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be. satisfied. If itav supported General Har- , risun, and inadvertently brought certain of! lus trieolsinio puwer, they assuredly did mt do so with the remotest expectation that a and elective discriminating to nil, either open, or disguised as a lax mi luxuries, was to be last coed on them. And when they hod iliatsucli | a result is likely to follow ‘-the events of fast summer,” another “cnange ’ may come over > the spirit of my colleague’s dream. ‘ Mr. Chairman; I haye no vatu regrets for. the past; but let us look to the future, and j watch closely the shadows whichever precede , coming events. Precaution is the sanguat | of our rights and liberties; in this sp.nl only, ( as one of Uie people, and as a representative • of the people, 1 sound the alarm. In doing ! so 1 have done mv duty; and come what tnav of if, I shall always he consoled Gy the i recollection that I have suffered no personal, feelings to deter me from my post when I had nought tofiice but a victorious and overwhelm ing enemy. From tho Federal Union, FVh. 23. GOV. M ’ DON A L It’S RELIEF MESSAGE,&c. The following judicious remarks on tins important and interesting measure, from the pen of Judge Warner, we take pleasure in recommending to the notice of our readers. II is letter cannot fail to exert a salutary and wholesome influence on the mind of every im partial reader. Such plain practical views, and illustrations of the measures proposed by the Governor lor the relief of the people, are peculiarly important now, especially while so many plausible and ingenious expedients for deceiving, and misguiding the opinion of the public as to the objects and effi c'sof the pro posed remedy for their relief are brought for ward by the opposition every where. In this letter points of deep import to the wril being of the whole community, are discussed with great lucidness and power, and with dignity and fairness. The Republican principle that, ‘ The great est happiness and comfort of the greatest number, is the only safe maxim, and in the long run, will prove as advantageous to the security of the rich as it will be beneficial to the comfort of the po<-r and industrious,” is forcibly illustrated and maintained, and the constitutionality as well as practicability of the message, with the benefits, that would have resulted to the whole people of Georgia, had the proposed measure been carried out by the Legislature, are ably and fully sustain ed, and manifested too clearly, to he question ed. In taking the liberty of presenting to the public, this private letter, we offer no apo logy other than that, which is lo lie found in the important subjects of a public character to which it relates, and Ihe gn at abilitv with which they are discussed by flie writer. I his, in the absence of any confidential intimation, we think justifies its publication and • ur re marks, to draw the attention of our readers to a perusal of i', not doubting that the rievvsand arguments it .contains, will receive a hcartv concurrence rv.> >■•£? p'‘ r ' ion <>( the people, and the confidence and respect of every one at all acquainted with the distin guished individual, fiom whom they ate re ceived. Greenvili.e, Ist Fel). 1811. Dear Sir: — l received your letter by due course of mail, but continued engagements, have prevented me from answering it at an early period. It is true as you seem to sup pose, in the late Presidential contest, I did not take any active part. When I accepted the appointment of Judge of the Superior courts, I considered myself the officer of the whole people, and not the officer of any particular party, and honestly endeavoured so to conduct myself, as to secure if possible, the confidence oi all—therefore, I laid off my political man tle, reserving to myself the right to exercise nay privileges, as a free citizen, bv voting for such candidates for public favor as mv better judgment might dictate. In the late politi cal contest, I preferred Mr. Van Boren to General Harrison, not so much on acco’unt of the financial policy of Mr. Van Boren’s ad ministration, as lor other, and different rea sons, which, acco ding to mv judgment, are of vastly more importance lo Uie interests of the country. I have always professed to be j a practical man. That which works well in its practical operations, 1 am unwilling to ex change for any abstract theory, however j plausible it may appear. Abstract principles, relating to financial operations more particu larly, should always yield to the incontestible evidence of practical experience. One prac tical illustralibfi adapted to the wants and ne cessities of mankind, is worth forty theories. In regard lo the proposition for the relief of the people, submitted bv Governor M’Donald to the legislature at its last session. l have never j entertained but one opinion. My constant intercourse with a portion of the people do- i ring the past year, enables me to know some thing of their pecuniary embarrassments and distress—and I was ie juiced to see the recom mendation from the Governor, calculated to I relieve them, without auv violation of consti tutional obligations. The only matter of sur prise with me is, that the plan proposed,should have met with serious opposition Iron; any quarter. It ought not to have been made a party questi >n. The sufferings and distress : of a chivalrous people should be considered as paramount to all partisan considerations, I so far at least, as to gram them relief. There is however, one class of our fellow citizens from whom, opposition to the proposed relief, might reasonably have been expected—l mean the note shavers, usurers, and those who have been anxiously waiting to purchase the pro perty of their neighbors, who unfortunately happen to he in debt, lor one half its value. Had the proposition of the Governor been carried into practical operation, it would have conveyed the tidings of joy and gladness to the bosoms of many disuessed families; it would have enabled them to save their horse, their