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rot less in amount than fifty dollars, for the the people of Maryland and of Vlrgi
purpose of trausufiSsion and exchange.
That the Bank shall not suspend specie-
payment—that it shall not pay out any thing
hut coin or bullion or its own notes. I hat
its existence as a corporation continue tor
twenty years—but that it be allowed to use its
corporate name for two years longer in set
tling up its affairs.
That no other bank be established by Con
gress during the existence of the charter.
And providing that it shall not be deemed
an infringement of the privileges granted by
the.charter, if Congress shall order the said
might have rejected the acts of their Legis
latures, as void ab iniiio; and though they
may be considered as having sanetjpeed the
cession by acquiescing in it, yet i^nis go
vernment shall attempt to do any thing winch
the Legislatures of Virginia and Maryland
had not constitutional authority to do, the
people of those States may lise and declare
the contract violated and void.
Now how Was the cession made? I beg
the clerk will rend the act of cession.
The CikttK then read the ac.s of cession
of the State of Maryland, passed 33d Decem-
corporation to place offices o( discount arid j her, l'<o8. by which it was enacted that the
Representatives of the State of Maryland, in
the House of Representatives of the Uni
ted States, “ are hereby authorised and re
quired on the behalf of this State, to cede to
the Congress of the United Stales any dis
trict in this Slate, not exceeding ten miles
deposite wherever the same may be necessary
for the collection, safe-keeping, and disburse
ment of the public revenue.
AU which is respevtfully scbmltteti.
T. EWING, Secretary of the Treasury.
On motion by Mr. Clay of Kentucky, the
report and accompanying bill were relerred , , . . ,, - „
to the Select Committee on the subject, and i S *',' rC ’ W b 0 1 , 16 !Ila - v lx U P 0D ’
ionnl copies ordered to be printed. I for , 1,c seat °< Government ot the
1,500 additional copies
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Monday June 7, 1811.
REMARKS OF HON. T. I>. KING
Cn the motion of Air. Adams to rescind the 21 st
rule of the House which refuses the reception of
abolition petitions.
Mr. King, of Georgia, rose and said, Mr.
Speaker: The honorable gentleman from
Massachusetts lias told us, and has told us
truly, that this is one of the most important
questions that can be presented to this House
or to this nation. He is right, sir, and for
one, I make no apology for appearing befuie
United States.
| He next read the act of cession of the State
| of Virginia, passed the 3d Dec. 1737.
Mr. King resumed. Now, Mr. Speaker,
\ 1 propose to say a few words, first, in regard
j to the act of cession of the State of Maryland.
As f have already observed, the Legislature
I of .Maryland wnc not authorised by the Con-
stitution of the United States to make the
j cession which they ptesumed to make; they
! did it without authority, and it is void ab ini-
‘ lio. But not designing to cavil with this mat-
| ter we will presume the people of Maryland
j to have adopted the act of their Legislature
! to the extent that the Legislature had au-
the House to meet ’ills or any other question j thority to pass law s for their own governance;
which shall be introduced here.
md I desire to know if any gentleman on this
All other questions that may be presented, j floor will presume to declare that the Legis-
sink into insignificance in comparison with
the one. which the
upon our-consideration
iture of Maryland had authority to abolish
email would urge I slavery in this district when they made the
it is as important as cession, whether they had the authority to
the ConstilOtiou itself—it is a question which j sequester the property of the citizen ? I pre-
if Urged as that gentleman would urge it, will | sume such a position will not be maintained
send the Constitution to the winds of heaven j even by the honorable gentleman from Mus-
and dissolve the Union itself into its original \ sachusetts, because, sir, it would clearly in-
elements ; and when that shall have been j voire the right to abolish slavery in any one
done, if the honorable gentleman shall then I county ol the State, and leave the others un
exist, as lie may, like the youth of Ephesus j touched. And if the Legislature could have
who fired the temple, his name may be Laud- ; sequestered the personal property they could
cd down to posterity—1 w ill not say, accotn- ! have taken the land as well as the negroes.
panied with infamy.
Sir, I am aware of the lateness of the hour
and the reluctance which all the members
present must feel to have this question still
further discussed, but it is due to those who
sent me iiere, that they shall through me, be
heard, as one of their representatives; I shall
! Why, sir, such an argument is almost too
preposterous for serious refutation. But
what does Congress propose to do under this
act of cession ? To assume the right to abol
ish slavery in the District of Columbia !!!
Now the right to abolish does not involve
the obligation to pay for this property; it is
therefore as briefly as may be, advert to the ! an unqualified right, as assumed by gentle-
arguments on which the honorable gentleman
n id those who think with him, base their
right to have petitions heard here for the abo
lition of slavery in this District, and all other
purposes touching the institutions of the
Mouth.
Air. Speaker, I hold it to be the true rule
for oui guidance in the reception of petitions
—and 1 would aliifost submit, its decision to
(lie honorable gentleman from Massachusetts
himself—that it is net the duty of this House
to receive petitions in any case in which we
have not the power to legislate. That, sir,
is the distinction which I draw; and it being
the duty' of this House not to receive petitions
on subjects on which we cannot legislate, it
follows as a matter of course that all petitions
endangering the Republic should be rejected.
And il it is not the duty of this House to re
ceive petitions in cases where we have not the
power to legislate, it certainly is a duty which
we owe to ourselves and to our common
country, to reject all petitions which strike
to the heart, and at the vety existence of the
government under which we act. Now, sir,
1 will notice merely,in passing, that the Con
stitution says nothing of the right of petition
at all, except in Article 1st of the amendments
of the Constitution, which declares “ Con
gress shall make no law respecting an estab
lishment of religion or prohibiting the free
excreise thereof; or abridging the freedom
of speech, or of the press ; or the l ight of the
people peaceably to assemble, and to petition
the government for a redress of grievances.”
Now the Southern people have never asked
Congress to pass a law prohibiting the “peace
able assembling” of the people, or their
“petitioning the government for a redress of
grievances.'’ The south na'3 never asked for
the passage of such an act; but, sir, various
and numerous societies in other sections of
the country, where the institution of slavery-
does not exist, hare taken it upon themselves
to interfere with the rights of the south; and
their proceedings} 1 shall endeavor to show
you, amount to an organised sedition. They
send papers here, asking that which every
mail here knows this government has not the
power *.o do, and that which everyone knows
if this government were to attempt, would
break the union into atoms. And now, Sir,
ns to the right ot this government to abolish
Slavery in the District of Columbia. Alost
northern gentlemen entertain the opinion, 1
presume, that Congress can abolish slavery-
iu this District, and that the authority is de
rived from that clause in the Constitution
which authorises the cession of such district,
not to exceed ten miles square, as may, by
cession of particular states, and the accep
tance of Congress, become the seat of the
government of the United States.
They must then derive the authority from
the acts of cession. Congress does not possess
the power. The constitution gives no power.
It only points out the mode by which the
States may grant the power. Now, sir, I
propose to read to the House that clause of
the constitution which authorises the cession.
