Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

iPROFESSIOSAL CARDS. "I'llOS. W. TEASLY, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HARTWELL, GA. Will practice in Superior Courts of Ilart, El bert, Oglethorpe and Madison. Prompt atten tion to collection of D- B. U. JONES, ATTORNEY AT LAW, ELBERTON, GA. Special attention to the collection of claims, [ly SHANNON & WORLEY. ATTORNEYS AT LAW, ELBERTOY, CIA. it 7 ill practice in tiie courts of W the Northern Circuit and Franklin county attention given to collections. J. S. BARNETT, attorney at law, ELBERTON, GA. JOE3.Y T. OSBORJS, ATTORNEY AND COUNSELOR AT LAW, EL3EKTON, GA. WILL PRACTICE IN SUPERIOR COURTS and Supreme Court. Prompt attention to the collection of claims. nevlijy A. E- HUNTER, M. D. PRACTICING PHY SICIAN Office over the Drug store, ELBERTON, GEORGIA. WILL ATTEND PROMPTLY TO ALL cases. [Aug22,6m ELBERTOK BUSINESS CARDS. UGHf CARBIASES & BUGGIES. ipal J. F. ATT LX) (Uarria(jeot[ainufact’R EEBERTOY, GEORGIA. WITH GOOD WORKMEN! LOWEST PRICES! CLOSE PERSONAL ATTENTION TO BUSINESS, and an EXPERIENCE OF 27 YEARS, Ho Rapes by honest and fair dealing to compete any other manufactory. Good Buggies, warranted, - $125 to $l6O R E PAIRING A N D BLACKSMITHING. Work done in this line in t very best style. The Best Harness TERMS CASH. Wy22-l_y J. THE REAL LIVE Fashionable Tailor, Up-Stairs, over Swift & Arnold’s Store, ELDER TON, GEORGIA. SSTCaII and See Him. T. M. SWIFT. J. K. SWIFT. TIIOS. M. SWIFT & CO., Dealers in CIIESAL IBMUIRE At the old stand of Swift & Arnold, ELBERTON, GA. RESPECTFTLLY SOLICIT A CONTINU ance of the patronage hitherto awarded he housi', promising every effort on their part to merit the same. jan.s THE ELBERTON DRUG STORE H. 0. EDMUNDS, Proprietor. Has always on hand a full line of Pure Drugs and Patent Medicines Makes a specialtv of STATIONERY and PERFUMERY Anew assortment of WRITING PAPER & ENVELOPES Plain and fitney. just received, including a sup ply ot LEGAL CAP. CIGARS AND TOBACCO of all varieties, constantly on hand. HEW STORE! HEW 000 BS! I. G. SWIFT, Will keep on hand FLOUR, MEAT, LARD, SUGAR, COF FEE, HAMS, CHEESE, CAN NED GOODS, &c.&c. And ether articles usually kept in a first-class Provision Store, which will be sold Cheap for CASH and Cash Only. F. W. JACOBY, HOUSE S SIGN PM fEP Glazier and Grai er, ELBERTON, GA. Orders Solicited. Satisfaction Guarantep) OEND 25c. to 0. P ROWELL k CO., New York Ofor Pamphlet of 100 pages, containing lists of 3,000 newspapers and estimates showing cost of advertising. ly THE GAZETTE. ESTABLISHED 1859. New Series. 111 B WASHINGTON GETTER. FROM OUR REGULAR CORRESPONDENT. THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ON THE OPENING DAY SCENES AND INCIDENTS APPEARANCE OF THE HALL ELECTION OF A SPEAKER —WORK COMMENCED IN EARN EST—SOME OF THE DIGNITARIES PRESENT —capture of the governor of Indiana ETC., EJC. Washington, D. C., Dec. 4, 1876. While the opening of a Congressional session is always a most interesting event, and, as °uch, hailed with delight by the newspaper corres pondents a3 a pleasant and invigorating change from the enervating “dolce far niente” of the dull period known here by the appropriate if not very euphonistic term of “between sessions,” I doubt if any preceding session lias ever com menced its labors under circumstances more ex citing and, perhaps, les3 auspicious. It follows, that rather unusual interest attaches to the pro ceedings of to-day, the hard-pan facts of which will, long ere this reaches the eye of the reader, have been disseminated by telegraph far and wide, over mountains and under seas ; yet there are incidents connected with the “opening day” of a congressional session which often escape the eye of the telegraphic (chronicler whose precinct it is to “listen” mere than to “see,” and to give a truthful report of what he hears rather than to depict what he observes]; and it is these by-way occurrences which I shall endeavor to mirror, not because they possess any peculiar significance, but because they are essential to the formation of a correct picture of the scene, and form, so to speak, the background ol the canvass. One might as well try to potray the charge of “six hundred” and omit the objective Balaklava with its background of fire and- moke, as to engage in the futile attempt of presenting a panorama of an “opening day” without paying some attention to the appearance of the Hall and its occupants; and as the foreground to the picture has been furnished already, your corres pondent will, after the manner of the Japanese painters who paint the foreground first and the background afterwards, proceed to sketch such scenes and sights as come within his observation on this, the great day of the opening of the ses sion of the 44th Congress. In the first place then, the Hall, never partic ularly bright, looked more sombre than usual to-day, with the black draperies surmounting the Speaker’s chair in commemoration of the demise of the late Speaker. The dull, grayish carpet looked more like a London autumn day than anything else, and the cloudsof dust which, as the floor became crowded, rose to the galle ries, had not a bad resemblance