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THE GAZETTE.
New Series.
A RADICAL VIEW OF THE SHERMAN
JOHNSrON PEACE CONVENTION.
The Chicago Tribuna contains the
following:
Gen. Sherman, in his personal memoirs
just published, gives in detail his histo
ry of the famous convention made by
him with the rebel Generals, Johnston
and Breckinridge, preceding the surren
der of the rebel army. Lee had surren
dered to Grant in Virginia, and John
ston and Sherman were near each other
in North Carolina. The terms of that
convention were written, every word,
by Gen. Sherman himself, and they pro
vided:
1. A suspension of hostilities in or
der to submit the agreement for ratifi
cation.
2. The Confederate armies to be dis
banded, to be conducted to their State
capitals, and their arms to be there de
posited.
3. The recognition by the President
of the United States of the several
State governments, including Legisla
tures.
4. Re-establishment of federal courts
in the States. •
5. The people of the States to be
guaranteed their political rights and
franchises, and rights of person and
property.
This was signed on the 18th of April,
1865, and Bent by a special messenger to
Washington. Pour days had then elaps
ed since the assassination of the Presi
dent. On the 24th, a response was re
ceived from Washington, disapproving
the Sherman Johnston agreement; on
the 26th, anew agreement was made by
which Johnston surrendered his army to
Sherman.
In the memoirs Gen. Sherman makes
no defense of these terms other than
that, after his arrival in North Carolina,
he had taken steamer up to Grant’s
headquarters, and on March 27 or 28 had
a long conversation with President Lin
coln, in which the latter expressed a de
sire to close the war without another
great battle; and that at that interview
he understood the President to author
ize him to say that; in case the rebel ar
mies surrendered, “in order to avoid an
archy, the State governments then in |
existence, with their civil functionaries,
provide others.” Geu. Sherman embod-
this understanding in the agreement
%4th the rebel General. AdmiralJ Por- j
ter. who was present at City Point, sub
sequently confirmed substantially Gen.
Sherman’s recollection of the conversa
tion with Mr. Lincoln.
In the face of this, we have given by
General Sherman Secretary Stanton’s
dispatch of March 3, written by Mr. Lin
coin personally to General Grant, forbid
ding him to have any conference with
Lee except on purely military matters,
and instructing Grant “not to decide,
discuss, or confer upon any political
question,” as the President held such
matters in his own hand, and would not
submit them to military conferences or
conventions. Of the existence of this
instruction General Sherman denies all
knowledge until aftei his terms with
General Johnston had been disapproved
by the new President, who, he was
then informed, agreed with Mr. Lin
coln.
We do not propose to make any per
sonal complaint of Gen. Sherman, nor
to question his patriotism; we concede
that he acted honestly, as he understood
his duty ; but wliat we think is peculiar
is that he did not then see that his terms
would have been deplorable for the j
country, and that in the expsiience of |
the ten years that have passed he does :
not now feel disposed as a patriot ’
to rejoice that his “terms” were re- j
jected.
Suppose the Sherman-Johnston agree
ment had been adopted by the govern
ment, what would have been the neces
sary and inevitable consequences ? The
President had issued his emancipation
proclamation, but it had been prac
tioally inoperative, except within the
linen of the Union army. Slavery had
not in fact been abolished. At the date |
of this Sheriuan-Johnston agreement the j
thirteenth amendment was pending, and j
required the ratification of several of the I
Confederate States to give it validity.— i
Four fifths of the negroes were as prac-;
tically in the possession and under the
control of their owners as ever they had
been. Under the Sherman-Johnston
agreement, the rebel State governments
then existing would have been recog
nized as the only State governments in
the several rebel States; all the arms of
the rebel army would have been deposit
ed at the State capitals, subject to the
control of the State governments; and,
under the same agreement, the people of
the rebel States would have been guar
auteed in the possesssion of their “prop
erty” as defined by State laws.
