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PROFESSIONAL, CARDS. H^josesT ATTORNEY AT LAW, ELBERTON, GA. Special attention to the collection of claims, [ly L, J. and AKTRELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, ATLANTA, GA, PRACTICES IN THE UNITED STATES CIR -I. cuit and District Coarts at Atlanta, and Supreme and Superior Courts of .the State. SHANNON & WORLEY, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, ELBERTOi\, GA. WILL PRACTICE IN THE COURTS OF the Northern Circuit and Franklin county JSCiT'Special attention given to collections. J. S. BARNETT, ATTORNEY AT LAW, ELBEHTON, GA. .7011 IV T. OSBORN, ATTORNEY AND COUNSELOR AT LAW, ELBERTON, GA. TT7 ILL PRACTICE IN SUPERIOR COURTS VV nr.d Supreme Court. Prompt attention to the collection of claims. nevl7,ly BUSINESS CAIiBS. REAL ESTATE AGENTS ELBERTON CIA. ILL attend to the business of effecting VV sales and purchases of REAL ESTATE as Agents, on REASONABLE TERMS. Applications should be made to T. J. BOWMAN. _ SeplS-ti LIGHT CARRIAGES & BUGGIES. gfpi| J. F. ATJ LD Ad E UFACT’ H ELBERTON, GIiORGIi. WITH GOOD WORKMEN ! LOWEST PRICES! CLOSE PERSONAL ATTENTION TO BUSINESS. AND AN EXPERIENCE OF 27 YEARS, lie hopes by honest ami fair dealing to compete any other manufactory. Gjod Buggies, warranted, - $125 to $l6O 15 EPAIRING AND BLACKS MITIIING. Work done in this line in t very best style. TTie Best‘Harness TERMS CASH. ,Vy22-l y j. ti. HAitrn:li, THE REAL LIVE Fashionable Tailor, Up-Stairs, over Swift & Arnold’s Store, ELBERTON, GEORGIA. tf@“Call and See Him. THE ELBERTON DRUG STORE H. 0. EDMUNDS, Proprietor. Has always on hand a full line of Pure Drugs and Patent Medicines Makes tv specialty of STATIONERY an„ PERFUMERY Anew assortment of WRITING PAPER & ENVELOPES Flain and fancy, just received, including a sup ply ot LEGAL CAP. CIGARS AND TOBACCO of all varieties, constantly on hand. F. A. F. MOBLETT, m&mm season, ELBERTON, GA. Wilhcoutract for work in STONE and BRICK anywhere in Elbert and Ilart counties. 7jel6-6ni w' C. PKESLEY, HAM 111 MAKER. ELBERTON, GA. Will make first class harness to order, war ranted, and at prices to suit the times. Will be glad to show specimens of his work to parties, and no harm is done if bo work is wished. Repairing Done Promptly. F. W. JACOBS, HOUSE S SICK PAINTER Glazier and Grainer, ELBERTON, GA. Orders Sclicited. Satisfaction Guaranteed “jp j^ S]E , s “ PALACE DINING ROOMS, ATLANTA, GEORGIA. Tke Champion Dining Saloon of the South ZVEBYBODT 18 INVITED TO CALL. THE GAZETTE. ISTew Series. SAMUEL J. TILDEN. Governor Tilden was born at New Lebanon, in the county of Columbia and State of New York, in the year 1814. One oi his ancestors, Nathaniel Tilden, was Mayor of the city of Ten terden, Kent, England, in 1623. He was suc ceeded in that office by his cousin John, as he had been preceded by his uncle John in 1585 and 1600. He removed with his family to Sci tuate, in the colony of Massachusetts, in 1634. Hi, brother Joseph was one of the merchant adventurers of London who fitted out the May flower. This Nathaniel Tilden married Hannah Bourne, one ot whose sisters married a brother of Governor Winslow, and another a son of Governor Bradford. Fiom his father Governor Tilden inherited a taste for political inquiries, and in his compan ionship enjoyed peculiar opportunities for ac quiriug an early familiarity with the bearings of the various questions which agitated our country in his youth Young Tilden entered college in his eigh teenth year. The fall of 1832, when he was to enter college, was rendered memorable by the second election of General Jackson to the Vice- Presidency of the United States, and of William L. Matey to the Governorship of the State of New York. In that contest an effort was made to effect a coalition between the National Re publicans and the Anti-Masons. The success of the Democracy depended upon the defeat of that coalition. Samuel heard the subject dis cussed in the family, and was especially im pressed by what fell from the lips of an uncle who deplored his inability to “wreak his thoughts upon expression.” SamHel disappeared for two or three days, and in the seclusion of his chamber proceeded to set down the view's he had gathered upon the subject, and in due time brought the result to his father, at once the most appreciative and the least indulgent critic of bis acquaintance. The father was so highly pleased with the paper that he took bis son to see Mr. Van Buren, then at Lebanon Springs, to read it to him. They found so much merit in the performance that they decided it should be published with the signatures of a dozen or more leading Democrats, and it shortly after appeared in the Albany Argus as an address, occupying about half a page of tbit print, and from which it was copied into most of the Dem ocratic papers of the State. The Evening Journ al paid it the compliment- of attributing it to the pen ot Mr. Van Buren, and the Albany Ar gus paid it the greater compliment of stating “by authority” that Mr. Van Buren was not the author. The accession of Mr. Van Buren to the Presi dency' in 1837 was followed by the most trying financial revulsion that had yet occurred in our