to a London fog either As the shorthand on the clock opposite the Speaker’s desk slowly approached the hour of noon, the galleries became uncomfortably filled, while members, ex-members, and members elect indulged, on the floor, in cordial greeting and band shakings, and, gathering into little knots, discussed the political situation. Close to the desk of the Speaker might be seen Hon’s. Randall, Iliester Clymcr, Sam Cox and Morri son, all candidates for the speakership only a day or two before, engaged in earnest conversa tion ; not far from them, standing together in the middle aisle were General Banks, ot Mas sachusetts, and Milton S.tyler, of Ohio, talking and laughing ; Hon. Fernando Wood sat quietly at his desk on the Democratic side, polishing his eye-glasses while surveying the crowded galleries ; and, just inside the door leading to the main entrance, might be seen Sir Edward Thornton, the British minister, formingthe apex of a conversational triangle of which Senator Bayard and Mr. Montgomery Blair formed the other two corners. Mr. Garfield, of Ohio, was conspicuous by his absence, and Mr. Williams, the Governor elect of Indiana, was conspicuous by bis ‘blue jeans” coat and by always forming the centre of an interested group. Lamar and Ben Hill evidently had a large number of friends and were here, there, and every)wtiree; Proctor Kno.tkept his seat, reading a paper and stroking his white mustache; add flitting out and in, shale inghands with Tom, Dick and Harry, was.“ Sam Ward,” the king of the lobbyists, and, in a cer tain sense, one_ of the most influential men in Washington. Precisely at twelvejfell the gavel on the Speak er’s desk, and Clerk Adams called the House to order. As ir by magic the hum of conversation on the floor stopped, everybody in the galleries strained their neck and eyes, and, for a moment, at least, the thousands of fans of all sizes and colors which had been stirring the dust in these upper regions, ceased their motions. In a deep sonorous voice the clerk annonneed that, since the adjournment of the last session. Speaker Kerr had departed this life, and that the first business in order would, therefore, be the election of Speaker. To this Mr. Banks demurred, bolding that the first business in orner was the admis sion of the member, Mr. from the new State of Colorado, a long and excited debate took place, when,it was finally decided that a Speaker must be elected first, which was accord ingly done, and, as I predicted in my last letter, Sam. Randall carried the palm by a strict party vote. The ceremony of swearing in the Speaker is always impressive, and so it was in this instance. After taking his seat on the dais, to which he was conduced by Messrs. McCrary and Cox, and having made his brief inaugural address, he was requested by Judge Holman, of Indiana, to stand up and bold up his hand while the oath of office was being administered. Mr. Holman read, in a clear and distinct voice, the oath, to which Mr. Randall firmly replied “I do !’’ and then com menced his functions as Speaker of the 2d ses sion of the 44th Congress. An amusing incident occurred shortly before the opening of the sess’on, when “Blue Jeans” Williams as he is facetiously called, was for the time being, captured and placed completely hors de combat by an old lady who, somehow or other, had gained admittance to the floor sud denly, without previous notice of any kind, pounced upon him, forced him into a chair, and then commenced to give him such a lecture as would have done honor to Mrs. Caudle, because he had not passed a certain bill of hers last ses sion. In vain did the friends and sympathizers of the Governor-elect endeavor to extricate him from this jdileroma ; it was no use; the old lady held him tightly by the wrists and did not let go of him until she had “bull dozed” him to her heart’s content. Then, just as the clerk’s gavel was descending on the desk, she made a final plunge at him with her pointed fore-finger, rose, with grandicose sweep ! Such is life. Louis. Go to J. Selig and see what a beauti ful line of children’s fancy hose at 12|, j 15, 20, and 25 cents. A reduction of 20 j per cent, has been made. ELBERTOX, GvA., DEC’R 20,1876. CONSITTUTIONAL vs. BEVOLUTIONARY METHODS. National Hotel, Washington, D. C., Dec. 9th, 1876. Mr. Jas. R. Randall, Editor Constitution alist, Augusta, Ga : Dear Sib : I send you inclosed an ed itorial slip from the Union of this morn ing, anew Democratic paper estalished in this city. The title of the article is “Constitu tional vs. Revolutionary Methods.” Will you please publish it in your pa per in full, with this note from me. This article more completely coincides with my own views on the present situation than any thing I have seen from any quarter. I am in daily receipt of letters from all parts of the State, and especially from the Eighth district, inquiring my views upon the subject. I think it, therefore, best to answer all in this way. I could not express my own ideas more clearly than they are set forth in the article re ferred to. Yours, most respectfully, Alexander H. Stephens. There are but three methods provided by the Constitution by which a President may be elected. Any departure from these methods, no matter by whom med itated or attempted, is revolution. First, it is provided that each State shall ap point, in such manner as the legislature thereof may direct, Presidential electors. These electors must be qualified persons, “No Senator or Representative or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States shall be appointed an elector.’ These electors are required to meet in their respective States, to vote by ballot for President and Vice-Presi dent, to certify the result, atid to trans mit the certificates, signed and sealed, to the scat of Government, directed to the President of the Senate. When the Pres ident of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and the House of Repre sentatives, open the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted, the person having the greatest number of votes for President shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole num ber of electors appointed. This is the first method. If, however, no person have such majority, then from the per sons having the highest numberj not exceeding three, the Hpuse of Represen tatives shall choose immediately, by bal lot, the President, voting by States, the representation from each State having one vote, and a quorum for the purpose consisting of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States being necessary to a choice. This is the second method. If the House of Representatives shall not choose a President, whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, be fore the 4t.h day of March next following, then the Vice-President becomes Presi dent ; the Vice-President being (1) the person having the greatest number of votes as Vice President, if such number shall be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; or (2) if no per son have such majority, the person chos en as Yive President by the Senate from the two highest numbers on the list, a quorum of Senate for making such choice consisting of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number being necessary for a choice. This is the third method, and exhausts the constitutional plan. It is the fashion just now to speak of that plan as a failure, and of the questions arising out of the recent election as a “constitutional muddle.” Such language implies a very imperfect acquaintance with the provisions of the constitution. It is difficult to see what more the wise framers of that instrument could have done to meet by anticipation every pos sible contingency. If any “muddle” ex ists it is only in the minds of those who cannot or will not understand the con stitution, or who seek a solution of pres ent difficulties by unconstitutional means We have, in regular order, their re spective powers and duties assigned to the electoral colleges, to the House of Representatives, and to the Senate Each body has its appropriate duty to perform at its appropriate time. If no one has a majority of the whole number of electors, the House elects. If the House fails to perform its duty by the 4th of March, the Vice- President becomes President, pro vided one has been chosen by the elec tors. If not, the Senate elects the Vice- President, who, by virtue of the consti tutional provision, becomes the Presi dent. As tho functions of each body are separate and independent, neither has any right to control the action of the other. The Senate has no more right to interfere with the House ; or to dictate to Ihe House, whenever the right of choice of President shall devolve upon it, than the House to dictate to the Sen ate in the matter of choosing the Vice- President, or either house, or both houses, to dictate to the electoral col leges. For the express purpose, it would seem, of avoiding any possible conflict of authority or jurisdiction, and the per ilous consequences of a disagreement be tween the two houses, the powers of one house does not come into play until those of the other, touching the matter, have been exhausted. The powers of the State electors are exhausted when they have cast their ballots, and signed, sealed and certified to the result. They are then functi officio. The power of the House is exhausted, if they shall not choose a President, whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, be- fore the fourth day of March next fol lowing. Then, and not until then, and only in the further contingency that no Vice-President has been chosen by the electors, is the question remitted in any form to the Senate. There is no concur rence in point of time, still less in point of action, required in the performance of their respective duties, by the respective bodies, upon whom the duty is devolved at different times, under different cir cumstances, of electing a President. Collision can only come from the revolu tionary and unauthorised attempt of one body to intrude itself into the sphere of duty assigned to another. It may come from the extraordinary and unfounded assumption on the part of the presiding officer of the Senate that he is the person who is to decide whether there has been any election of President and Vice Pres ident by the Electoral