Here, then, this agreement, had it
been ratified, would have arrested all
measures for the abolition of slavery;
would have required the concurrence of
the rebel legislatures to ratify the thir
teenth amendment; would have guaran
teed the rebels in possession of their
slave property, and given them a legal
demand for money compensation for the
slaves freed by the army.
Had the seceded States been thus re
stored to their original rights and priv
ileges under the Constitution, there
would have been 30 ex rebel Senators
and 120 ex-rebel Representatives imme
diately elected to Congress; and these,
with their Northern allies—“ Copper
heads” of that day—would have such
ESTABLISHED 1859.
ELBERTON GEORGIA, JUNE 9. 1875.
control of both branches of the legisla
ture as to prevent the passage of any
one of the several constitutional amend
ments.
Not only would slavery not have been
abolished, but its continuance under the
State laws and constitutions would have
been “guarani eed” as one of the terms of
the surrender, and the rebel States would
have been left in the possession of all
their arms, both to keep the slaves in
subjection and to renew the war in case
the guarantee was violated. With a
small vote in Congress from the North
ern Democrats, these ex-rebels would
have been able to coerce the passage of
a law making compensation for the loss
of slaves who had been released by our
armies and had escaped to the North.
Any scheme for the emancipation of the
slaves would have been met by a demand
for compensation, and, if slavery was
abolished at all, it would have been at a
pecuniary cost equal to the whole of our
national debt.
Wnen it was remembered that Andrew
Johnson, standing almost alone, with a
small portion only in each Honse of Con
gress, was able to prolong the contest
and defeat reconstruction for several
years, it can readily oe understood how
a Congress in the control of the ex reb
els and their political associates would
have defeated all the measures that have
resulted from the war. It is not extrav
agant to assume that no laws granting
pensions to the Union troops would
have passed which did not treat the sol
diers of the “two countries” equally;
and that no persons would have been
compensated for property taken and
damages caused by the war unless all
persons on both sides were treated
alike.
Another and hardly less fatal conse
quence would have been the recognition
of that most dangerous of all political
heresies, the inviolability of Slate sov
ereignty. These rebel States claimed
the sovereign right to secede; and the
Sherman Johnston agreement recogniz
ed the governments which had collect
ively and individually waged war against
the Union as the sole and exclusive State
governments, which were instantaneous
ly to be restored to all their ante bel.'um
rights, privileges and franchises as States
of “
piSße wtaorraned upon the terms agreed
upon by Gen Sherman, with Gens.
Johnston and Breckinridge would have
lasted a year. It was practically a sur
render of all the results of the war to
the rebels,- a restoration of the control
of the government to them, with slavery
strengthened by the new guarantee as
one of the conditions of peace. It is to
be regretted that Gen. Sherman, who
speaks of men and events in the most
outspoken and candid terms, did not,
in giving the history of this important
event of the war in which he was con
spicuous, frankly admit that however
honestly and patriotically he acted at
the time, he committed a grave political
error, and that, in the light of the expe
rience of the last ten years, he rejoices
that his agreement with Johnston and
Breckinridge was promptly repudiated
by the government.
PETE MCARTNEY’S LEAP.
A Houston (Texas) special to the
St. Louis Globe-Democrat, of Friday,
says:
“The notorious counterfeiter, Pete
McCartney, who caused a sensation in
April by his escape and recaptures in
Northern Texas, had his cases continued
at the recent term of the United States
Court at Tyler. The trial day was fixed
for July at Austin, and Mar
shal Puenel started with Pete from Ty
ler en route for Austin. Pete was beav
ily shackled and placed in charge of four
guards upon the train. At Palestine he
was hailed by some parties who said,
“Hello, Pete; they have got you at
last!”
“Yes,” said Pete; “but damn ’em they
can’t hold on to me long!”
He appeared perfectly easy, and be
trayed neither desire nor expectation of
making an escape ; but while the train
was approaching Phelp’s station, at
about eleven o’clock in* the night, his
guards were found to be Bound asleep.