It says Congress shall have power “to exer
cise exclusive legislation in all cases whatso
ever, over such district (not to exceed the ten
miles square) as may by cession of particu
lar States and the acceptance of Congress,
become the seat of the. Government of the
United States, and to exercise like authotity
over all places purchased by the consent of
the Legislature of the .State, in which the
men, who say that Congress has power to
abolish slavery in this district. Well, sir, this
leads us to the question whether you can
take the property of a private citizen when
it is not wanted for the public use. The
fifth article of the amendments to the consti
tution says :
No person shall be held to answer for a capital or
otlie.wi„e il.famous crime. Hides; on a presentment or
indictment of a grand jury, except in eases arising in
the land or naval forces, or in the militia when in ac
tual service, in time of war or public danger; nor
shall any person he subjected for the name oifence to
be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor si. all be
compelled in any criminal ease to lie a witness against
himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty or property
without line process of law ; nor shall private property
be taken for public use without just compensation."’
Now I would ask if Congress has the right
to take private property when it is not wanted
for the public use, and without, compensation !
Why, this is a most extraordinary doctrine!
But let us see for a moment where it would
lead us. You assume tire right to take the
property of the citizen without its being want
ed for the public use, and without compen
sation ; for the right to abolish does not in
volve tlte obligation to pay for it. Now, in
what does slavery consist ? Why clearly in
ths right of one man to control lire productive
labor and industry of another. That is slavery
in all its length, and depth, and breadth. It
is the right and the authority to control the
industry and labor of an individual. Now we
will suppose that A and B take up their resi
dence in tills district, and that each has
acquired $1000. A purchases a negto and
13 a lot, and you assume tlte right to take
away the negro of A. Now, 1 should like
any casuist to draw tlie distinction between
the right to take A's negro and B’s iol—or
even the gentleman liotn Massachusetts kin
self. A invests his acquisitions under the
constitution and the laws of the pountty; B
does the same; and the government may as
well take .he property from 15 as the property
from A. Well, what next do you do ?—
Emancipate tlte blacks! By such anassump
lion of power you assume the right to en
slave the whites, and tlte moment you over
step the constitution you get abroad upon the
ocean of despotism, for you assume the right
to take the property of the citizen, and to
select the particular kind of property.
So, sir, the proposition that you have the
authority under t lie constitution of the Uni
ted States to abolish slavery in this district,
stops nothing short of declaring that you have
the right to enslave the whites of this district
to all iuteuisand purposes.
Well, sir, wc.-goa little further. If youhave
the right to abolish slavery—if you have the
right to take these slaves, you have the right
to do as you please with them afterwards,
and you then become slave dealers, and you
may send them to New Orleans or to Vir
ginia, or anywhere else, because you have
the light to take them, you have the right to
dispose of them, and you therefore assume
the light to become slave-merchants your
selves. I entreat Northern gentlemen to ex
amine this subject. Here is one (pointing to
Air. Ga'e’, of New York,) who will “smile,
and smile, A”—I will not say “murder while
lie siniies”—but lie would see the South de
luged in blood, and thank God he hud done
his country service. We are entreated as
Southern members to receive these petitions,
and to let them be reported on—to let our
selves and our institutions be abused and
trampled upon, because gentlemen think they
And if it is not your duty to receive petitions
clearly tending to the destruction of the
Union, is it not your duty to reject them ? It
would be equally your duty to receive peti
tions to abolish the ordinance of matrimony,
if the disciples of Robert Owen and Fanny
Wright were to petition you to do so, or if
petttions came ior the establishment of a
monarchy in this country, or to repeal the
Constitution, would you deetn it your duty
to receive and report on (hem ? No man
would suppose it so be his dury to sit here
and deliberate day af.er day on petitions of
that sort. But we are tofd that this is a piti
ful waste of time; that we are called on
pecialand important business. Granted.—
Southern members did not bring this matter
before the House: they deprecated it; they
desired to exclude it, and hence this 21st
V e desired the people should be told
that Congress had nothing to do with the
have much to do with politic*.... Abolition:* 1 .* have
resolved, from the first to act upon slavery politically.”
GiviDg the lie to their resolution of 1834.
” During the year this principle has produced the
happiest results. The candidates of the opposing
parties have been questioned, and their answers pub
lished ; and in cases too numerous to mention, the
election has resulted in favor of those v. ho most de
cidedly pledged themselves to anti-slavery measueres.”
Thus it will be seen they act or intend to
act on slavery politically, though in 1834
they disclaim such a purpose.
In October, 1836, a Mr. T. M. Biakesley,
who seems to have been a travelling agent of
the Society, addressed a letter to a feilaw la
borer, in Chatanque county. He says:
"" Bear Sir. I have just had assigned to me, by the
executive committee of the New York State Anti-
Slavery Society, as my tield of labor for several
months to come, Niagara, Erie, Chauuque and Ccta-
raugus counties. The first object to which l am bend
ing all mv energies, is tue holding of county meetings
before tlte coming election, with a view especially of
same shall be. ioi the erection of torts, tiiaga- j know better what is for our good than we do
zines, arsenals, dock yards and other needful
buildings.”
Now, Air. Spcakct, I beg to call the atten
tion of the House to a plain and broad dis
tinction between a State and the Legislature
of a State. The last clause- of tlte constitu
tion savs, “ The ratification of the Conven
tions of nine States, shall be sufficient for the
establishment of this constitution between
the States so ratifying the same.” It docs
ourselves—and therefore they aie taking bur
interests and prosperity into their own keep
ing, Napoleou-like, who sought to enslave all
Europe that afterwards lie might set it free.
Bui I am astonished that geuiiemen should
presume on our forbearance, or on our at
tachment to the institutions which we have
received from cur fathers, and to all that
is dear to us in our history. Sir. if these
people are thus permitted to go on ; 1 warm
not say the “ Legislatures of the Slates ;” i you that this government will part as a scroll
they are not here referred to; nor was it pro- The South will stand as one man. and those
posed that the Legislatures of the States j thirteen sovereign. States of the Union, when
should be invested with authority to cede as j organized, will be capable of maintaining as
large a district as ten miles square for the scat j good a government as this, and of defending
of Government, but by the constitution they i such an one as they may ordain and establish,
had authority to consent to the sale of places j Sir, are we to be treated here as a parcel of
to the entire country, and that you may per- j this time, Ac. j _ _
petuate vour government, that you "rejetft I c: n u,ove the pro-slavery and dough-faced politicians,
these petitions. 1 “|g 8h ?*' u *? the - 1 ” onr P^cal strength, he. ......
T * -, - ■» , _ in ow, will you call together yourexecutnte-cGminiLtee.
Mr. bpeaker.it nas been matter of some
surprise to northern gentlemen, that the
south is sosensitiverespecting these petitions.
Sir, while the abolition movement at the
north was declared, and wag considered to be,
confined to a religious movement, or to a lew
religionists, who urged it as a moral question
on tbe smith, and treated it as such, the
South never took any particular step to re
ject these petitions from the halls of legisla
tion, and it was not until they declared their
connexion with the politics of the country,
that the south took this ground. It was not
until they declared their determination to op
erate upon the elections, that the south said,
“ stand out of the legislative halls with your
infamous petitions, and come uot before us.”