land, and their faithful servant, who nursed them and their children in their infan cy, from the iron grasp of the impatient cred itor. This great good might have been ef fected without injury to any body, so tar as I can discover. The State possesses credit which individuals do not. The proposition I understand to have been, that the Stateshould loan her credit to borrow the sum of two mil lions of dollars, to be deposited in the Central Bank, and then be distributed in loans to the people who are in debt, in small sums, not to exceed one thousand dollars, payable in three years, and drawing the same rate of interest which the State paid. These loans to the people to be well secured by at least two good indorsers. This would have enabled those in debt to pay off the judgment creditor, make two or three crops, and with the proceeds pay the debt due the hank with the lawful inter est, instead of rushing into the fatal embrace of some hungry usurer, who would exhaust all their labour in the payment of usurious in terest, and then sell their properly to pay the principal debt. I have carefully examined the reports of the committees, adopted by the majority in the Legislature, upon the subject of the proposed relief, and cannot for a mo ment entertain the belicfi that the people will consider the arguments there advanced, either sound, or well sustained in point < f fact. Ie the report which was adopted by the majori ty in the House ot Representatives, the com mittee remark: “\\ hile we are duly sensible of, and deeply regret the pecuniary embrrrass rnents of many of our fellow-citizens, we fee! constrained by a sense of public duty, to de clare, that we deem it uinvise ami impolitic, to use the credit, and pledge the property and !n hour of the whole people, to raise money to supply the private wants of a portion only of the pe iple.” “The use of public credit” sav the committee “should never be used for the benefit of one class of the community, to the exclusion or injury of the rest- whether the demand for it grows out oi their cupidity, or , real, or supposed pecuniary difficulties.” The ( ! committee assume the (act, as the basis ot their argument, that to grant the proposed te |iie!j would be “taxing” one portion of the people to benefit another portion, to wit; trie debtor cla-s Is this tiue to point of fact? Let us examine t, by way of illustration. Tiiere are two neighbours residing near each other—One of them is wealthy “and has an j extensive credit, which will enable him to : borrow money at eight percent interest—The ! other is in debt and becomes embarrassed, irt ! consequence of the “unprecedented failure of jiiis cotton crop”—be applies to his wealthy I neighbour lor the loan ot his credit, savs to j him. it you will borrow tor me one thousand a! eight per cent interest, I will give you mv note payable in three years, dra wing the same rate of interest, with two of my neighbours, j (known to be worth three times the amount) as security. The wealthy neighbour borrows the money upon his own credit, loans it to his embarrassed neighbour at the same rale of in terest which tie pays, and is amply secured lor its reimbursement—can you teil me, in what manner ihe wealthy neighbour is “:ax ed,” for the benefit of his neighbour who is in I debt? The State in regard to her credit, oc cupies the same relation to ilie people, whom the Governor proposed to relieve, as the wealthy neighbour does, to his embarrassed neighbour, and would he liable, to be “taxed” in the same manner, and no other. In fact, the officers of the Central Bank, receive their vdaries any how to perform the duties inci dent to the institution, and could perform all the additional duties, connected with the pro posed relief, without further charge to the State, except perhaps, the comparatively tri- I fling expense, of raising the two millions of | dollars, by the sale of S'ate bonds. But the people will examine this question for them selves. Will they in the-languageof the re port, adopted by a majority of their Repre sentatives, “feel constrained by a sense ol public duty to declare, that they deem it un wise and impolitic to use the credit of the Slat*', to supply the private wants of a por tion only of the people?” Was not the gov ernment of Georgia established by the people, Ihr their own benefit? Is it not ttie duty ot the agents of the people, selected to adminis ter the Government, so to administer it, as to provide for their wants, and necessities? Is the Government created by the people, supe rior to the people themselves? Have the ser vants of the people become their masters, and may they with impunity, deny them that re lief, which their unparalleled distress, so im periously demands? If it is legitimate and proper to look to the General Government for reliel from pecuniary embarrassment, repre senting as it does, the conflicting interests, of twenty six different Slates, how much more legitimate and proper is it, for the people of ‘his S-aie, to look to their own Government for relief, representing as it does, (lie same people, having the same interests? Although the committee whose report was adopted, “deeply reE*u” 1(10 diiOrocfoil condition of their fellow-citizens; yet, in their opinion, it would he “unwise &nd impolitic” to use the credit of the whole people, to supply the pri vate wants of a portion only, of the people. That the people are in great pecuniary distress is admitted; but the majority it appears, are not. bound, to relieve the minority! !! I had always supposed it was a settled axiom in re publican governments at least, that the whole was bound to protect the parts—that the ma jority ol tiie people was bound, to protect the rights and interests of the minority; but the majority of the peoples representatives have decided it is “unwise and impolitic, to use the credit of the whole people, to raise money, to supply the private wants of a portion only of the people”—meaning as I suppose, that “por tion of the people,” who from Providential, or other