McCartney was making for the door of
the car, a free man, when one of them
aroused and said: “George, by God,
McCartney’s gone!” They made for
him, but he gained the platform, and,
backing himself, held the door tightly
closed upon them. On the inside they
jerked the bell cord, but it bad been cut
and pulled out of its rings. They then
ran to the baggage car to signal the en
gineer to stop the train. Just then the
train reached the head of the grade and
started down. There is a heavy forest
of timber at this place, where he flew the
train. The Deputy Marshals got off at
Phelps and started back in pursuit of the
slippery fugitive. The shackles of Mc-
Cartney consisted of ankle bracelets and
handcuffs, joined by an iron rod at his
seat. After the escape they werefound—
the handcuffs, iron rod and part of the
chain which connected the anklets. The
band he carried away upon his legs.
The work was done with a very fine file,
and was a neat job. A party who got in
the cars at Palestine sat and talked with
McCartney until just before his escape,
when he, too, went to sleep. It is assert
ed and believed that friends of Pete were
on the train assisting, and money was
used to aid the escape."
Maine has anew town called Scatcha
watchiekatchie.
FISH CULTURE.
The authorities assert that where fa
cilities are available, as they are in a ma
jority of cases, more food can be taken
.from an acre of water, or its equivalent,
than from twice the area of land, no
matter how well it is tilled.
Wm. Clift says, in the Phrenological
Journal, that the black bass is otte of
the best fish for private enterprise to
handle. It will thrive m ponds that can
be made and controlled on almost any
farm where there is flowing water, and in
quality it is good enough to satisfy even
an epicure, ranking second only to the
salmon and trout, and by many consid
ered superior to them. In size the black
bass attains an average weight of four
or five pounds, and one was lately tak
en which weighed seven and a half
pounds. Doctor Wm. M. Hudson, one
of the Connecticut Commissioners, says
of him :
“He is exceedingly hardy and adapted
to our waters, being a native of the
northern lakes. Any pond of clear wa
ter having a variety of mud and gravel
bottom, and one or more deep holes, is
suitable for him. He is a great breeder,
and is one of the very few fish that pro
tect their spawning beds and young
fry. He is the only fish su'table for wa
ters able always to defend himself
against the ravenous pickerel or pike.—
Nearly all our ponds are infested with
this pirate among fishes. He is able to
conquer all bis enemies. Finally, he is
game as the salmon, and in comparison
with his size furnishes as much sport to
the angler. He readily takes a live min
now or a fly, and when he feels the first
prick of the hook frequently r.ses three
or four feet out of the water in his
struggles to free himself, and it requires
A quick eye and a steady nerve to land
him safely.”
The cost of these fish for stooking
purposes, is from one to three dollars
each, according to size and num er tak
en, the expense of transportation being
added. With an attendant they can be
safely sent four or five days’ journey by
rail.
■< All the efforts at stocking ponds with
the black bass have been successful, so
fir as our information extends. Tons
re taken every year from ponds of a few
f urnishine - an ..appreciable amoniit.
of food to people in the vicinity. A pond
of forty acres, stocked two years ago at
an expense of three hundred dollars, is
now valued at ten thousand dollars by
its proprietors, aud will probably pay
the interest on that sum. One of the
excellencies of the black bass is, that be
absolutely requires no care after he is
put in his new home among the coarser
kind of fish. He caters for himself, liv
ing upon varieties that are of little value
for human food. You have nothing to
do but catch him when he is fall grown.
A ponu should be kept closed for four
years after it is stocked, an t then it will
bear the strain of fishing with the hook,
probably as long as water runs.
Fish also can be raised in ponds that
have no outlet, or in those that are sup
plied by running water only pai’t of the
year, if they do not get so low as to de
stroy the fish by the excessive heat in
the summer* Eels and mud pout are
frequently found in • these stagnated
pools, but carp would be a better fish,
and furnish a large amount of food. In
the abundant distribution of water there
are few owners of large farms that can
not command a large fish pond. On
many the pond is already made. On
others, nothing ia wanting but a dam,
which will be none the less valuable for
fish, because it furnishes waterpower for
a mill. To those who have facilities
such as the above, we would recommend
at least a trial of fish culture on a small
scale.