That, sir, changed the question entirely; it
became a political movement, and as such,
the south rejected it; as such they met it,
and will continue to meet it. And if the
gentlemen of tlte north chose to aid this or
ganized sedition, we will combine by states,
as bold a front as they.
Mr. Speaker, in 1834 the principal aboli
tion society of New York issued a circular,
in which they say :
“ It lias been our object to address tbe hearts aud
consciences of our fellow citizens, and to defend our
principles by facts and arguments—to encourage the
people of . color to great circumspection of conduct
aud forbearance; and to abstain from mingling tbe ob
jects of our society with either of the political parties.
Signed Arthur Tappan, John Rankin, E. AY right Jr.
Joshua Leavitt, \V. Gooueli, Lewis Tappan, Samuel
E. Cornish ”
“ New York, July 16, 1634.”
Well, sit, the south took them at their
word ; we supposed they would rest on that
declaration, and that il was nothing more
than a religious aud not a political movement.
The south then bad no objection to the re
ception of these petitions, for I do not re
member that any great obstacle was thrown
in their way. But, sir, in 1638 they changed
their object, and in that year they issued a
circular, which I will read—but I here beg
to disclaim charging it upon the whigs as a
party ; J deny it here, and whatever abolition
ists may have said, l disbelieved it. I sup
posed they were ready to act with either one
or the othet party, as would best subserve
their puipose, and for one will not permit
the gentleman from Massachusetts to fix on
the whigs as a party, this abolition movement.
But I must read this circular :
“ Dear Sir: Enclosed you have a list cif tlie.pub'ioa-
tiona.of this Society, to which you will please direct
any of our whig friends, who 01113- desire a knowledge
of the truth. 1 am gratilled licit oar abolition friends
are to be found with the whigs radier than the lucofocoa;
for tHe csuite of the country,aud humanity” (humanity!
God deliver us from such humanity) “ ought to go to
gether. If we can rivet ourselves firmly on one of
these parties, we can gain our object. Re careful. I
am yours, &«. Per Arthur Tappan, B. LE HOY.
“New York, Nov. ], 1838.''
This circular was addressed to P. W.
Wesley, jr. and was marked 12C ; how many
more were sent out, I do not know.
Now I come to a resolution passed by the
American Anti-Slavery Society, at new York,
in Alav, 1838, previous to this famous circu
lar of Air. B. Le Roy ; and I again observe,
1 know no political party in this discussion ;
I eschew party altogether. This resolution
is in these terms:
“Resolved, That we deprecate the organization of
aii3- abolition political party; but tint we recommend
to ulofiuonISIS throughout the country, to interrogate
candidates for office, with reference to their opinions
on subjects connected with the abolition of slavery ;
and to vote, irrespective of party, for tltose only who
will advocate the principle of universal liberty.”
Three of the corresponding secretaries of
this society, James G. Biroey, E. Wright, Jr.
aud Henry B. Stanton, issued a circular
from the office at New York, in July, 1838,
to agents in the country, quoting the above
resolution, and remat king, that “resolutions
containing the same idea have been passed
by the New England Anti-Slavery Couven-
tion, and we believe by neatly all, if not all,
of the state Anti-Slavery Societies.” It ap
pears they addressed a circular to the candi
date of the whig party of the north, and
perhaps to the others also ; blit whether they
did or not, their object was to attach them
selves, to use their own language, to one or
other of the political parlies of the day, and
therefore they became a political organzalion
—a government within a government, exerci
sing all the functions of government, having
officers, and secretaries, and a fiscal depart
ment; and they were as regularly organized
as any other, to act according to circumstan
ces tor the accomplishment of their purpose,
it is as clearly an organised sedition as was
ever known in Geimanv, France, Mexico,
or any other couutry. It is an organized
sedition. Its objects are to overturn the
government, with the gentleman from Mas
sachusetts, with all his experience 3iid all bis
honors descending from the chair of state to
aid these fanatics, and with his banner in his
hand, crying, “cotne on, we will overturn
the government or accomplish our purpose.”
But to return to the circular of these sec
retaries. After noticing the adoption of the
resolutions by the New England Anti-Slavery
Societies, they go on to say that
“ They think the time has come when tlte friends of
the slave, throughout the free states, should act fully
up to the letter and the spirit of these resolutions.—
AYe hope, therefore, you will, without delay, confer
with abolitionists in veur region on the subjert, by cor
respondence, by holding meetings, and in such other
ways as may he deemed expedient, and take prompt
and efficient measures to secure the election of such
candidates for the national and state legislatures, as
the friends of the slave ran cheerfully support. By
order of the Executive Committee.'’
Tbe only way hi
id fix on a time and place fur a convention '1 Let tire
know immediately, aud write letters ail over the coun
ty, have notices given out in tile churches, Ac.—and
have town abolition meetings held before the county
convention.'’
Now here then are organized bodies acting
with all tlte machinery of Government, send
ing out missionaries througluhe country—to
do what? To act on the political parlies of
the day. That, sir, is their object. They
act on slavery politically: and 1 am astonished
at the patriotic gentlemen of the North, who
gave their aid to those unprincipled agitators
who seek the destruction of the government
under which we live.
Mr. Speaker, that I may not be supposed
to present arguments not well founded on
facts, I beg to slate to the House what was
the strength of this party in 1638, that it may
be seen with whom we are contending, and
who are seeking admission into tins Hall, and
are determined to upset the constitution, dis-
j solve the union, or distress the South.
Iu 1838, the American Ami-Slavery Socie
ty reported 1350 auxiliaries, of which twelve
were State societies, now tliirteeu, and 340 of
these organized in the course of the previous
year; thirty-eight! travelling agents, so con
stantly engaged, as to have performed jointly
twenty-seven years’ labor mono; 75 local
lecturers, circulating in adjacent towns, as far
as convenient, money raised in the course of
the year, $40,000, being $5,000 in excess of
the pievious year, notwithstanding the pecu
niary embarrassment of the community^ the
issue of the press, 167.310 copies of Human
Rights; 193,800 of the Emancipator ; 42,109
circulars and prints; 12,954 bound volumes;
72,732 tracts and pamphlets; 97,600 of the
Slave's Friend, and 40,000 of the Anti-Slave
ry Record. Total, G4G, 502.
Such, then, is the organized power we have
to contend with. Well, sir, if the people of
auy of these Northern Slates desire the dis
solution of the union, let them go on, and
instead of telling abolitionists that they have
no right to come here, encourage them to
come; tell them that the South deprives them
of their rights, as the honorable gentleman
from Massachusetts has done to day, because
v.-e deny their right to take our property and
our lives, and wish to live quietly under the
tegis of the constitution. What rights do we
deny to them? The right to take both out
lives aud our property. I appeal to Northern
gentlemen, to know which they love most,
the union or the abolitionists? Which is the
most desirable to perpetuate the government,
or destroy it ? Because, I tell them iu all
candor, they must cease the agitation of this
question, or tills government will soon Le at
tin end. This declaration 1 throw out as a
warning.