College, and whether, therefore, either House has any constitutional duty to perform in the premises. This theory makes the Presi dent of the Senate the judge of the powers'of both thejHouses. It does more. The ElectoraljColleges do not declare the result of election. For that purpose a count of the votes is made necessary by the constitution. Only the person hav ing a majority of the whole number of electors appointed can be declared elect ed, and no person can be appointed an elector who is under any of the disqual ifications mentioned in the constitution. To exercise the power which is claimed for him, of counting the vote of and de claring the result, the President of the Senate must, therefore, not only act min isterially in canvassing the votes, but judicially, if any question arise upon the genuineness of the certificates, which may be falsified or forged ; upon the legality of the appointment of the elec tors, and upon their qualifications. How is he to decide these questions’? Of his own knowledge, or upon evidence, after a hearing? Whence does he derive these or any judicial functions under the constitution ? That instrument does not even give him the power to count the votes. It only says he “shall open all the certificates,” thus expressly negativing the assumption that when there is more than one certificate from the same State the President of the Senate may decide which is the proper and legal certificate to be opened. No such power in the President of the Senate was ever dreamed of by the framers of the Constitution, or is even hinted at iffany of the debates which preceded its adoption by the States, and no such power has ever been exercised. It is contrary to the whole spirit and intent of that instrument. It has frequently happened that the Vice President has been a candidate for the Presidency. Such a theory would have mirde him the judge of his own election. Now that there is no Vice-President, and the President of Senate is the mere creature and appointee of that body, such a construction would bo practically conceding to the Senate exclusively a power over the electoral vote which the theory itself denies to both Houses con currently, and might be made the means of depriving the House of its constitu tional function in the election of the President. The assumption of any other power by the President of the Senate on the occasion of counting the electoral votes than that of simply opening all the certificates, “or so many of them as have been received,” (Itev. Statutes U. S., sec. 142), would be a usurpation as danger ous and intolerable as the forcible seizure of the Government itself. The only other method which a collis ion between the two Houses and a con sequent frustration of the constitutional plan of electing a President can be brought about would be by tho as sumption of the Senate of the same power, which, upon the theory we have been discussing, is claimed for the President of that body, viz: of deciding whether the contingency has arisen when the House of Representatives has the constitutional duty to perform of electing a President. It is the as sumption that the concurrence of the Senate, in other words, its permission, is necessary to enable the House to perform a duty which, under the constitution, the House alone is authorized to perform. Not only is this contrary to the funda mental rule of constitutional construe tion that the duty to do an act upon a certain contingency implies the power to decide whether that contingency has arisen—it is equally opposed to the whole tenor of the constitutional provis ions defining and distributing the sepa rate functions of the Electoral College, the House, and the Senate, in reference to the election of President and Vice- President." Fettered by the necessity of obtaining the permission of the Senate before it can proceed to elect, the House might be debarred altogether from the exercise of constitutional right. An am bitious Senate, desirous of absorbing all power in its own hands, and especially that of controlling the election of Presi dent, would find it easy to accomplish its purpose. The framers of the Con stitutimv were not guilty of the folly of thus providing beforehand for the certain failure of their carfully devised electoral system. Amid all the “checks and bal ances” of the constitution, the wisdom of none is more apparent than of the careful adjustment and separation of the functions of the two Houses in this important matter. We doubt whether it is possil le, by any amendment to the constitution, to improve upon the system it provides. We are sure this is not the time for the House of Representatives to think of abdicating its constitutional Vol. Y.