cause, happen to be in debt. -To grant relief to that portion of our fellow-citizens in the opinion of ihe majority, in the Legislature, would (to use their own language) be “impo sing previous burthens, in the way of taxes, j upon the many, for the benefit of the few.” — | The “few,” to whom the Legislature refused I to grant any relief, because it would “tax” one j portion ol the people, for Ihe benefit of ano j timr portion, may not constitute such a ve'ry j contemptible minority, as seems to be suppos ed, when the report of (lie ballot box shall be heard, on the first Monday, in Occtober nex*. j It is true, the Representatives of the people i fell the “few” who are in debt, “u'e deeply regret your pecuniary embarrassment, but in effect tell them, it. was their own “cupidity” which embarrassed them, their own impru dence and they must work outtheir “own sal vation,, with fear and trembling;” the Govern ment cannot afford them any relief, for the reason, that those who are out of debt, may, j by a hare possibility, be ultimately injured by jit.. This argument against granting the pro : posed relief to the people, exhibits, in a most j striking manner, how fruitful is the mind of ; man, in the invention of reasons, for not doing that, which ho does not wish to do. It also reminds me of an occurrence which took place recently, on the road tq market. Three neigh bours started to market with their produce, ami agreed to travel in company. One ot them having a tolerable heavy load, drove his I waggon on apparently good ground, which ; however proved to be rotten, arid his waggon sunk down, tip to the axletree—of course, he was greatly embarrassed, and in much trouble; but relied upon his companions to aid him in getting out ot his difficulty. They soon came up, and saw his condition. They'expressed their “dee]> regret” for his situation, hut could not lend him their assistance, as it would be using the labour of the whole company, to supply the “private wants, of a portion only;” besides, it would be “unwise and impolitic” tor them to aid him, as it might possibly mud dy their clothes; therefore, he must work out ‘lie best way he could—it wak owing to his own imprudence, he got into the difficulty, told him he ought to have had better sense, and left him, to struggle through unaided and alone. Ilow much better, and humane would it have been, for those two neigbours immediately to have put their shoulders to the wheel, reliev ed him from Ins embarrassed condition, and have admonished him, about being prudent and cautious, afterwards? But if is the delight of some people “to laugh at our calamity, and mock when our fear cometh.” There may be some, who are honestly opposed to this great measure of relief, on the score of principle: and I am willing to admit, as a general rule, that the people, ought not to rely too much on the government for relief, but we must recol lect, iliere is no general rule without its ex ceptions. The “unprecedented failure of the cotton crop,” the forced resumption of specie payments by the banks, at a period, of unpar rel'eled pecuniary embarrassments and dis tress, constitute such an exception to the ge neral rule, as demanded from the hands of the representatives of the people, that relief, which was so opportunely proposed by the Governor, in their behalf Fortunately for the country, we have an officer in the Executive chair, who j has a practical knowledge of those every day j affairs—one, who can readily understand their j wants, and deeply sympathise with lhe : r mis- j fortunes—prompted by the purest motives of j benevolence, he boldly took the responsibility j of proposing a constitutional remedy for the i relief of the people, to their representatives; j not doubting they would most heartily avail hcmselves of the occasion to grant it. lie I lid not stop to censure those in debt, for their) mpruder.ee, nor tell them he “deeply regret ed their embarrassed condition, without pro 'osing substantial relief, lie did not cavil a out “taxing” one portion of the people, for he benefit of another portion. So far as the Manciple of the measure was concerned, he mew it had received at least the sanction of a cry respectable portion, of the members of he Legislature, in the proposition to loan the red it of the Sta*e, to build Rail Roads, and o reueem the circulation of -the notes t f the Central Lank. Ii it was legitimate and pro- per, to loan the credit of the State for such purposes, why was it not legitimate and pro per, to use it, for the relief of the people whose necessities were pressing, and immediate! 1 concur in opinion with you, the proposition of the Governor evinces a very high regard for the interests of the people, whose Chief Ma- I gistrate he is: yet, if we only view it ns a i measure prompted by benevolence alone, we j shall come very far short of doing Governor I M’Donald justice. The proposition not only I proves him to have been animated by a lively ! regard, for the suffering condition ot that peo ple, from whose ranks lie has been recently elevated; but it also affords high evidence of his capacity, as a practicalsiatesman. What ever may be the ultimate fate of the measure the Governor, has faithfully and fearlessly, dis charged his duty—and I have no doubt, the people will sustain him. lam opposed to an extra session of the Legislgture, as it will be composed of the same members as the last; cost the State much money, and do no good to wards relieving the people from their embar rassments. Very respectfully, your friend, HIR AM WARNER. Col. John G. Park, Milledgeville. To the Stockholders of the Ga. 11. R. and Banking Company. —This Bank, in obedience to the act requiring the resumption of specie payments, though not admitting that the pen alty for refusing is applicable to us, under the constitution, in good faith resumed the pay ment of specie on the Ist inst. Immediately a drain on our vault commenced to supply the the demand of tire Western trade. To meet that exigency, we had provided ourselves with