“ (or the erection of forts, arsenals, maga
zines, dock yards, and other needful build
ings.” And what is the language employed ?
mentals, and our constituents, through us, to
be contemned and ridiculed, and taunted ?
No, Sir, I would sooner tear the cocstitu-
peoplo had the right to petition for even a
change of the succession of the crown, and
and they were rece.ived by the British House
of Commons, and here the people had the
right to petition for a change «f the charac
ter of this Government.
Air. ICixa—I am as well aware as the gen
tleman himself, that the Parliament of Great
Britain, having'unlimited, authority, except
where they are restrained by the Magna
Charta. can receive any petition; but we don’t
live uuderthe Parliament of GrentBritian.—
There the gentleman makes a mistake—there
is a great difference between the two govern
ments—between the unwritten law, the idea
of the British constitution—and the written
constitution under which we act. The con
stitution of the United States says Congress
may do thus ; but does the gentleman intend,
to bring here precedents for onr gofenrij.ent
from the Parliament of Great Britain? By
such arguments the gentleman can neither
convince nor cotrol me; for if it be true doc
trine that it is uot the duty of this House to
receive petilious on subjects on which we
have no authority to act—and when we see
an organized body acting as do these aboli
tionists. it is a duty we ow e to ourselves aud to
our country, to tt-ii them, that their objects ate
unpatriotic and destructive, and to reject
their petitions.
The honorable gentleman from Massachu
setts, it' I understood him aright, said this was
a question between the enslaved and tbe
free. There he has put the issue, and we
meet him at the thieshltoid, aud we deny
y..uv light to interfere.
But further on the subject of sedition.—
In Cr -.bb’s Technological Dictionary, sedi
tion is defined iu the Scotch law, to consist
in -attempts, by meetings, or by speeches,
&c. to distutb the public peace! Now, I
charge otrr abolitionists, that, byspe'eehesand
meetings, and by the circulation of docu
ments, they distutb the public peace.
Webster, who, 1 suppose, v.iii bo good
authority, il-lines sedition to be factious com
motion of the people, or a tumultuous as-
assembly of men, risiug in opposition to law,
or the administration of justice; aud in dis
turbance oi the public peace. Sedition is a
risiug or .commotion of less extent than in
surrection, and both ;ue less than rebellion;
but some kinds of sedition in Great Britain
amount to 4(Pfh trearon. And w hat are these
abolitionists organized to do ? Why, to over
throw the government, and according to that
definition, they tire guilty of high treason,
and ought to be punished. But they are
also calling upon their friends in.other coun
tries to their support. Here are a few num
bers of the Anti-Slavery Reporter which
show this.
The honorable gentleman referred to the
proceedings of the World’s Convention, the
agitation of Mr. Stanton in Europe-, against
tiie south, the southern chinch, and South
ern Institutions; and next to the startling
fact which had beeu communicated to him,
than in Vermont the abolitionists wete cau
sing the appointments of their friend to the
Post Oifices.
Mr. Ev-krktt aud Air. Slade disclaimed,
any such internum.
Air. King explained, and then continu
ed. Now do you suppose that southern men
can nit quietly here, aud see these (reasona
ble designs and this organised seditiou, and
receive their petitions with all their infamous
falsehood? Sir, we should beuuworthyof
our seats here if we permitted it, and allowed
them to work out their infamous purposes.
There was quite an excitement a few days
a;o, in Apalachicola, in consequence of the
exposure of a nefarious plan, to smuggle
away some four or five slaves belonging o
the citizens of that place. The slaves were
invited to get on board of a certain vessel in
, - . , t te bay, where it was promised, their passage
1 understand the honorable gentleman from I iNew York should be paid by a certain
.Massachusetts tins morning to declare his { whUe lnau . A free black, a steward or cook
opinion that Congress has the right to abol- | Qjl board of a vess el in port, was the agent of
And what
States shall no
tiou over the tern
exercise concurrent iegisla-
ory ceded. The language
is plain and it is wide.’v d.fferentfrom that of
“ ->ant«aouot jurisdiction- J \ llen c
r*.* shah act upon th«SPf»'
ttor.s now :n
revolution; but they did not slicd it that
their sous should be contemned in the hails
of the legisiatiou of their country. No, Sir,
God forbid. Tt ii uot 113 of the march of
public opinion; we expect »o meet it, and
' ' ' We
■ asks lor the abolition of the ] we expect to meet tt iu our own way. We
wti.. .' ' ' . ■ would exercise the I arc not to be driven by these fanatics, who
CongresJ
question, wn^ woli |j
Institution of su vei J- , ‘f ; s no t wanted 1 think they know better how to serve both
aright to take property' , f without com- | God and man than all the rest of the world
for the public use, and vk 1 ' 1 , Now. how ; together. But let them “o on. Abolish
pensation, as may be deterunm
was this territory ceded, and wha. _ t
authority is contained iu the act of cess. ou •
That is the question for us to consider.
Why, sit, although the constitution plainly
points out that the cession should be made
Uy the States, it never was made by the
Skates. The Legislatures of those States,
acting without constitutional authority, took
<t upon tp make the cession, and
t e p: of! slavery in the District of Columbia, if you
' Jure, and this government will he no more.
I ufQV right of this government to
. >; s jj gJatf ry in this district. Did I not de-
rivthat ritbt. I should think it to be the du
ty of Congress to receive the.e petitions—
Hut voit have not the right to act, and therc-
not your duty to receive these pett-
1 have here an extract of a letter from the
same Air. Stanton, when a travelling agent
for the society. He says :
“ From Lorkjiort I returned tn L'tica. B3-request
I delivered on aildrejo in file Rleeker street church,
the eveningoftiie tOtli instant, on the political duties
of the 40,000 abolition voters in lliis state, with rel'er-
en :e to the fail elections.”
He claimed 40,000 abolition voters in tbe
state, and he addressed them in reference to
tbe state election, and instructed them in
their duties! That Henry B. Stanton is the
gentleman who has made himself so notori
ous in Great Britain during the last twelve or
eighteen months. It is or no importance, gen
tlemen, what course these abolitionists take,
for they have their own candidates ; but they
speak of fixing themselves on one of the po
litical parties of the day. I do not charge
the whigs not the locos with making overrules
to abolitionists, the abolitionists make over
tures to them.
The following are extracts from- the public
documents of the annua! report of the Ameri
can Anti-Slavery Society for 1639.
“ It is often said, that religion has nothing to do
with our republican publics; and hence it is inferred,
that a cause which is based upon aud inseparable
from religion, should not presume to meddle with po
litical affairs. But to make the proposition true, wc
must read instead of religion, sectarianism.... Tbe
religions principles of abolitionism have nothing to do
with steve.... They are hut the thoughts and opin.
fol’C H IS llUl JVV.. - / . . v T A • ” ,u * - wv*-.. . . . „• — * —» ■— w
tionS This is the distinction. v-.ECII i tlraw^ -or- of Ony-e who truly- love Gtvi. Abolition:?!!: I:,US L
isli slavery in the States. 1 may have mis-
uuderstood him.
