of trade,” “ Commercial Letters,” ^tc. Ac. but to the newsmongers iu general. Second.—A serious burden aud a heavy clog upon editors of newspapers desirous of furnishing lltoir readers with the earliest nnd best news, in the heavy tax upon letters. Probably all of the principal newspapers would have correspondents in all of the larger cities, ware it uot for tho heavy lax upon letters. Third.—Exchange newspapers cannot bo depeuded upon as certain communica tors ot intelligence, for the mail carriers, very often in httd going, and often in,good going, are in the habit of leaving the news* paper bags behind, and taking only thn letter mail. Fourth.—Correspondence is more in teresting, more valuable, more minute, na we li as more certain. We propose then to recommend that editors of newspapori be allowed to receive letters free of postage. Wo can imagine- no serious objections to this plan; aud we see no serious abuses of which they cau bo guilty, Il'tliqy receive subscription letters thus, is it not an advantage to the subscri* ber? For the subscriber always does, or always ought to pay the postage. ‘Thua the public is benefited. They can bn guilty of no great abuse, for the franking postage is not allowed them, but simply the privilege of rereiving letters sent. Newspapers are established for the pub lic good, They are indispensably necess ary to every man of business—iu short, they must be classed us among the necessa ries ofltfe iq a free Cuuntiy. I I tiie people encourage them, the enterprise ofthe pre sent day is such that the encouragement will t>« returned in their superior value. It is nn axiom in onr systenf, that whatever aids The rapid transmission of news and its wide dissemination, is an advantage to tho whole system. Editors of newspapers have aa much right to receive tree loiters as members of Congress. Whatever arguments they can Urge in their behalf, wo can urge with re doubled force. We are workers for tho public as well as they, t Congress gave us the privilege of receiv ing free - newspapers. Thus this project is no new one—and now Congress will bo liberal, just,jaud consistent,Jf to newspapers it adds letters. . j We suggest these brief arguments to onr brethren of the quill. There are many mrife nt hand, which their;goad sense witf call up. This is no party question. Wo all are interested; the public at A interested; and let us*give it afair discussion. From the Portland Courier. To uncle’ Joshua Downing, Post Master up in Downingville, State of Maine, tri be sent in the Portland Courier with core and speed. New York City. Friday’evening, > June 14, 1833. f Dear uncle Joshua,—Here we are amongst an ocean of folks, and cutting up CR|>ers as high as a cals 'back. I spot* you will see by tike papers how we all like to got drowned yesterday going across a little bridge between the castle and tho It was a peaky narrow sqeak for me nnd tho President,' Ho was riding over on a great fine hois and I was walking along by lha side of him and trying to dare the way a little for they crowded upon ut so there was uo gottiug along, and hurdly a chance to breathe. When we got uador the arch we stopped a little bit for the crowd to dare atsrny, when all at once I thought I heard something crick. Says, I General, you belter go a head, I am afread there’s mischief britiog here. At that ho giv» hit host a lick and pushed through thw crowd, but we had’nt got more than a rod, before crash went the bridge behind us all down in a heap, and two toll houses on top of H anil *t many •• « hundred folks splash- 1 ed into the water, all mixed op togothor oow j lop of tother. The President looked over ■ Mi shoulder, and seeing I eras safe behind, him, called ouj for Mr. Van Buren, and. asked tnd 'to-Vanned see ifhe WAs hurt. I told bio* he ‘ bud forgot himself, for Mr. ’ •ri.