Tennessee Bank notes. But after the re sumption, these were refused on the ground that the Tennessee Banks were not paying specie, and that it could be sold again at a large premium. Our own people, in the meantime, were very moderate in their de mands ; not usually going beyond what was necessary tor the purposes of change. So far as they are concerned, our n ceipts of specie exceeded what we paid out to them. But as soon as the news of the suspension to the eastward, and the determination west to remain suspended spread, alarm became manifest. The run commenced, and contin ued with increased intensity up to the second week. On the 13th, at a meeting of cit izens in this place, resolutions were adopted re commending suspension by all the Banks in Georgia, which resolutions may be seen in the public prints. On the night of the 14th, we received notice from Augusta, that large demands for specie, or northern exchange, would probably be made on us the next day. They were made, as was anticipated. On Tuesday evening, the Directors then in Ath ens met, and acting on their own convictions, as well as on the known opinions of absent members, then considering that, in the exist ing state of excitement, if we continued to pay specie, we must soon part with a large part of our supply, the consequence of which would have been heavy and unceasing demands on our debtors for reductions on their note?, de termined to suspend specie payments for the {.'resent. I he propriety of this determination will be the better appreciated, when it is known that in two weeks from the Ist inst., this Bank and its Branch at Augusta supplied the public between one hundred and fifty and two hun dred thousand dollars of specie funds; and that we still have a supply of over §IOO,OOO in specie, to enable us to resume, as soon as another crop shall enable our debtors to fulfil their engagements with us. It is thought proper to add, that if, in this movement, we had pursued the usual course, we would have continued to pav out our coin, and have pro eedt and t collect, with the least no; - rible delay the debts due us bv the people. But the effect of such proceeding, it was be lieved, would be disastrous. Those who owe us live cheifiy in that part of the State in which the cotton crop of the last year was an almost total failure. They cannot pay us what they owe, until they-make another crop, without a sacrifice of property beyond all for mer example, within our knowledge. Jf we had determined to press them by suit, it is not seen how wide spread ruin could‘have been avoided, occasioned by the sale of property at ruinous prices. We have, under these circumstances, deter mined to place ourselves before the public and our Stockholders, as having taken a position demanded by the best interest, as t hey believe, of both parties. If we shall succeed in war ding oft; to any extent, the mischief that threatens the public from the failure of the cotton crop, it will amply compensate for any temporary loss we may sustain. For our Rail Road is dependant on the people ; by their prosperity, it must prosper. Ruin them, and i will not be worth owning ; for they will be able to make nothing, to carry on it to market, and, of course, be able to buy nothing to be brought back on it for their consumption.— We have taken the position, moreover, with full confidence in our ability to pay every dol lar of the notes we have in circulation; hav ing, beyond all question in specie, notes, bills, Rail Road and corporate property connected with it, over three dollars for one of bills in circulation : owned by a list of Stockholders numbering near five hundred, and consisting of the very bone and muscle of the country, who are both able and willing to sustain the enterprise in which they have keen so long and so arduously engaged. This circular is addressed to you for the pupose of putting it in your power to correct any misrepresentations that may be current as to the course we have pursued. Bv order of the Board, WM. BEARING, Pres’t Athens, Feb. 20, 1841. From the Comet of Many Tales, a Comic Almanac for the year 1 841. SOVEREIGNS OF THE WORLD. England. —Victoria, m 1819. Queen, de fender of the faith and of her ministers; who* in return for her patronage cling to her person and her table with the tenacity of ivy, and like the ivy, would be in the dust to morrow but for the support to which they cling. She is the only wife in the empire who is not subject to her husband —dejure we mean; for far be it from us to say that she is not subje ct to him de facto. If her being the wife of a prince whom she has chosen for herseif be an auspi cious omen, her reign cannot but be prosper ous—as heaven grant it may. That her hus band is worthy of his good fortune is proved by the fact, that all the world has been talk ing of him for the last twelve months without uttering a word to his dispraise. He appears to be winning golden opinions by assimilating himself to the English gentlemen—a cbarac ter which the greatest monarch in the world might be proud to make his model. France. —Louis Piiillippe, born in 1773. A man of three titles—Duke of Orleans, King ; of the French, and Napoleon be la I’aix The : first the workof birth; the second, the work of | accident; the third, the work of talent His fortune has been triple, like his title—first a Noble, next a Jacobin, and thirdly a king. liis wealth is enormous, and he has used it for .three purposes—to enjoy the reputation of being the richest man in Europe to marry his daughters to all the needy princes of Europe; and to pur chase the French by gilding Versailles for the Parisians, hanging up the fables of French battles, and delighting them, from the peer to the beggar, with the belief that they are the first populace in the world. A people of con tradictions, they are now with one hand trum peting a challenge to Europe, and with the other digging a ditch for the defence of Paris. They have erected a despot, under the title of a “citizen king,” and to revive republicans, are bringing back the bones of the haughtiest of emperors. Gh.ina. —Taou Kwaug.