Air. Adams explained. lie did not say the
states; but he was understood to say th..* in
a certain event, Congress might be called
upon to interfere. The honorable gentleman
was scarcely audible, but he was understood
to allude to a servile war-
Mr. King—1 suppose, thep, they are to
produce a servile war,come iu, interfere, and
deal with us as they list. Is that their inten
tion ?
Air, Adams—If the geutleman asks me that
question, I say no.
Mr. King—Then I tell the gentleman that
such I conceive to be the effect of his course.
Mr. Adams—Aye, that’s a different thing.
Mr. King—If it does not produce that, it
will produce another result—the disruption of
the Union—and then we shall have a govern
ment of our owe, and this v ill be among the
things that were. I repeat that I am as much
attached to this Union as those who aided iu
its establishment; but I would rather see it
sink like Sodom than thus trodden under foot
by fanatics, who neither regard the laws of
God nor man.
The honorable gentleman from Massachu
setts, iu explaining Ins views of the powers of
this government to abolish slavery in this
district, said, whenever the people asked for
it. he would be iu favor of it. Be in favor of
what?—of appropriating money to purchase
the negroes of this district? Does lie ad
mit that this government has the right to
purchase negroes?
Mr. Adams said the gentleman had no right
to ask him that question. lie had said no
thing about purchasing the negroes. He
had said tiiat when the people of this district
asked for the abulitiou of slavery, he would
vote for it.
Air. King—I have not misquoted the gen
tleman. But if the people desire abolition
without compensation, they need not cotne
here for permission to set tlieir negroes free.
It was perfectly preposterous to suppose that
they would come here to ask permission to
do what each has a right to do. But the right
to abolish involves the right to take, either with
or without compensation; and I suppose he
will not say that the negroes are to be taken
without compensation. It he admits the
light to purchase staves, he admits the core-
lative right to sell ihfiin; and he will then
admit nothing less than that this government
has the right to enter into the slave tviflic.—
Let the gentlemen come up to this question
unmasked—let him no longer lend his aid
to this organized sedition, which has spread
like a cancer over the body politic. While
the abolitionists confined themselves to mo-
rakttifluences, they were unnoticed. 11t is
government has not the power to interfere
with the institution of slavery; and 1 call
on the gentleman to discountenance these
movements instead of leading them on, as a
commander would his legion, as he believes
to victory. But, sir. it it should be a -victo
ry, it wifi he one achieved at the sacrifice of
the best Government God ever vouchsafed
to man ; and he who has sat in the highest
chair of state, will have the credit of over
turning the government over w hich he has
presided.
I understood that gentleman to make an
announcement which was somewhat star
tling. I understood him to say, that nine-
tenrhs either of his constituents, or of the
north, were denied their right to pettition.
Air. Adams explained, the nine-tenths o’ bis
eonslituants approved of his course respect
ing tlie right of petition. He distinguished
between the right of petition and the disso
lution of the Union.
Air. King—I have no disposition to mis
quote the gentleman, or to misrepresent him.
And I wish to ask the honorable gentleman if
he believes it is the duty of Congress to ie-
cieve petitions which tend directly to the
dissolution of this Government ?
Mr. Adams replied in the language used
.'earlier in the debate, that in England the
communication. The plan was exposed by
one of ihe slaves, a girl about 12 years of
age, being carried by a lighter down the ba v ,
to the wrong vessel. On applying onboard
lor passage, under the instructions given, tbe
Captain presumed something to be w rong,
and had her sent back 10 her owners 111 town.
Before the affair could be investigated, the
other'vessel, with the abolitionists cm board,
was off under a stiff breeze for New York.—
Tallahassee Star.
GOLUAIBUS PRICES CURRENT.
CORRECTED WEEKLY liY E. M MLKRAY A CO.
Baogi.no—j| > Jil.
Kentucky .
. .28
luilia 3U <£ 33
Inverness 2n
American tow 25
Bale Rope—(2 16.12}
Bacon.
8 S 10
7 'a 0
7 S 8
VbL.
V 16
...20 ®37
... 163 'a 25
Hams
Sides
Slioulders ..
Beef—
Mess
Priuie......
Butter—
Gesheu
Country
Candi.es—
Sperm... 50 ® 62}
Tallow 15-&1S
Castings 6 a) 7
English 10 UU
Cheese—
Northern 12}
Cotton—
Square bales ... .9} © 10(—Apple
Round bales ... ,6} tt) 9j : Gin:
Coffee—
Havana, green... .14 15
ltio 14 S lfl
Fish— t*-bl
Rye 1 00
Gunpowder—t* keg
Dupont’s ..7 00 ® 8 00
Hides •!>■ Tb 1 'w 6}
lnuN 7'at 8
Laud 12}
Lime. ** cask 5 00
Molasses—t J g ;l i.
N. Orleans.. .35 a 37
Nails— V 16
Cut S a 10
Peas 1’ 6u 50
Pepper— li* 16
Black 12}® 15
Pork— 16 61.
Mess
Prime
Raisins— ¥ box.
Malaga 3 00 © 4 00
Rice 16 Gj
SmtiTs— C gal.
Brandy:
—Cognac.. 1 75 'ti> 2 50
—Peaeh...l 00 Hi l 25
60 Tv 70
TO THE PUBLIC.
• But yesterday, tlie word of Cocsar might
Have stood against the world : now lies he there,
And none so poor to do him reverence.
I feel it my duty to publish to this community, a fair
statement cf a report which has been circulated within
the past weeV, concerning a debt which I ow£ to the
Bank of Columbus.
By reference to my letter to his excellency, Charles
J. McDonald, informing him of the suspension of the
Bank ol Columbus, published in the last number of
the Enquirer ot this city, will Le found the protest^
aud the reason assigned by the Teller fur refusing to
pay the bili which was presented for payipeut. He
(the Teller) refused to pay, saying “*:e arc not pnyhio
specif.” Does this say that 7 owed the Old Bank of
Columbus one thousand dollars, and that ihev are
ready to settle with trie when i paid my note.
A friend came to me yesterday, and asked me if I
had heard the report which some were busily eugaged
in circulating “ that I was indebted to the Bauk oue
thousand dollars.
I was astonished to hear it. I deuiedbeing indebted
to the Bank, aud observed, that I would be perfectly
willing to make au affidavit to the fact, that I never
did owe die Bank of C’oiuiubus one dollar to the best
of my knowledge aud belief.