history. During that summer appeared the Presidential message calling: for a special session of Congress, and recommending the separation of the Government from the banks and the es tablishment of the independent Treasury. Th ! s measure provoked voluminous and acrimonious debate throughout the country, even befoie it engaged the attention of Congress. .Mr. Tilden, though still a student, sprang to the defense of the President’s policy', and wrote a series of papers, marked by all the character istics of his maturity, and advocating the pro posed separation and the redeemability of the Government currency in specie. These articles were signed “Crino.” Mr. Tilden, who bad watched this financial revolution ot 1837 from the beginning, and knew its merits as thoroughly, perhaps, as any man of his time, undertook a defense of the Presi dent’s scheme and to overthrow the sophistries of his enemies in a speech which he delivered in New Lebanon on the third day of October, 1840. No One can read this speech without marvelling that men like Webster and Nicholas Biddle, to whose arguments Mr. Tilden especi ally addressed himself, could ever have become the champions ot a system under which the revenues of the nation were made the basis of commercial discounts. It is more marvellous, however, that in so short a time our people should have forgotten, as to a very considerable extent they appear to have done, the lessons taught in his speech, and those still better taught by the w.irjthen waged by the Democratic party with the policy of inflation, irredeemable currency and irresponsible credits. Upon his admission to the bar Mr. Tilden opened an office in Pine street in the city ot New York. In the fall of 1845 ho was sent to the Assem bly from the city ot New York, and while a member of that body was elected to the conven tion for the remodelling ot the constitution of the State. In both of these bodies Mr. Tilden ! was a conspicuous authority. The defeat ot Mr. Wright iu the fall of 1846, and the coolness which had grow'n up between iho friends of President Polk and the friends of the lute President Vau Buren resulted fortunate ly for Mr. Tilden, if not for the country, in with drawing his attention from politics and concen trating it upon his profession. He inherited no fortune, but depended upon his own exertions for a livelihood. Thus far his labor tor the State or his profession, had not been lucrative, and, despite his strong tastes and pre-eminent qualifications for political life, he was able to discern at that eatly period the importance in this country, at least, of a pecuniary independ ence for the successful prosecution of a political career. With an assiduity and a concentration of energy which have characterized all the transactions of his life, Mr. Tildon now gave himself up to his profession. It was not many years before he became as well known at the bar as he bad before been known as a politician. His business developed rapsidly, and though he continued to take more or less interest in polit ical matters, they were not allowed after 1857 •to interfere with his professional duties. At the New fork municipal election held in Novimber, 1855, a desperate attempt was made to defeat Azariah C. Flagg, one of the candi dates for City Comptroller. The returns gave Mr. Flagg the office by a small plurality of 117 —20.313 against 20,134 for Giles. His oppo nent was to prosecute a quo warranto, and Mr. Flagg's title to tLe office was tested. The tally of the regular votes had disappeared, at least could not be produced, and its loss was accounted for. The papers of split tallies, transfers and summaries that were produced corresponded with the oral testimoney, and con firmed the relator’s theory of the alleged error in the return. Such was apparently the desperate attitude of the Comptroller's case, when Mr. Tilden was called upon to open far the defense. The defense, if any could be made, had to be constructed upon the basis of the testimony offered by the relator, for other testimony there was none. The return showed, as the law required, the en tire number of votes given in the district, and the regular varieties of what are called regular votes appeared from the prosecutor’s own oral evidence. On this slight testimony Mr. Tilden constructed an impregnable defense. In his opening, and after reviewing the weak points iu ESTABLISHED 1859. ELBERTON* GEORGIA, JULY 19,1876. the testimony of the relator which he was ena bled to discover by the light of his midnight researches, he, for the first time, gives an inti mation to his adversaries of the weapon he had improvised in a night for their destruction 1 Before Mr. Tilden took his seat the case was won and Mr. Flagg’3 seat was assured. Within fifteen minutes alter the case was submited to the jury they returned with a verdict in his favor. Two years later Mr. Tilden achieved another, and in some respects, even a more signal pro fessional triumph, in the Burdell-Cunningham contested will case. Though satisfied in his own mind that Burdell had been murdered, and by Mrs. Cunningham, and never married. Mr. Tilden found himself unable to produce a single witness who, from personal knowledge, could testify as to any important fact about either the murder or the marriage. He had besides to con tend with the indefatigable energy of the peti tioners in producing “willing” witnesses ready to supply nny defect in her case as fast as it was exposed. Mr. Tilden adopted a course which, though not entirely original in the profession, was probably never more skilfully and effective ly put in practice. Proceeding upon the princi ple which guided him in his defense of Mr. Flagg, that the truth in regard to any particular fact was in harmory with every other fact in the world, and that a falsehood could only be even apparently harmonized with a limited number of facts, he determined to conduct his defense by a species of moral triangnlation. 