—China is the great tea warehouse of mankind. A quarrel hav- ing been raised by some of its dealers, the warehouseman hcc shut up his shop. Foolish as tins was the oealers stood on the point, and determined to starve —more foolish still. But this was not enough. The warehouseman turned some of igp capital into powder and phot, and building up Ins windows, mounted them with guns. The dealers, already half I r ’-thied, resolved to go the whole length*, turn led the tea money into cannon balls and Con jgreve rockets, and determined to burn down j l he warehouseman, shop and all. to force him I to trade with them again—most foolish of the j whole! The affair is going on still, and the j dealers said that, when they have destroyed I some thousand of Chinese lives, and wasted | some millions of British money, they will only !be the more amiable on both sides, and will i have the privilege of buying more tea and sel j ling more poison than ever. | Belgium .—Leopold the first, born in 1790. j Ihe luckiest of the luckiest family of Europe, j An Austrian Captain of cavalry who superce ded the Prince of Orange in the alliance of the Princess Charlotte of England; enjoyed a pension of £50,000 a year for twenty years, ot which he saved every shilling; next super ceded the Prince of Orange in the possession of Belgium, and is now a King on the simple credit oi having a good leg, doing nothing, and being a Coburg. Russia. —Nicholas the first, born in 1790 —a daring, active, and an ambitious despot.— He began by excluding his brother from the throne, and is supposed to have the lar gest oesophagus of any sovereign inexistence. He has already swallowed Poland ; has made an enormous bite out of Persia ; holds Tar tary in his left hand, ready for luncheon ; Tur key lies dressed before him for dinner, and what lie is to sup on, or where, is known on ly to himse sand his old namesake. But he is vigorous, vigilant, subtile, and persevering , and therefore, the better to be baffled by Lord Palmerston. Pi ‘ussia. —William the Fourth, born in 1'95. Since the beginning of this year, suc cessor to his father, Frederick, William the Third. His character is yet to be known.— He is a supposed lover of war, as all princes are for want of something else to do; and certainly no lover of the French, from his rec ollection of that most polished and plundering of all nations; but a worshipper of Russia, on the principle that makes the African bow down. Austria. —Ferdinand, born in 1793. In Aus r a th Gove anent is w! oily eons'ructed on the principle oi the nursery ; the people are children who think of nothing but their break fasts, dinners, and suppers, and, if furnished with dolls and dances, are as happy as the day is long. But they never grow. When good humoured, they are suffered to run about the fields, provided they never run out ol sight of the hea l nurse, and can be brought back by a check of the apron string. While they live, they merely walk in go carts ; when they die, they are merely wrapped up and put to bed. Spain.- —MtTTtfi IslbeTM’ Louisa, born in 1830; The youngest of sovereigns, though by no means the most childish. 1 ier mother manages the State for her; Gen. Espartero manages the State for her mother ; the city of Madrid manages the St ate for Gen. Espar tero ; the mob manages the State for the city of Madrid ; and the mob itself is managed by the beggar, the thief and the soldier. The civil war has died out for want of material, and Spain is now amusing itself with shooting prisoners. Portugal. —Maria de Glcrin, born in 1819 —Sovereign of an “independent” country, which England alone saves from being swal lowed up by Spain; ruling by an “imperisha ble” constitution, which has been changed three times since her accession in 1820, and sitting on the throne of an enlightened, free, and “tranquillized” nation ; themselves ruled by the priests, the police, arid the mob of Lis bon. Sweden and Norway. —Charles John the 14i J), born in 1704; iormeriy Beruadotte ; a singular !• stance oi fortune, seconded by con duct. A Frenchman entering the service as a common marine ; then rising above the high est to the ihroive ; and then rising above the man who placed him there, by keeping the throne when Napoleon had lost it. He now lives the solitary survivor of Napoleon man archs, a bold, vigorous, and honest man ; a brave soldier, a successful general, and in a country of strangers, a secure king. Turkey. —Abdel Melted the Unfortunate, the son oi Mahmoud the Unlucky, born in 1823. He has come to the throne as a man might come to his dinner, with a party of wild beasts round the table. It is not likely that he can much enjoy his meal. All the sovereignties of Europe are open mouthed round him, and lie is spared from hour to hour only by the show of their tusks at each other. But the first bite is the signal for universal battle, and whichever gorges, Turkey must furnish the meal. Holland. —William the First, born in 1775. The first King of the Netherlands—a kingdom cut from France by the scissors of the Con gress of Vienna, and cut in two by the hatch ets of the mob of Brussels—a prince hard headed, hard working, and hardly used. To solace the cares of sovereignty in the foggiest land of the universe, he ieli in love. But the Duke dreaded the expense of a royal marriage, the Prince of Orange dreaded a step mother; and the old w omen of the court a rival. What king could preva 1 against the union of forces ? William the First, with a broken heart and helpless sceptre, had tire sole alternative of marrying or resigning. A Mark Anthony of seventy, he has resigned. U. S. Bank Stockholders. —The position of the Directors oi this institution before the pub lic, is indeed one of extreme delicacy. They a:e only contending with public prejudice, while the innocent stockholders are lone in danger of becoming the victims of popular ex asperation. Those who are now engaged in a crusade against the < ank, should remember that the officers of the institution cannot, be made the pecuniary victims. They may en dure the odium which is heaped indiscrimi nately upon them, and yet not suffer, except in feelings and reputation. But tire widow and the orphan have some claims upon the forbearance of the public. The unoffending and injured stockholders have a right to legislative protection. They need the aid of the popular voice to save them j from great losses, and so ne of them from irre ! trievable ruin. It would be well for those j who are eager to join in a ruthless crusade j against this Bank, to remember to chasten ■ justice with mercy, and not to involve indis criminately the innocent with the- profligate and guilty.