1 called on the Teller of uie Bank, aud inquired, if
I was indebted to that institution, and to my utter as
tonishment, I ascertained, thalthe Old Bauk of Colum
bus held the note of H. T. Greenwood and Co. for one
thousand dollars, flow came the Bunk in possession of
that note ? It was transferred ky Me.tsis. Prc:;tou,
.Min heli, c>t._ John and Co. to Lewis Dowdle, of Har
ris county. Did the Bank of Columbus own the note
when it liiatumH If ro, Mr. Dowdle is the Bank's
collector. Did the Bank of Columbus discount my uoie,
or rather the note of If. T. Greenwood and Co. fo
one thousand dollars, to Lewis Dowdle 1 No man
who is acquainted with the'institution, will ever pub
licly slcndc?' it in that manlier. Did the Bank, thea,
come in possession of the note, after it matured V II'
so, I am under obligations to the Bank, for their indul
gence in not presenting it for payment, or even inform
ing me it was their property. How;, or when thou, did
the Bank come iu possession of a.note of H. T. Green
wood and Co's. ? Tiiat remains for the Bank to an
swer. Suffice it to say, that I showed Lewis Dowdle
the note and. protest, which 1 forwarded to the Gov
ernor in presence of John J. MeKend. ee, and others,
and observed to Mr. Dowdle, that I owed him cue
thousund dollar?, for which, he protfered to accept
Bank of Columbus notes. Mr. Dowdle has never in
formed me that the note had passed from his hands,
neither did the Old Bank of Columbus come or send
to inform me that X was in their debt. Why was the
fact stated to others, and I, the person interested, kept
in ignorance ? It is very evident that it was done for
eff ect. For what eff ect ? For the purpuse of collect
ing the debt ? No, fellow citizens! it was done to try
and prejudice the community agaiust me, because 1
have independence to niai^jiiu \uy rights when I
know them.
I have called on A. B. Dayia. and inquired when
and how the Bank of Columbus came iu possession of
a note against me.
He stated that he bought the note from Lewi* Dow
dle, after I had the Bank protested ; ami his object for
so doing was to prevent, if possible, the Governor
from issuing his scire facias.
I asked Mr. Davis why the Bank oi’Columbus did
not present the note to me for payment, or i*ifo:m me
that they had it.
His reply was that Le bought it merely for the ob
ject of reporting it to the Governor.
Sir, said I. 1 told tbe people, at the iirst meeting of
the merchants in this city, that the Dauk of Colum
bus was endorsing a spurious currency, -without bticovi-
iitfj responsible for il; and that so soou as it could pay
out what it had, it would be no longer bankable—(i
alluded to tbe Chattahoochee Kail Iload Bank)—and
the people would lose the discount, and not the Dimka.
Have you done it^ jl>o you now receive that money
o-i deposit?.
Mr. Davis replied, that when the Chattahoochee
Railroad Bank went into operation, it was not to dis
count any notes to individuals, but merely to make ad
vances on cotton, Ac.: and that was why lie received
it as bankable money.
The Bank of Columbus and every body else knew
that if the Chattahoochee Railroad Bank had any capi
tal at all, it was but little. The merchants and the
farmers have had no confidence in the Bank ; hut still
the Banks received it as bankable money, inducing the
people to receive it at one hundred ceuts to the dollar,
until the Bank of Columbus could not g?t a settlement
on their own terms, and then the poor, hind, credulous,
arid indulgent community must sustain the loss. Able
financiering that ! So long as it could be of any ad
vantage to some of our Banks to make this money bank
able, they did so ; but when they could not make any
thing by it, they shut down against it—protect them
selves, regardless of the loss that the community might
sustain, when it was tlieir management that caused the
people to place auy confidence whatever in such a
doubtful currency!
But it is something very astonishing, that the people,
with their eyes open, submit to sucli an unjust, impoli
tic course. A free and independent people—men who
boast as their liberties—to be ruled with an iron rod !
— to crown a few officers of Bonks!—clothe them in
royal purple !—suffer them to command and be obeyedl
That is not the liberty and independence for which
the patriots of the Revolution contended. That is
not justice. JI. T. GREENWOOD.
Columbus, Ga. June IS, 1841.
CITY COUNCIL.
Cojxmp.vs, Ga., June 21, 1841.
By Alderman Williams—The Legislature of the t
State of Georgia- having *.ttbe last sessHcn authorized
the City .Council to lay out and dispose of lots on the
North Common and Buy Street, upon ihe Chattahoo
chee River, mid many of our fellow-citizens having
expressed their opinion, that the early disposition ana -
improve me at of said lct« will conduce to :he beneiit of
the City or.d country g:ei:erally,
JSe it thinf/re nsohrd, That die City Council pro
pose today out and tii.pose of said lots a* follows*
That saiti u.ts shall be laid out. commencing at the
Nordi CoiiKiratiou line, mid shall contain seventy-four
feet on the k:ver, end shall run back three hundred
feet, provide i that said lots shall not inpringe upon
Broad Street at it< upper end, but such space shall he.
reserved for srid Street as is required by the act of th<T
Legislature authorizing this disposition.
That the CitConucii propose to convey In fee sim
ple, under said Act, to any i^ rsnn or company of per
sons, every alternate lot so laid oi:t; that is to say, the
Council will reserve No. 1, which shall adjoin the
Corporati.^i line, and give to said person or persona
No. 2, which shall be next South thereof, mm so on,,
aheruately; Rrovided. said person or persons will bind
themselves, their heirs executors, administrators, les
sees, and assigns, to erect and keep in proper repair
the necessary fixtures for raising or conveying the
water iu sai-i River to said lots so that uLleast seven
h*et i:ve water power shall he available, at ordinary
River height, cm lot No. 1: And provided, also, tb.it
no water power shall be used from r.aid fixtures at any
place above euid lot Xo. 1, unless it be by consent of
the City Council aud all Other parties iu interest.
The City Council, in any -contract which may bo
input 1 e! and concerning die piemises, will require tho
grantee or grantees to commerce' operations in twelve
ui'mihs, and to make the water available for machinery
on lot No. 1, in two years bum the time die contract
uuiy be entered into.
1 urther Resolved, Thru nil gr’ntifs and deeds, and
every grant and deed which «balk.hereafter be mode
to any person oi persons under this Ordinance couvcy-
lug^uuy or all said lots proposed to Le disposed of,*
shad.contain the utve-.; try clauses lo insure die per
formance of the eondinctU herein exprersed. which
.ieeJ or Weed- si.all I* m,U ami voT.i up .a the default
and tadure oi die grantees, his or their to per-
torm said requirements; and the lots so granted shall
revert to and beef me tl e property of the Citv.
\N Inch was adopted by the City C-ouncd, and or-.
aeiTci to be published in all the papers of the Citv three
Wm/a. DOUGLASS,
June 23. 2C i?t Citv Clerk.
—Holland .1 50 ® 1 75
—Domestic ..45 "d> 48
Rum:
—Jamaica. 1 75 'S' 2 00
Mackerel, No. 1....‘. .22 !—Domestic .. 40 'a)
2 18
“ “ 3 12
Herring.... box....—
Flour— & bl
Northern 800
Western,. 7 50
C’ntry,cwt.3 50 'd> 4 00 ,-Loaf 18 u)
50
: Whiskey.. Irish .... 4 00
i—-M’gahela .. 87 J ® 1 00
!—N. Orleaus.35 'J 49
i Sugar— t* lb
J New Orleans 8 d) 10
; St. Croix ... .12 '3> 15
Grain— V bu.
Corn 45 ® 50
Wheat 75
Oats 45
Salt.. .i* sack ..2 50
Shot— V bag.