9 The conviction took immediate possession of the public mind that had Tilden conducted the cifte for tiie prosecution when she was under indict ment she would undoubtedly have been con victed. His defense of the Pennsylvania Coal Com pany in its suit with the Delaware and Hudson Canal Company is another illustration of bis legal abilities. The Delaware and Hudson Canal Company had a contract with the Pennsylvania Coal Company by which, among other thing3, it was agreed in case of the enlargement ol their canal the coal company should pay for the use of their canal extra toll equal to such por tion of one-half the reduction in the expense of transportation as might result from such en largement. In due time the canal company put in their claim for extra toll. The coal company denied that the cost of transportation had been reduced, or that they had derived any advant age whatever from the en'argement. After tedious and futile negotiations suit was insti tuted by the canal company and Mr. Tilden was retained for the defense. As in the Flagg case*, the plan of the defense, as advised by Mr. Til* den, was a surprise both to court and counsel*: Among the more important eases in whichf Mr. Tilden has been concerned, one in which his strictly professional abilities appeared to special advantage was the case of the Cumberland Coal Compauy against its directors, heard in th‘ State of Maryland in the year 185 b. In that case he applied for the first time to the directs! of corporations the familiar that a trustee cannot be a purchaser of property con fided to him for sale, and he successfully illus trated and settled the on which such sales to directors aside, and I also the conditions to give Mr. Tilden’s success in rescuing coi7Wratio..s from [ unprofitable and embarrassing fttlgJftWS, In rfP-$ organizing their administration, in re-establish ing their credit and in rendering their resources available, soon gave him an amount of business which was limited only by his physical ability to conduct it Since the year 1835 it is safe to say that more than half of the great railway corporations north of the Ohio and between the Hudson and Missouri rivers have been nt some time his clients. The general misfortunes which over took many of these roads, between 1855 and 1860 called for some comprehensive plan for re lief. It was here that his legal attainments, his unsurpassed skill as a financier, his unlimited capacity for concentrated laber, his constantly increasing weight of character and personal in fluence found full activity, and resulted in the reorganization of the larger portion of the great net-work of railways, by wlrch the rights of all parties were equitably protected, wasting litiga tion avoided, and a condition of great depres sion and despondency in railway property re placed by an unexampled prosperity. It is, we belieTe, an open secret that his trans-atlantic celebrity brought to him quite recently an invi tation from the European creditors of the New York and Erie Railway to undertake a reconcil iation of the various interests in that great cor poration, which the proprieties and duties of his official position constrained him to decline. Till the war came Governor Tilden made every effort to avert the rebellion. When his efforts, combined/with those of-other prominentpatriots, had proved abortive, his convictions of duty were perfectly decided and clear. They were to maintain the integrity of our territory and the supremacy of the constitutional authorities. He had been educated in the school of Jackson, and had been a diligent student of the lessons taught by the nullification controversy of 1833. He had studied carefully and profoundly the relation of the Federal and State governments, and of the citizens of those governments. He had thus early formed perfectly clear and settled opinions, about which his mind never vacillated. They were the opinions of Jackson, of Van Buren, of Wright and of Marcy, with whom, during most ot their public lives, he had been on terms of personal intimacy. During the winter of 1860-61 he attended a meeting of the leading men of both parties in the city of New York, to consider what meas ures were necessary and practicable to avert an armed collision between what were then termed the free and the slave States. To the North he urged reconciliation and forbearance, appreciat ing as he did more clearly than most of those around him