— Phil. N. American. AVLeod. —The Batavia Times and Journal, of the 11th inst, contains sundry particulars in relation to the indictment of M’Leod. Ii says: “An unusual number of wfinesses were in i attendance, and examined in this case—some iof them from a grea ■ distance. The unanim ; ity which characterized the proceedings of the jury, shows conclusively, that taken ex parte, i the case is a strong one. There are twenty jurors present, nineteen of whom were for the indictment of murder. “The prisoner was brought before the court on Saturday last, and was informed by the District Attorney of the finding of the bill of indictment, after which he was remanded to jail, by,an order of the court, until the next term of the Oyer and Terminer, which com mences on the 4th Monday of March, when it is expected his trial will come on—unless his counsel should show cause why his trial should be removed to some other county.” O’ The foreign imports into the port of Mobile for the quarter ending 31st December, 1849, amounted to 8173,699. Same time in 1839, §lo2,39B,— Savannah Rtp. TUB TIMES. Columbus' marchl umi. Hon. E. J. BLACK. In this paper will be found the speech of Mr. Black on the Treasury Note Bill. W e shall, at an early day, publish the remarks ot Mr. Nesbit, to which the speech of Mr. Black is a reply. APALACHICOLA &; ST. JOSEPHS. Vv e regret to learn that the union which was supposed to be effected between these rival towns, and of which we made mention two or three weeks since, will not, probably* be consummated—and that each of them is reposing on its sovereign rights. It may be to them the repose of death. The Columbus Enquirer must excuse us for extracting so liberally from its columns- Its editorials furnish such rich materials for comment, and are placed before us in such various profusion, that it would be unjust both to that paper and the Public, to omit any men tion of them. The Columbus Enquirer of yesterday says that “ Mr. Granger, the Post Master General, is well known as the candidate for Vice Pre sident on the ticket with Gen. Harrison in 1830.” Will the Enquirer be kind enough to state what that ticket was called; and whether Mr. Granger was not placed on it, to conciliate a double interest. The Columbus Enquirer of yesterday says that, “some of the early political positions of Mr. Webster, it is true, have never met their approbation.” Does, the Enquirer mean to say that Mr. Webster has changed or repudiated any of bis former political opinions! If it does, it and Mr. Webster are at issue. The Columbus Enquirer of yesterday, says that “our political institutions are, for the next four years, safe from the covert attacks of Fed eralists and Consolidationists in disguise.’, As Mr. \\ ebsfer and Mr. Badger are to have a voice in the Administration of the Go vernment, the Enquirer would seem to inti mate that the “disguise” is to be removed, and that the “attacks” will not hereafter be “cor crt.” THE NEW POST MASTER GENERAL. our readers are already apprised that the lion. Francis Granger, at present, and for sev eral years past, a Representative in Congress* from the State of New York, has received and accepted, from the President elect, the station of Post Master General of the United States. On the mention of the name of this gentle man, in connection with the very important and responsible Department of the General Post Office—various journals, North and South, proclaimed the Abolition prepossessions of Mr. Granger, and deprecated his elevation to a seat in the Cabinet. Several weeks since 7 indeed, and prior to the semi-official announce ment of the names of ihe gentlemen, who were to be the Constitutional Advisers of the President elect—the occasional rumors which met the public eye that Mr. Granger might re ceive a Cabinet appointment, were viewed with alarm and apprehension; and drew, from the friends as well as the foes of General [lar riscn, in the South, the earnest, and almost unconscious exclamation—“lt cannot lie—so open and unwarrantable an assault upon the rights and feelings of the South, cannot be con templated by the President elect-” Probably not an individual will read this article, but can call to mind remarks of a similar character made in his presence—with, perhaps, the ad ditional comment that it was a trick a device of the defeated party to injure, in advance, the Administration of Gen. Harrison. Now, General Harrison has declared, in a public speech in Richmond, Virginia, and upon the authority, too, of Mr. Grander himself, that the latter gentleman is no Abolitionist—that, he disavows the name and the doctrine, gen erally and in de*ail—and requests, if he prove a wolf in sheep’s clothing 1 , to be evicted from the Cabinet. There is certainly vcrv great misapprehension somewhere—or what is more probable, General Harrison and Mr. Granger affix one definition 1o the term Abolition—and the Southern people quite a different one. It is Hearty evident, (Tor the furls on record will au thorize no other interpretation,) that the Prrs dert elect and bis Constitutional Adviser, re strict the appellation to those merely, who be lieve lhal Congress has the constitutional new er to interfere with slavery in the States where T exists, and are in favor of the exercise of that power, now or hereafter. Tn this sense’ Mr. Granger mav