-No. 84. functions, either in favor of the Supreme Court or any other tribunal. Only high handed usurpation and revolution can rob the House of its rights, or prevent the settlement of the great question now agitating the country by purely constitutional intrenched methods. AN ENGLISH ESTIMATE OF WADE HAMPTON. It is pleasant to read the high esti mate which unprejudiced minds place upon the men we love and honor, but who are the marks of slander and de traction from partisan madness. The following noble tribute to Gen. Wade Hampton, from a foreign scurce is a worthy tribute to trite greatness and magnanimity. The tidings of Gen. Hampton’s election as Governor of South Carolina has elicited from the Loudon Daily Tele graph, a pronounced Liberal newspaper, words of hearty praise of the Governor elect, and of those who helped to elect him. Tho Telegraph says : “It is much to the credit of the negro that in South Carolina—a State where the blacks far outnumber the whites—such a man a General Wade Hampton should have been just elected Governor. Prior to the war, General Wade Hampton was atypical slaveholder, possessed of estates in South Carolina, Mississippi and Louis iana—the owner, in short, of property the capital value of which was appraised at one million pounds sterling. Through out the war, he fought with admirable courage and constancy, displaying a military aptitude which won him the warm regard of Gens. Lee and Johnson. He was severely wounded at the battle of Sev®i Pines, and carried away from the terrible field of Gettysburg in such a lacerated condition that none who be held him dared to hope that he would live through the coming night. Though stripped of his property and ruined, he has survived to set as useful and active an example to his compatriots in peace as he did in war, nor in his darkest hour of agony did he ever desert his native State. She has rewarded him by ap pointing him to be her Governor, and it is to be hoped that the long lane of poor South Carolina’s adversity will at last have a turning, for it is certain that Gen. Wade Hampton will show himself to be as true and incorruptible in office as he was'brave upon the battle field. When the hour shall arrive for the South to gather up her jewels, it will be found that such men as Wade Hampton, of South Caro lina, Kemper, of Virginia, and Gordon, of Georgia, who for four years faced fearful odds upon many a bloody battle field, will, like the greatest of American rebels, George Washington, show them selves to be ‘first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of their country men.’ ” *■ THE ELECTION GOES TO THE HOUSE. “My son,” said a pious father out on South Hill to his hopeful son, “yon did not saw any wood for the kitchen stove yesterday, as I told you; you left the back gate open and let the cow get out; yon cut off eighteen feet from the clothes line to make a lasso; you stoned Mr. Robinson’s pet dog and lamed it; you put a hard-shell turtle in the hired girl’s bed ; you tied a strange dog to Mrs. Ja cobson's door-bell, and painted red and green stripes on the legs cf old Mrs. Polaby’s wnite pony, and Dung your sis ter’s bustle out of the front window. What am I to do—what can 1 do to you for such conduct ?” “Are all the coun ties heard from ?” asked the candidate. “No trifling, sir ; no, I have yet several reports to receive from others of the neighbors.” “Then,” replied the boy, “you will not be justified in proceeding to extreme measures until the official count is in ” Shortly afterward the election was thrown into the house, and before half the votes were canvassed it was evident, from the peculiar intonation of the applause, that boy was badly beaten.—[Burlington Hawk Eye. Some of our exchanges are publishing as a curious item, a statement to the ef fect that a horse in lowa pulled the plug out of a barrel for the purpose of slaking his thirst. We do not see anything very extraordinary in the occurrence. Now if the horse had pulled the barrel out of the bung bole and slaked his thirst with the plug ; or, if the barrel had pulled the bung-hole out of the plug andjslaked its thirst with the horse; or, if the'plug had pulled the horse out of the barrel and slaked its thirst with the bung hole ; or, if the bung-hole had pulled the thirst out of the horse and slaked the plug with the barrel; or, if the bar rel bad pulled the horse out of the bung hole and plugged its thirst with the slake, it might be worth while to make some fuss about it. When you enter or leave a room or any place of business be careful to leave the door open ; there is nothing like plenty of ventilation—and besides there is no better way by which to find out whether the owner or occupant is a good Chris tian or a profane monster. 1877 starts on Monday, and we advise everybody to commence the New Year with the the determination to improve on the past. Special attention is called to my stock of men’s, boys’ and children’s cloth ing, which will be found unusually large and attractive, embracing quite a line of handsome business suits Prices very reasonable. J. Selig. RUNNING IN DEBT. I dwell on this point, for I would de ter others from entering that place of torment. Half the young men in this country, with many old enough to know better, would go into business—that is, into debt—to-morrow, if they could) Most poor meft are so ignorant as to en vy the merchant or manufacturer, whosd life is nn incessant struggle with pecu niary difficulties, who is driven to con stant “shinning,” and who, from month to month, barely evades the insolvency which sooner or later overtakes most men in business ; so that