the fearful and disastrous conse quences of a civil war, whatever might prove its ultimate result. To the South he urged a de ference to the will of the majority and a respect for the provisions of the Federal Constitution, w.thin which <hey would be sure of adequate protection for themselves and their property ; but lie warned them that outside of the Consti tution they could expect protection for neither. When the war diu come Mr. Tilden associated himself with and was the private adviser ot Mr. Dean Richmond, then at the head of tho Demo cratic party of this State, and who was accus tomed on all important questions to visit Mr. Tilden in his retirement and seek bis counsel. At a meeting held at the house of General Dix, just after the first call of President Lincoln for 75,000 troops, Mr. Tilden was present and participated in the discussions which took place. He then and there expressed the opiuion that they were on the eve of a great war, and main tained that instead of 75,000 troops Mr. Lincoln should have called out nt least 5- 0,000, half for immediate service and the other half to be put in camps of instruction and trained for impend ing exigencies. Unhappily that generation had seen so little ot war aud had such limited means of comprehending the rapidity with which the war spirit, onco lighted, will spread among a people, that it was not competent to appreciate the wisdom of this advice, which, if adopted, would probably have prevented the necessity of any further increase of military force. To Secretary Chase and his friends Mr. Tilden insisted that the w ar ought to be carried on under a system of sound finance, which he did not doubt the people would cheerfully sustain if the Government would have the courage to propose it. At a later period of the war he was invited by the Government at Washington to give his advice as to the best methods for its fuitber conduct. He said to the Secretary of War You have no right to expect a great military genius to come to your assistance. They only appear onca in two or three centuries. You will probably have to depend upon the avarage mili tary talent of the country. Under suchjcircum stances your only course avail yourself of your numerical strength and your superior mili tary resources resulting from your greater pro gress in industrial arts and your greater pro ducing capacities. You must have reserves and overwhelm your adversaries by disproportionate numbers and reserves. fitis advice was not taken, but he had the sat isfaction, within a year after it was given, of hearing the Secretary of War acknowledge its wisdom and lament his inability te secure its adoption. With the peace came to Mr. Tildev the most important politic! labor of his life. With the assistance of Charles O’Oonor, who followed the members of that band of conspirators with all the usual vigor and adroitness until it was not only broken up, but its leading members f scattered to the four quarters of the globe, he assailed and overthrew the combined Republi can and Democratic Ring which ruled and ruined N<fir York. This was doubly a “ring.” It was a “ring" between six Republican and six Democratic Supervisors. It soon grew to be a“l ing” be tween the Republican majority in the Legisla ture and the halt-and half Supervisors and o lew Democratic officials of the city. It embraced just enough influential men in the organization of edeh party to control the action of both party organizations—men who in public life pushed to extremes the abstract ideas of their respect ive parties, while secretly they joined bands in comninn schemes for personal power and prop erty. It gradually transferred its seat of oper ations do Albany. The lucrative city offices stibordmate appointments, which each head of department could create at pleasure, with sala ries in hi3 discretion, distributed among the friends; of the legislators; contracts, money contributed by city officials, assessed on their subordinates, raised by jobs under the depart ments, aud sometimes taken from the city treas ury, were the corrupting agencies which shaped and controlled all legislation It became com pletely organized on the Ist of January, 1869; but its power was enortnous’y extended by an •act passed on the sth of April in the following year, giving the power of local government ton few individuals of the “ring” for long periods, gßnd freed from all accountability. f’be Senators who voted with but two dis •CnKng voices, to deprive our great commercial metropolis, with its million of people, of all power of self government, as if it were a con quered province, to confer upon Tweed, Con nolly, .Sweeny and Hall for a series of years the exclusive power of appropriating all moneys raised by taxes or by loans and an indtiiuite power to borrow—who swayed all the institu tions A tjpcal government, the local.judiciary and the “whole machinery of elections—did not come fifißkVitbhi the reach of the people until the eWlfpi of the 7th of November, 1871, when wff# to he chosen. All hope of rum the hands of the freeboot ers depended upon recovering the legislative power of the State, in securing a majority of the Senate and Assembly. To this end