he no Abolitionist. Tut where is the danger in this matter? Docs it proceed from him who disclaims all constitu tional restraints on this subject, and is for im mediate, unconditional and unlimited emnnei patjon] Or, is <he deadlv enemv to Southern slavery —the vinerto be dreaded, he who, un der hypocritical professions of constitutional obligation—under fbe ostensible ptea of am d ing the rio-ht of petition—is soothing the ap prehensions of those unacquainted with the nature of his designs, while, by slow but sure J effects, be is infusing poisonous tendencies ! into our moral and political arrrangements | T,ot the question be fairlv met, and let Mr. j Granger abide its test. Will the supporters of the new Administration denv that Mr. Granger insists upon the right and the duty of j Congress to receive abolition petitions—upon the power of Con cress to discard slavery in the District of Columbia. —and upon the propriety and necessity of the exercise of that power, at some period? Ts no* fh : s abolition ism. according to the sense and understanding of the South? If not, whv characterize the petitions presented to Congress as abolition memorials? None o f them prav the interpo sition of Congress in the matter, in the States. Not at all. They onlv ask its ■ ication j from the District of Columbia- Has not the South declare^ l again and again that it will suffer no interference with the subject, even in that District —as the real design and object of the movement, thus restricted, were tg work far more extensive and incurable mis chiefs? The Richmond Whig attempts to exculpate Mr. Granger from the charge, by the exhibi tion of proof— and what is this proof? Why, that Mr. Granger had voted that it was un constitutional for Congress to meddle with slavery in the States where it exists. Does this meet the question? Has any member of Congress, having the slightest discretion, voted otherwise, as it respects the States? An avow al o* their real designs would defeat their ’ most cherished purposes—disclose their covert intentions, and frustrate all their plans. Mr. Adams himself—who is daily and hourly re j ceiving the anathemas of the whole Southern press —if his own explanations are to be cred ited, desires on'y the acknowledgment, on the part of Congress, of the right of petition — and yet who confides in the sincerity of these declarations of Mr. Adams? Does he not daily furnish himself the refutation of them* ; and show that his designs are more extensive, i deep and daring in their nature—that this can dor, and professed reverence of the right of petition—are-cunningly affected for the pur pose of giving additional strength to political | views, manifestly hostile to the spirit of our I Government—-and which, when introduced in to the bosom of our country, will operate up :on the Body Politic, like poison infused into j the human system. But, the Macon Messenger pronounces the ‘charge that Mr. Granger is an Abolitionist, “false”—“utterly false”—and the Columbus Enquirer of yesterday, in its accustomed posi. tive and dictatorial tone, employs the follow ing language—“ The fact is, if there had ever . existed against Mr. Granger the l ast suspicion of even a leaning towards that abominable I heresy, he would be far from holding any place in the new administration, lie lias not only denied the charge, and hurled it back | with scorn, but has always condemned with great severity the wretched designs of these people.” Now, it would be wrong to suppose that the editors of the Enquirer do not. under- ; j stand fully the meaning and import of lan guage. We, by no means, intend to imply | even that they do not. But then, they do not ; always employ it as the “representative of i things”—-lor, il they did, they would certainly have abstained from the use of the terms— “least, suspicion”—“leaning”—“scorn”—and “great severity”—when speaking of Mr Granger’s abolition notions—and for two very sufficient reasons. First, these terms da not tally with the facts in the case—and second,ihe ! Enquirer would be running counter to various of its own statements, in times past, respecting I the peculiar opinions of Mr. Granger on the subject of slavery. It Mr. Granger “has ai ways condemned with great severity the wretch ed designs of these people”—the Enquirer ought to be able to furnish some proof on the subject; and if such evidence be extant, why then all we have to say is that the Enquirer and Messenger ought to make full and ample atonement to Mr. Granger for all the injury and injustice, which they, in common with al most every Southern print, have heretofore so lavishly and unsparingly heaped upon him. The truth is, the whole cabinet from Mr. Web ster down is unacceptable, to use no stronger word, to the more candid and steadfast of the Old State Rights party—but the Enquirer* true to its party instincts as the needle to the pole, “distends its elastic throat, Anaconda-like* aad would swallow any “Minister” whom the President elect bids it receive, be lie Abolition ist, Federalist, or not. Like the obseqi.ius Frenchman—Tell him to go to he;!, to hell he goes.” Many of the local dissensions of a political nature, with which we have, from time to time, been afflicted, have originated with men like Mr. Granger. And unless some effica cious mode is adopted of checking their per nicious career, they will not only paralyze the operations of the Government, but soon involve ns in all she horrors of intestine war; unless they are held in proper subordination by the general voice of the country, or con trolled by law; unless they are excluded from places that facilitate their operations, she peo ple of this country must prepare to surrender their rights, and suffer their opinions to be regulated not by their own good sense, but bv men, governed by no principles or feelings, but those which interest or unprincipled am bition inspire—who would heedlessly abandon (he interests of the Republic—disregard the oaths of office—trample under foot all public considerations—and violate, without