GOVERNOEJOF GEORGIA.
Charles J. Jenkins.
There are quite a number of aspirants
for the Gubernatorial office, says the
Rome Courier, and if we are correctly
informed, they are at work very indus
triously to secure the Democratic nomi
nation, and some of them, it has been
asserted, have entered into a sort of
combination to secure as many members
of the Legislature as possible as dele
gates to the Gubernatorial Convention
favorable to their nomination. These
members it is further charged were
feasted and flattered in Atlanta last win
ter with the view of making fair weather
with the susceptible who were to be ap
proached in that way. Whether these
charges are true or not, we cannot say.
Those feasts may have been simple acts
of hospitality on a big scale and not in
tended to blarney tbe honorable mem
bers of the Legislature.
NfrW, Charles J. Jenkins has not even
intimated that he desires to occupy the
Gubernatorial chair. If he has such de
sire, he|is satisfied to leave the matter to
the people without any solicitation from
him or maneuvering on his part, believ
ing that ifjhis services are demanded they
will be palled into requisition, If he
cannot receive such evidences of popular
confidence as come spontaneously from
the people, he will never become a mere
office-seeker to secure it. Mr. Jenkins
was driven from the Gubernatorial chair,
where he was placed by the sovereign
people of Georgia soon after the war, at
the point of the bayonet, when the fed
eral government undertook to pun the
State government of Georgia through
the medium of the War Department.—
We all remember how bravely, how gal
lantly and with what dignity C harles J.
Vol. IV.-ISTo. 7.
Jenkins acted, and how sternly he pro
tested against military Usurpation and
bayonet rule as he was driven from that
office and took bis place as a private cit
zen, “the noblest Roman cf them all.’'
Georgians cannot well forget the con
duct of their grand old Governor, nor
the heroic manner in which he endeavor
ed to maintain the dignity of this belov
ed old Commonwealth. No true Geor
gian’s heart will fail to swell with emo
tions of gratitude to such a man for his
sublime heroism in that memorable
epoch in our State’s degradation when
we wgre terrorized with the gleaming
swor.d and the bristling bayonet; and
there can be no true Georgian who
would not desire to honor the man— the
Governor who shrank nor faltered un
der the tyranny of despotism that cow
ered the hearts of so many and caused
them to close their mouths to all manly
protest against the infamies of military
rule in the local afiairs of a grand old
State. Such a man was Charles J.
Jenkins—a name unsullied and bright in
the lustre of its grandeur, its association
with events that placed it conspicuously
in the constellation of great names that
have illustrated the noblest deeds of hu
man history, and which will go down to
posterity as a bright star to guide the
great and good of coming generations.
That name can again shed lustre upon
the administration of Georgia and illus
trate the character and renown of a
State that has placed upon the pa
ges of history the record of the noblest
people.
As this grand old man is quietly pre
serving the even tenor of an honored re
tiracy, expecting nothing and wishing
nothing and striving for nothing of po
litical honors, it would be a fitting trib
ute to place him at the head of the State
asa last testimonial of a State’s love as
he passes that age in life when man nat
urally seeks retiracy and repose from
the bustling soenes of the busy world,
where he may meditate in the sunset of
his life upon what he has done for his
fellow-man. Such a testimonial of a
State's love and a people’s confidence
would be a beautiful event to place upon
the record of the noble old man to cheer
bis heart as he approaches the end of a
useful, unselfish, patriotic and honorable
life. In view of all these facts, and on
account of his eminent, fitness, bin stern
integrity, his unblemished character and
as a recognition of his virtues and bright
ly shining record of patriotism to the
State, we most respectfully suggest Mr.
Charles J. Jenkins as a suitable candi
date for the next Governor of Georgia,
believing the people of this grand old
State fully appreciate the virtues, the
manhood and statesmanship of a beloved
and honored public servant.