it has been computed that but one man in twenty of them achieve a pecuniary success. For my own part I would rather be a convict in the State prison, a slavo in a rice swamp, than pass through life un der the harrow of debt. Ljt Uo man misjudge himself unfortunate or truly poor, so long as he has the full use of his limbs and faculties, and is substan tially free from debt Hunger, cold, rags, hard work, contempt, suspicion, unjust reproach, are disagreeable, but debt is infinitely worse than them alh And if it had pleased God to spare either or all my sons to be the support of my declining years, the lesson which I should most earnestly seek to im press upon them is, “never run in debt.” Avoid pecuniary obligations as you would a pestilence or famine. If you have but fifty cents, and can get no more for a week, buy a peck of corn, parch it and live on it, rather than owe a dollar ! Of course I know that some men must do business that involves a risk, and must give notes or other obli gations, and Ido not consider him in debt who can lay his hands directly on the means of paying, at some little sac rifice, all he owes ; I speak of real debt —that which involves risk or sacrifice on one side, obligation and dependence on the other-—and I say from all such, let every youth humbly pray God to preserve him evermore. [Horace Greeley. News and Courier : The Constitution does not “prohibit the office of Presi dent and Vico President to bo held by persons residing in the same State." When the Presidential Electors meet and ballot for President and Vice-Presi ident, one of the two at least “shall not be an inhabitant of “the Stato with themselves.” This touches only the Presidential Electors, and these, in eve ry State, but one, could, if they chose, ballot for President and Vice-President from tbe same State. In New York, for example, the Democratic Electors, could not vote for Tilden for President and Kernan for Vice-President, both of whom are citizens of New York,.and in habitants of the same Stato with tho New York Electors. But in every other State than New York Tilden and Kern an could be voted for by the Electoral Colleges. The provision as to the voting by Presidential Electors does not affect, in any way, an election of President by the House, where the limitation is that the President shall be chosen from “the persons, not exceeding three, having the greatest number of votes for Presi dent nor does it affect tlio election of Vice-President by tbe Senate where the limitation is that he shall be chosen “from the two highest numbers on the list.” In tbe case of tbe House the choice would bo between Tilden and Hayes, and the Democrats having a ma jority, on a voto by States would elect Tilden. In the Senate the choice would be between Hendricks and Wheeler, and the Republicans having the majority, would elect Wheeler. In that case both President and Vice-President will bo from the same State. — - THE CURE OF INEBRIATES. George M. Beard says in tho Inde pendent that there is a wide-spread delu sion that inebriety is incurable, and that the inebriate homes are failures. Some suppose that nearly all patients relapse as soon as they return to active life ; but he seems to refute that idea, and gives the following as to the Franklin Home, in Philadelphia : “In four years 582 sufferers, all males, have been admitted. Of these 271 are regarded as cured, 73 have been much benefitted, 212 are put down as doubtful, while of the remaining 24 nothing is known. A person is called cured or reformed when he is known not to have drank since leaving tho Home. Of these 271 who are regarded as cured, 198 w r ere periodical and 93 constant drinkers. The average time of using strong drink before entering the Home was fifteen years and ten months; the average daily quantity used by each person was one and a half pints. The average time of stay in the Home was seven and a half weeks.” Dr. Beard be lieves a third of those in all the Ameri can institutions who submit to the rules are cured, and he regards alcoholic ap petite as really a disease. He tells of a superintendent of a Now England asy lum who, after a patient attains a prop er degree of improvement, gives him a bottle of rum to carry in his pocket, tell ing him to take it out and look at it as often as he wishes, but not to drink it. This is, he thinks, a strengthening exer cise of the will. . ♦ The stories of tho interview between Messrs. Hewitt, Randolph and the Pres ident come from Republicans, and are 'given on the authority of Cameron. They are told everywhere, and Republicans seem to enjoy them very much. “Tho old man,” said a prominent Republican to-day, “has got his back up now and means business. He don't care a damn for the Supreme Court or tho Constitu tion of South Carolina, and before long he will make it lively for Wade Hampton and his rifle clubs.” The saddest part of all this is the evident relish with which these things are told by men who claim to be statesmen and patriots also. There is not a word of disapproval, not even regret, implied in the tone of voice with which they talk about the President’s half drunken declarations. [Cor. Baltimore Gazette.