..2 25 ® 2 50
S0AP.1> lb.8 & 10
M A R R 1 E D
On the 18th instant, by the Rev. William D. Cairns,
Mr. Thomas B. SMALL, of Richmond, Virginia, to
Mrs. Lucy F. Larus, of this city.
In this city, on the 10th install, by the Rev. Dr.
Goulding, Mr. B. F. Mj.lose lo Miss Susan M.
Burch, all of this city.
COLUMBUS LYCEUM.
A T the special request of the Committee, the Rev.
Joseph Baker will repeat the substance of liis
last Lecture, on Saturday evening next, and then con
tinue his re.marks upon the “ Influence of Intellectual
Culture in imparting beauty to the human frame.”
As ihe subject is one of deep interest, it is hoped
that there will be a full attendance.
June 23. THOS. HOXEY, Tres’r.
CRockettsville, Husseil co. Alabama.
Agreeably* to previous notice, a portion of the citi
zens of CruekettsviUe, and its vicinity, met at Crock-’
ettsviiie, oi: Saturday, the 29ui of May last, for the
purpose of making suitable arrangements for the cele
bration of tlie sixty-fifth anniversary of American In
dependence, when, on motion. William Shells, Esq.'
.vas called to the Chair, and TUona&s 8. Tate, reques-
ed to act us Secretary.
The object of the meeting being explained, on mo
tion, a committee of three, viz : 6aptain Jeremiah TV’
Cloud, John 8cgur, Esq. and Major Samuel M. Barr,
were appointed by the chair to select an Orator for tho
day, and Reader of the Declaration of Independence,
who, after retiring a few minutes, made die following
selections, viz : Thomas M. Kemp, orator of the day,
and William.P. Haynes, reader of the declaration of
independence.
On ruction, a committee of five, viz: Thomas M.
Kemp, E>q. Dr. S. S. Andrews, William P. Haynes,
William D. Hargrove, and Thomas f5. Tate, was ap
pointed to draft Toasts for the oocnsum. Tho foliow-
ig persons were thereupon appointed as superintend-
nts of the Barbecue to Le given ou that day, viz :—
John fiegar, David Bishop, Marcus D. Vance, N. J..
McGchee, N. J. Caldwell, and John Kirkly. Com
mittee cf invitation—-Major Henry Moflit, Captain J.
T. Cloud, Major 8. M. Barr, H. B. Careen, Esq. l)r.
E. E. Purk, Mapr W. F. Gibson, Hugh McClain,'
Esq. and William Brazil.
On motion, the meeting adjourned.
WILLIAM 8ELLS, Chairman.
Thomas 8. Tate, Secretary.
June 16. (T-S..T) 25-2t
■ NOTICE: .
rnKE subscriber off ers for sale a half section of
1. good Oak and Hickory Land, in Russell county,
four miles West of Columbus, on which is one hun
dred and fifty acres of fresh open land, a large new
: gin house and screw, gin and thresher all complete, ’
Good cabins mid comfortably improved otherwise.—
Said land, with its desirable improvements, may be
bought on very accommodating terms for Chattahoo
chee Rail Road money, at par. Any perdQrf wishing
lo purchase such a settlement, will please f*iv i the
subscriber a call. A. F. BRANNON.
Columbus, June 23. 2G-lt
VALUABLE '
FOR
: II ACT
SALE.
OF LANI/
A N ELECTION" will be lielti at the Court House.
/ V on the 3d July next, for Captain of the 5 7 4-1 «Iis-
rict, G. XI. By order of Major G. \\ . MARTIN.
June 23. '? ' 1
,4 LL persons indebted to the ChaRobeotfiiec bait
J\. Road and Bankiuir Company of Georgia, are r
quested to call at the Bank ivurneuiatelv and pay qti
the r notes due said Institution. After sixty days, the
asret 5 will be placed in me hands of A.itorneys f< r
collection.
It is proper to add that the assets of £he Bank are
believed bv the Dive“tors tn i.e f iliy adequate to }-av
the debts due by the Bank, and this conrse is adopted
tn procure a speedy settlement of ii- affairs..
ALLEN G. BASIS, Arikig On'sl ’r.
26 if d
Executive Department,
MiLEEpcevjlle, June 18, 1S41.
Ilcnry T. GrcenzrooJ, E?g.
Slit: I hud the honor this afternoon to receive your
letter of the 13th, but post marked lGth instant, inclo
sing a five dollar note of ihe Bank of Columbus, with
a notarial protest, and an affidavit, for the purpot - ot
authorizing judicial proceedings against that Bank,
under the act of the last General Assembly, for fuk’iug
to redeem its liabilities in specie. Tiie affidavit for
warded, does not contain all the allegations winch this
Department some time since prescribed as nec-ssery
to warrant the proceedings required by the Legislature.
I have the honor to forwa-d you the copy of an affida
vit, which, if s worn to by you, will he sufficient, in
point of form and substance, to prove die facts prelim
inary to furdier action. Very Respectfully,
Your obt serv’t,
CHARLES j. McDonald.-
Georgia, Muscogee County.—Personally ap
peared before me, Henry T. Greenwood, who being
duly sworn, deposeth and saith on oeth, that on the
fifth of June, distant, he presented a five dollar bank
note, issued by the Bank of Columbus, to r’-e officers
of said Bank, at Columbus, at the Banking H-.-.-se of
said Bank, the said Bank note beh.g payable there,
and demanded payment thereof in gold ct silver,
which was refused, and that in presenting the sante,
tiiat he did not act as the cger.t of either a Bank or a
Broker; lint he was no; at the time himself a Broker.
and that he was not at the time indebted tc the Bank
aforesaid, and that he did- not obtain said Sank note
from any pe;
tho purpose of demanding payment thereof for hi-
her or their benefit. HENRY T. GREEN\\ OCD.
Sworn to, aud tubscriberf !>efnre me, this 2!*t June.
18-51. John J. McKendree, j. r.
T HE subscriber offers for sale, that valuable tract
of land, on winch be at present lives, situated
one mile from Richland Rost Office, in the twenty-
fourth district, Stewart county, Georgia, on the road
leading from Columbus to Cuthbert. On said planta
tion. there are two hundred and fifteen acres of cleared
land, under good fence, and in a hteli state of cultiva-.
tlon. The land is well watered; tnere is a good Gin
house and Gin on the premises; other buildings com
fortable. Said land will lie sold ou the most accom
modating terms. Any person desirous of purchasing,
will do well to call aud examine tho premises.
June 23. £6-3t WILLIAM JOHNSON.
Flakeley hoticl.
T IIE subscriber* iiifnnn the public tiiat they have
opened the House formerly kept by J. A. Wood,
and that they lire now prepared to ucconrimodate trav
ellers and resident bourders in u style of cOinfert and
neatness, unsurpassed by any establishment of the
kind in the country.
They have excellent and well aired -rooms—active
and obliging waiters—and their Table at all limes is
amply supplied with ali the delicacies of the season.
They have large and convenient stables, v. ell atten
ded by experienced ostlers, and supplied with proven
der in abundance.
Tiie most unwearied exertions wi'l be made to ren
der general satisfaction, and the public patronage is
respectfully solicited. B. CODY & (HON.