LIBEEAL REPUBLICAN DICTATION.
Yesterday morning, says the Chronicle
& Sentinel, we spoke of tho attempts
which are being made by the Liberal Re
publican faction to dictate a platform to
and select candidates for the Democratic
party in the coming Presidential cam
paign. The Nashville Union and Amer
ican has an eminently sensible article on
the same subject. It says there are
doubtless a few that attended the Cin
cinnati Convention who think themselves,
by birth or special training, to be pre
eminently qualified to make Presidents,
if not to ojeupy the Presidential chair.
In this they are wofully deceived. They
are neither the timber out of which Pre
sidents are made nor do they know how
to select the material. They do not
know the article when they see it. Their
incapacity was made clearly manifest
at the Cincinnati Convention; not in
nominating Mr. Greeley, for that was
the best thing the Convention could
have done; but in attempting to “put
up a job” in the way of a nomination
which would have redounded only to the
glorification of the Mutual Admiration
Syndicate that attempted to run the
Convention, and not to the profit or hon
or of the country.
\. r e repeat that the nomination of Mr.
Greeley by the Cincinnati Convention
was the best thing that Convention could
have done, and we are not satisfied that
his nomination at Baltimore was not the
best thing which the Democratic Conven
tion could have done. No Democrat
could have beaten Grant in that race ;
but the cordial support of Mr. Greeley
accomplished much in liberalising the
Northern Republican masses toward the
people of the South and in preparing a
way for the Democratic triumphs of the
last twelve or eighteen months,
It will not do, however, to experiment
again with an outsider, with one who
does not recognise the cardinal princi
pies of the Democracy as essentials ir.
republican government. More especi
ally it canpot take for its standard Deal
er one who went into or before the Cin
cinnati Convention, and then refused to
support its* liomime, because the latter
was afterwards nominated by tbe Dem
ocratic Convention. Nor can the D< m
ocracy afford to be controlled in its ac
tion by the counsels of those who, fail
ing to get a ticket of their own making
at Cincinnati, refused to support the
ticket that was nominated there. The
Democrccy will strive for apd hope to
obtain the support of the Liberal Jte
publicans. They will so act in Congress
apd out of it, ip the Convention and out
of it; they will select a standard bearer
calculated to command the respect of
honest, tolerant, liberal men everywhere;
but they cannot yield to the dictation of
a few political Israelites who think that
no good thing can come out of a Demo
cratic Nazareth.
SIMONSON’3 SHOT THAT KILLED BISH
OP POLK.
To the Editor of the New York Herald :
In your review of “Sherman’s Me
rnoirs,” what purports to be a
of the manner in which Gen.
killed is given, from which it
that Sherman called Gen’l Howard’s at
tention to a group of officers ou Pino
Mountain, and “ordered him to compel
it to keep under cover.” Will you per
mit ohe who was attached to Gen. How
ard's headquarters, aud who was by big
side daily on the Atlanta campaign—
one who, with Howard and others
sat our horses beside the Fifth ludiana
battery that fired the fatal shot—-to gird
the true story from my notes made that
morning and published in a Western)
daily a few weeks afterward ! There cer
tainly is a grievous error either in your
review or in Sherman's description o(
the tragedy. Gen. Sherman was not
there, and could nothavo seen the shot
fired. Gen. Sherman may have, how
ever, as he rode to the rear, where ho
met Howard, called his attention to
what he (Howard) would see when our
party reached Gen. David Stanley's
front. The facts—in which lam sure I
will bo sustained in the main by Gens.
Howard and Stanley and the staff offi
cers present—are these:
On June 14 Gen. Howard and staff
left their headquarters for the front,
where Stanley’s division of Howard’s
(the Fourth) Corps had broken up
camp and were awaiting the order to at
tack Pine Mountain, It was just after
sunrise. A mile or two in rear of the ad
vance Howard met Sherman, but the
convensation between them I did cot
hear, as the two Generals conversed
aside Howard and staff joined Stan
ley and his staff on the road, in
full view of Pine Mountain, and as we
drew rein and echanged greetings, Stan
ley exclaimed: -
“Howard, do you see that group np
there on the crest of the mountain t I
wonder who they are.”