Mr. Tilden directed all his efforts. In a speech at the Cooper Union in- New York, he stated Mr. Tweed's plan, which was to carry the Senatorial representation from that city, and then re-elect eight, and, if possible, twelve of the Republican Senators from the rural districts whom he had bought and paid for the previous year, and thus control the legislation that might' be presented there which involved his freebooting dynasty. Without an effice or a dollar’s worth of pa tronage in city or State to confer, Mr. Tilden planted himself on the traditions of the elders, on the moral serse and forces of Democracy, and upon the invincibility of truth and right. That undaunted faith in the harmony of truth and its irreconcilability with error, which we have found sustaining him nt the bur and car rying him from victory to victory against more deperate odds, sustained him here. As always happens to those who battle for the right, Prov idence came to his aid. The thieves fell out, and one of their number betrayed them. A clerk in the Comptroller's office copied a series ofj entries—afterwards known as “secret ac counts”—and handed them to the press for publication. They showed the .date and amounts of certain payments made by the Comptroller, enormous amounts of which, compared with the times and purposes of the payments and the recurrence of the same names, awakened sus picions that they were the memorials of the grossest frauds. Eaily in September he issued a letter to some seventy-five thousand Democrats, reviewing the situation and calling upon them “to take a knife and cut the cancer out by the roots.” To the eternal honor of the Democratic patty of the city and State, ou the issue thus made up by Mr. Tilden they gave him their cordial and irresistible support. The result was over whelming, and not only changed the city repre sentation in the legislative bodies of the State, but, in its moral effect, crushed the “Ring.” Mr. Tilden was one of the delegates chosen to,iepresent the city in the next Legislature. Mr. Tilden gave his chief attention during the session of tbe Legislature to the promotion of those objects for which he consented to go there, the reform of the judiciary and the impeach ment of the creatures who had acquired the control of it under the Tweed dynasty. Mr. Tilden had thus by his bold acts made himself prominent in the work of reform, and recognized as the man to lead it in the State. Prominent friends of reform urged him to ac cept the nomination for Governor. They said he could be nominated without difficulty aud elected triumphantly, and his triumph the great cause of administrative reform would receive an impulse which would propagate it not only over the whole State, but over the Union. Mr. Tilden ultimately consented to take the nomination for Governor, his objections to which were overcome by a single consideration. It was the only way in which he could satislac torily demonstrate that a course of fearless and resistance to wrong will be vindicated and sus tained by the masses of the people ; that hon esty and courage are as serviceable qualities and as well rewarded in politics as in any other profession or pursuit iu life. Hu was unwilling to leave it in the power of tbe enemies of retorm to say that he dared not submit bis conduct as a reformer to the judgmeut of the people. He was nominated and elected, and whatever lessons or eloquence could be expressed in big majorities were xot wanting to lend their eclat to the triumph. Mr. Tilden's plurality over John A. Dix, the Republican candidate, was 53,315. Mr. Dix had been elected two years previously by a plurality of 53,451. The first message of Governof Tilden fore shadowed with distinctness the controlling fea tures of his admistration. First —Reform in the Administration. Second—The restoration of the financial principles and policy which triumphed in the election of Jackson and Van Buren, and which left the country without a dollar of indebted ness in the world and a credit abroad with which no nation could then compete. But the feature of the message which produc ed, perhaps, the most prafound impression, nut Vol. Y.-No. 12. only upon liis own immediate constituents, but upon the whole nation, was that which related to the financial policy of the Federal Govern ment. A generation had grown up who had never seen or used any other money than a printed promise of the Government, and it had become a widespread conviction among the aspiring politicians of both the great parties that the cuirent public opinion in favor ot an inflated and irredeemable currency wouid over whelm and destroy any public nsau :who would attempt to stem it. No convention of cither party in any State of the Union had ventured the experiment ; the active leaders of both had either avoided or yielded to the current. Mr. Tilden deemed it his duty to lose no time iu advocating the only financial policy which ever had insured or can insure a substantial and en during national prosperity. On the 19th of March, and as soon as he had secureed from the Legislature such additional remedies for official delinquencies ns were re quisite for hi3 purpose, the Governor in a