Blakeley, Georgia, June 23. 20-2t
E Ul-'AULA HOUSE.
T HE undersigned respectfully informs his friends ’
and tiie public generally, that he has taken the
new and commodious house iu Irwinton, Barbour
county, Alabama, known as the “EufauiaHouse,” for
the entertainment of Boarders and Travellers. He
deems it entirely unnecessary to make any promises
of a.very tiattei'mg nature; lie will state, however,
that from his experience in tiie business, he does not
entertain a doubt but that he will be able to give gene
ral satisfaction to all who may favor him with their
patronage,
His Table shall at all times be furnished with the
beat the market affords, his Bar w ith the choicest li-
quors, and hi* stable elidl be attended v/ith an atten
tive and active oetler—thereby hoping to merit the
p i Iron sire of a liberal couuumilty.
June 23. 2S 3t IBAAC W. HORNE.
The Fort Gaines Whig, Columbus Enquirer, and
Alabama Journal, are requested to give the above
tliree in^rtions and forward tlieir accounts.
ONE HUNDREDHOLLARSRK WARD.
R AN AW AY from tiie subscriber on Sunday night.
the 12th of tins instant, a negro fellow named
Moses, about tiiirty years of age, quite black, weighs
about one hundred" rind sixty pounds, common height,
lias a down look when spoken to, his clothing not re
collected, except a chip hat; he is an aniui fellow,
though he win trv to rccke any cue believe tiiat he ie
verv ienoranl; he can read print very well. I behe\e
thet Le ksz been inveigled o*i by come wlnie person ;
if he has, I will give the above reward .tor die appre-_
liensicm oP the ihief and negro, with proct to convuv
lien or ten dollars fur tiie negro -done, and del .vcreil
to Ilia at ir.v reo5.ler.ee. or lodg'd in any oafe jail so
t'lat I ret liu i, or twenty-five dollars, if apprehended
out of the Etatc. JOHN M tETTl.K,
June £3. 2o 4t Near Uniunville, Monroe co. Ga.
( YAME to the undersigned's on ihe 13th instant, a
j bev marc, of the r rdinarv height, sup-.osed.to be
about seven or eight years o’-l. ploughs well, paces
on or person* indebted to aaid Bank, forTtolerahly. in a thin condition, hss old saddle spots,
^ - - - - i-—x ~ * -iti-.er-.vtse if.jcreti. The owner is
>r this aiivortiM ii.cn:, ar.l take her
X. \Y. rERtiGNS,
June 23-26-St-pd £ uSles E. Salem, Russell co. ala.
n the subscriber, residing at Ward’s
. cnuriy. Georgia, ou the night of thd
lit iron grey horse: 6aid horse is raw
tv fat; liis tail is somewhat deformed,'
tempting to pick it, who d : *l not un
rest: tin; horse is five feet nine or
•end is between five aud ueven years
a sore hack, and
requested to pay
June 23.
fllHB undersigned is preparing over h:s owtifiigna-
l wre. a work tobe emitied “ AN EXPOSITION
OR BANK FRAUDS IN ALABAMA,GEORGIA
AND FLORIDA.” It will he based upon facts pro-
ten by written contracts, affidavits, certificates, leucrti
receipts, and ccrr.’borrting cirr.uinstances—all the
facts ill connection with the Wetumpkn Trading Com-
pativ. together with lbs names «f th- mj-ividiiiils con-
ccriied, will be tally develop'd. The revert frauds
u->o i thecB-inks of this State Will be also expoadd, t>e
retlier -.vidit've names of the individuals engaged' in
them. TIris little volume will invoice mtn of preten
ded respectability", and some high in the confidence cf
tiie people, and consequently he will be expdsi
OTOLKN
i^tore. Mari i
] 2iii ir*st.v.rt, a'Jij
boTteo. and »»©t v
| by sfcroe n
fierstarui tbc p*":
r.cn inches fau.ii,
old. A suilablc rervt ard. (nr & r -
TLKUBEN C. .SHORTER.
•Marion cmv.itv. Jw-i* 2i. 2fi-2t
tiie sh-dfe; off cal nil mv that the snallgtffty of tbftbe'thr.a
WYNTON FEMALE ACADEMY
T HE second term oi* this Insii.utio: vf 1c m uecce i ^ c ^...
Juae 28. Monday, and continnetw-uty-two week 1 . m - v direct': bathe will not shrink from ;!•“ '
Tuition will be S17 50 per term. For wood and in- j w i.p.i, conceives Ird owes to him3etf and his ! -\1 _!’”
-Mental exoences 50 re.its, Aavment in advance. ' t -i t (jdrcn. it,"' J '
Editors of newspapers publishing the above,^shall
be entitled to a volume gratis: It will be out in July
next. Ti.-e Mauitscript is now itr type. BRUTES.
Montgomery, Ala. Jnne23. 26-lt
Hkap J'fAttThxs, loth Division, G. M-
Cof.vtt't v, f*5ay 24, 1841.
\1 VISION" OfiDfc its.—/u pursuance of the Gen-
frtl.
cidentaL expenc^s 50 re.its, Aa;
% IL W. B. MTNRO, Prim ip.ffi
June 22. 26-41
Times pub. 4?. cb. Enq.
Maricn,
Swnpter,
June 23.
ndo
ItrH
T. F. MGNTGO dE liY/
T HE Exercises off tbe T<dbottua faemnle
mv, will be resumed °n Monday, the 5th .of July
■\t OTICE.—-There will be lei to the lowest bidder,
die building of a Bridge across the l »».»toie
Creek, at Mrs. Reid's, on the 12th of July itex*.—
Terms of letting, end plan ol the Bridge, made known
oa the day. E. B- W. SPIVJ3Y/
HENRY KING,
June 23. 26 3t 0. A. PARKER, ComnrJextC'
INDIAN SPRINGS, GEORGIA.
rpHE stffa?r:ribcr is now prepared to receive Com-
X nt his ce'chrated watering place, during? the
waierin® season, end hopes by unremitted attention to
jive satisfaction to all who may fa«ror him wirh & call.
Being thankful for pa st. favors, he' most respectfully
ftoliens a enntinuance of public patronase. . t
H June 23. Ar ts THOMPSON/
D iVL
f-rnl Orders A b.u C jmm*;tder-in-Chief, the fol-*
hr.vinq *\rtU be tb’ or Jet for the Annual Review and
3 0th Diviriou: In tbe county of
ihe 28th, 20th,' and 30th of June nexffl
2d 3d- July
5 tb 6th “
7th 8tli
. dih 10fh
13ih
14 th 15th “
The if'icP’l Staff:’ConrpHiiv. and n^m-ernmnissionert
offi- e j, will be aSMjimdeu on riie first nair.etl day, irf
each.county, fur the purpose Drill; end the.
entire, will be n.-^etnoiod or tha succeeding
days for Review anl Ir.speetiaa, in conformity widtf
the law. By order of DaSiel McDougalt>,
Major General, lOrb Division, G. M.
BE N JAM IN HENRY. Division Inspect*.
. JtXfc 9:-
Mu:
Uarr :