We all brought our field glasses to
bear upon the point indicated, and could
plainly see three persons standing in
front of the line of brestworks, and a
larger group in the background. We
could not tell whether they wore officers'
or privates, but as it was evident tfie.)>
were watching our movements, Stanley
suggested that a few shots be fired to
drive them under cover. Howard, who
had suggested that Bishop Polk was in
the party, made no objections, when
Stanley turned to Captain Simonson, his
chief of artillery, with the remark:
“Simonson, can’t you uulimber, put
a shot into that group, and give the Bis
hop a morning salutation?'’
“I’ll try!” was Simonson’s laconic re
ply. And away he galloped to the rear,
A few minutes later a section of the
Fifth Indiana Battery (Simonson’s) was
unlimbored within twenty foet of us
Th&Xiiyatsnant sighed tlia and tV
shot exploded’ Over aridW tbe
the group. Here my fails me,
but my impression is a second shot was
sighted and fired by the Lieutenant with
no better effect. Simonson, when the
gnn had been reloaded, dismounted and<
said, “Here, Lieutenant, let me try
it.” He took the range and the messen
ger of deatho sped on its mission. Our
glases were bent upon the group, and)
we obßerued a commotion as tho
shot took effect in the group that scat
tered to the rear. While Simonson was
upon his knees sighting the gun for an
other discharge, Captain Leonard, Chief*
of Howard’s Signal Corps, sitting on,
his horse beside me, read the Confeder
ate signal code that our officers had in
terpreted at Lookout Mountain and
caught the words:
“General Polk is killed!" With a look
of amazement, Leonard turned to How
ard Stanley and and exclaimed:
“Bishop Polk is killed!”
“What?” exclaimed Howard, “have
you interpreted the signal correctly?”
“Yes, General; Simonson’s last shot
killed him. They are signaling it along
the line.”
The young men of the staff who were
cracking jokes inccsssantly ceased, and
for a moment none spoke. Then Howard
said:
“Well, a Christian has fallen. Such is
war ”
Just then Simonson caught the words,
“Bishop Polk is killed?”
He was sighting the gun, and, lifting
his eyes, that glared fearfully, exclaimed:
“What is that, Leonard V‘
“Bishop Polk is killed \ Your last
shots did it. They are signaling it over
the mountain,” I replied.
Simonson’s head dropped upon the
“vent;” where it rested a moment.
Then, raising his eyes, lie exclaimed:
“Thank God! Yesterday they killed
my dear brother ; I have killed a Lieu
tenant-General and am avenged!”
Without discharging the piece Simon
son arose, removed and joined the staff.
Sitently he repaired to his regular du
ties, and, the line being formed, we ad
vanced blowlj againßt the mountain,
every one of us feeling that we would
have rejoiced had some other than Lou
isiana’s fighting Bishop gone down befpre
Simonson's first and only shot. The ene
my was so demoralized that be evacuated
the mountain, and half an hour after
wards we stood upon the spot where
Polk fel 1 , and saw the ground stained
with his blood. A day or two after poor
Simonson, the only one of us who re
joiced at the Bishop’s death, fell, shot on
the skirmish line in Ackworth Woods.
Then was the Confederacy
It is possible that Gen. Shentian had
been to the front that Earning, and see
ing the group referred to, told Howard to
disperse it; lint certain it is that he was
nowhere near Howard when Simonson’s
shot felt for the heart of Leonidas Polk,
the fighting Bishop.
A french expedition is preparing to
start next September to attempt cross
ing Africa from the mouth of the Congo
to the White Nile. Among the presents
intended to dazzle and conciliate the na
tives will be the paste jewelry formerly
the property of the Empress
private theatre.