special message invited the attention of the Legislature to the mismanagement of the canals. The Legislature, though containing in both branches many of the most notorious canal job bers, and constituted largely in that interest, was obliged to yield to the irresistible public sentiment which the Governor’s policy and mes sage had awakened, and granted him the au thority to name a commission. The results of the investigations, communicated to him from time to time during tlio summer of 1875 and to the succeeding Legislature of 1876, arrested completely the system of fraudulent expenditure on the canals which he had denounced at the bar of public opinian. Though tbe adoption ot various other finan cial measures upon his recommendation, and by the discreet but vigorous exercise of the veto power, the Governor was fortunate enough to secure a reduction of the State tax—the first year of his administration about 17 per cent— and to inaugurate a financial policy by which the State tax, which was 7£ mills on the dollar of the assessed valuutiou when he came into office, will bo reduced to 4 mills at least at the expiration ot his term of two years, and at the expiration of the next succctding year not ex ceeding 3 mills. Mr. Tilden is now in tlicj sixty-third year of his age. He is five feet, ten inches in height, and he has what physiologists call the purely nervous temperament, with its usual accom paniment of spare figure, blue eyes anil fair complexion. His hair, originally chestnut, is now partially silvered with age. At the Utica Convention resolutions were passed presenting his name as a candidate for the Presidency, and requesting the delegates to Vote as a unit.—New York World. WHAT A WEAK WOMAN CAN DO. She can sit at the open window of a railway carriage with a stiff northwest wind blowing in, that chills everybody in the vicinity to the marrow, for two hours, in a thin muslin dress, without flinching. She can dance or waltz down the cap tain of a marching regiment, and at the 11 o'clock supper put away lobster sal ad, ice cream, champagne, ttike and cof fee, without flinching, sufficient for a week’s nightmare to a strong man. She can comb her hair all back so as to leave the roots to the full play of a December breeze, and wear a bonnet on top of a chignon, leaving ears and head exposed with impunity, with the ther mometer at ten degrees below zero. She can pull over a thousand dollars’ worth of dry goods for tho investment of fifty cents. She can study music for ten years sufficiently to enable her to perform ex cellently, when not in the presence of those who desire to hear her. She can balance herself on the ball of her great toe and a shoe heel tbe size of a dime all day in the public streets with out falling. She can occupy three seats in a horse car, and be utterly oblivious that any of her own sex are standing up. She shows unusual strength and firm ness in the holding of real estate, soli taire diamonds, and other valuable prop erty which her husband places in her hands previous to his compromising with his cseditors at twenty cents on the dollar.—[Boston Com. Ad. “It is better,” says a placard in a store in Seabrook, N. H., “to wear a calico dress without trimmings, if it is paid for, than to owe the shopkeeper for the most elegant silk, cut and trimmed in the most bewitching manner." -— They must have careful kitchen girls in China. That country sends to the Centennial some plates and dishes a thousand years old. Bayard Taylor says that black-eyed women can never love as fondly as those with blue eyes. So don’t give your v/ife a black eye. A movement is on foot to bring a uni formity of measures, instruments and methods of observation among physicians in all countries. This is an important an 1 much needed move. It awfully dis courage a man to learn that a friend had a leg cut off with a bigger and more cost ly scalpel than the one with which his own leg was amputated. And last im agine that boy’s feelings who gets a smaller dose of castor oil than is pre scribed for his brother! Yes, let there be a uniformity in physician’s instru ments and measures. “Husband at tea tables, passing over his plate for tho third time. ‘Another dish of those luscious berries, my dem and put another spoonful of sugar on them; thoso last were hardly sweet enough.’ Later, as he is starting for ‘down street, the wife says; ‘Dont for get to bring home some more sugar to night.' ‘What! is that sugar I got night before last all gone V ‘Yes, my dear, it’s strawberry time, you know.’ ‘Well, I am glad the sour things are a 1 most gone.’ ” If you intend to do a mean thing, wait till to-morrow. If you are to do a noble thing, do it to-dav. A GIGANTIC C HAM. Puncture tbe Chinese empire by any foreign power and it would be found to 1 be a gigantic sham. The population of tbe cities, as enumerated by Marco Polo,- has given an exaggerated opinion of tbo population. Peking, stated nt eleven millions, docs not contain more than seven or eight hundred thousand, and Nanking, stated nt the same fabulous population, does not contain nt present a population* of more than two hundred thousand ; while as to the population of the entire empire, no actual census has been taken for more than 1 eleven centu .lies, and no reliable basis exists for making an estimate of tbe population. The opinion of the wealth of China is equally exaggerated, for in wtoat does this wealth consist ? In the agricultural regions the improvements ara of an economical character j? there are no fences, and the farm houses are a mere trumpery collection of mud and straw There are no great manufactories requir ing the investment of capitalthe mines’ are not worked to any considerable ex tent ; there are no railways, but few shipping companies, and no foreign ship ping interest. The houses in the citios are very fragile, constructions; the boats-' upon the rivers and canals are of inex pensive material and of rude finish ; the carts and wagons for transportation are of the rudest workmanship, and tiioro is' not a road in China ten miles long ovot which a spring- vehicle can pass in safety In what, then, does this imagined wealth really consist ? The masses of tho poo pie are miserably poor, and tho struggle to maintain life is so great that it ceases to boa boon. As tho Chinese prepare' their defenses with a painted curtain, screening dummy soldiers and wooden guns, which become ludicous when ex posed, so, wo imagine, if tho curtain were raised from tlm interior of China, ann the poverty of its resources exhib ited, the fabulous Cathay would be found to be a sham. TOUGHING TALE, 110 was a seedy looking individual, and as lie stood upon tho corner gazing wistfully at the disappearing form of a newsboy who bad just picked up a good sized stump and was making off with tho prize, thoro was a vaguo aspect of des pair in his attitude, which - was very touching. Perhaps it was this which tit traeted tho attention of a mild-loolung party who was very touching. Per haps it was this something else; how ever this may be, tho mild looking party stopped, and, gazing at tho solitary figure, addressed it thus: •‘Old man, wouldn’t you like to have a drink this morning ?” . “You’ve read mo as accurately as though my thoughts were printed on an open page,” replied the Solitary, taking his quid from his mouth and passing a dilapidated coat-sleave over liid lips. “I thought so,” murmured the mild looking party, while a toar trickled down his cheeks; “but conquer tho desire. Fight it as you would a legion of devils, for drink has ruined many a man who had more expansive forehead than you’vo got!” And then tho mild-Jooking party con tinued on his way, and the Solitary gazed dreamily into space and commun ed with himself. [Louisville Argus. SLEEP, It is related that a man fell asleep as tho clock tolled the stroke of twelve. He awakaned ere the echo of the twelfth stroke had died away, having in the in terval dreamed that he bad committed a crime, was detected after five years, tried and condemned ; the shock of finding the halter around his neck aroused him to consciousness, when he discovered that all these events had happened in an infinitesimal fragment of time, Mohammed, wishing to illustrate tho wonders of sleep, told how a certain man, being a sheik, found himself for his pride made a poor fisherman ; that ho lived as one for sixty years, bringing up a family and working hard ; and how, upon waking from this long dream, so short a time had he been asleep that the narrow necked gourd bottie filled with water, which he knew ho overturned bb he fell asleep, had not time to empty it self. THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE. The electoral college of the United States consists of electors from each State, chosen by the people, in number cqueal to the whole number of Senators aud Representatives. The electors meet in their respective States and vote by ballot for President and Vice-President. After voting, they make a list of tho per sons voted for and the number of votes cast for each, sign and certify this list, and send it, sealed, to the President of the Senate at Washington. This indi vidual must open all of these certifi cates, and announce their contents in the presence of both Houses of Congress. The person having the greatest number of votes is then declared President, if such number be a majority of all tho electors appointed. Congress deter mines the time of choosing electors, also the day on which they shall cast their votes. Thib day must be the same throughout the whole United States. A Burlington naturaliut last Sunday while investigating tho causes and effect of the poison of a wasp sting nobly de termined a matyr of himself to science, and accordingly handed his thumb to an impatient insect he had caged in a bottle. The wasp entered into tho mat tyr business with a great deal of spirit and backed up to tho thumb with an abruptness which took the scientist by surprise. Ho was so deeply absorbed in tho study of remedies that he forgot to make any notes of tho other points in connection with stings, but his wife wrote a paragraph in his note book for the benefit of science, to the effect that the primary (ffect of a wasp sling is abrupt, blasphemous, and terrific profan ity, followed by an intense desire, fairly amounting to a mania, for ammonia, camphor, and raw brandy