remorse, those plain and eternal precepts of justice which even savages respect. Prom the New York Times, and Evening Star Feb. 18. GOLD AND PAPI-ill IN'GREAT BRITAIN. We are indebted to a gentieninnoflhiscity, says the Philadelphia Inquirer, himself an able judge of finance and currency, for a valuable work on the financial operations of the British Government. It was sent to this country hv the celebrated Joseph Hume, M. P. From it we learn the following progress of ennenev and taxation, from the year 1 SOI to 1833 in clusive. Iti 1801, the nett produce of the'British rev enue in paper amounted 1o 34,113 146?; in gokl, to 31.777 048?; gold being at S3-* 74 p< r ounce. PopttVion 16,388,102, and the taxa - tion per head, 1 IS9? In 1808, the revenue in naner nmotnitpd to 62 098 191?; in gold to 57 584 201?; rmld hein * at 85s S I per ounce. Population 17.871.563. Taxation per head—3 4 4?. In 1815, the revenue in paper nmoun'ed f 72.210 512?; in gold to 60 575 156?; gold be ing 92-. 10.1. per ounce. Popnlalion 16.563 935; Taxation pur head 3 1 11/. (This yea closed the great European warn.) In 1823. the revemie in paper was 55 187 142?; in gobl 55.187.142?; the price of gob being 775. 10 1 24. per ounce! Popidatio 23.304 120. Taxation per head 27 4? In 1838, the revenue in paper was 47.333,- 460?; in gold the same; the price of gold be ingasinlß2B. Population 26 688,879. Tax ation per head 115 5. A forthcoming publication states thepont - lation of the United Kingdom of Great Bri tain in 1840 to be 27 200.000. WASHINGTON NEWS* OFFICE. Thursday, Feb. 25 h. After our paper went to press, about Id o’clock last nigh s , an alarm of fire was giv and the store of Messrs Burton and I’.dot <• the south-west, corner of the public sqm was discovered to be in flames. The fire ha ing taken in the most exposed part of t town and our citizens being perfectly destitute of any means of arresting it, spread with great rapidity in different directions from the place of its origin until it had consumed part of the town in which a great portion of the bu siness was done, and was only arrested at last by the most vigorous exertions. We have suffered in common, with many others of our fellow citizens, but our loss is trivial compared with theirs. Our printing establishment was luckily at a distance from the square and therefore sustained no injur}’. The principal losses were Mr. A. A. Cleve land (store and dwelling house burnt,) Burton & Felot, store burnt, and a house owned by Burton & Pelot, and occupied by .T. Hogan as dwelling house and shop—John R. Edison’?) store and dwelling house ; house owned lot A. A. Cleveland and occupied by Getting /* Butler as a law office and Dr. Ficklen ; house owned by Mrs. Corbet; & Tailors shop occu pied by \\ in. I. Sohan ; store au I dwelling house owned and occupied by F. T. Willis; store, owned and occupied by McMillen & Vincent; store owned and occupied by Wm. F. Sohan; store unoccupied owned by F. T. Willis ; store owned by J. I). Thompson and occupied by Geo. W. Jarrett; store owned and occupied by Johnson &. Waterhouse; house owned by W. F. Sohan ; house owned and occupied by John Burkes, besides a great number of valuable out buildings. The loss cannot be less than -335,000. From the Apalachicolian, Fob .20. Probable, loss of the k i steamer Lamplighter. Captain IWcx/.—iJiki steamboat Lamplighter, Capt. Wood, left this poit on Saturday last the 13th inst, for T&mpe Bay. When about five miles outside of AheEast Pass, she broke ifer, shaft, and was compelled to come to an an chor. Two of the passengers, and the car penter of the steamer, left in the small boat to procure assistance; after proceeding sjme distance they met sebr. Rockwell, Capt. An natoync, who immediately started to relieve those on board the disabled boat—it then be ing late, the Rockwell did not reach the place where the steamer had come to anchor, until it was dark, and a severe gale then springing up, she could not be tound that night. Fur. ther search was made on the following morn ing, along south Cape and Dead Man’s Bay, but nothing could be seen of the steamer, nor of her wreck, and the probability is, that she drilled out to sea during (lie gale, and went to the bottom. The L. had ten passengers, in clusive of the two who left her, and a full crew, and it is lamentable indeed, if all on board have perished. The steamboat Caroline, of St. Marks* pas sed within a few miles of the Lamplighter, a short time after her shaft was broken,but re- timed logo to her assistance, in consequence, as the Captain said, ol having as many passen gers as he could accommodate. Flood at ISashvilh, Term ‘sscc. —On the night of the litli ult. the Cumberland river rose to an extraordinary height, sweeping every thing away in its progress and overflowing all the lowlands in its neighborhood. A large portion of the t *wn of Nashville on the east side of Broad street was covered with water, which m many places tilled the basement stories of Ute houses. Amid the destruction caused by the watery element, it is gratifying to add that we have seen no account of any loss of hu man life.— Columbus Enquirer if yesterday. WESTERN BANK OF GEORGIA. We copy the following information relating to this bam;, from the Western Georgian of 23;i inst. “This institution commenced the redenip iott of her circulation on the Ist inst., and has continued to pay out promptly, all her liabili ties io lull holders, and others, in specie, with out any delay or hesitation. The demand on this institution for specie up to this date has not been very large, and there has been no excitement in this section concerning its lia bility.-. In lact we have no fears tor its fu ture ability to sustain itself, under the man agement ol its present energetic and able officers. We sincerely believe at this time there is not an institution in the State better able to sustain itself under a resumption of specie payment. They plank up the “itino” cheerfully and promptly.” MEETING IN 7 ATHENS. Since the publication of the proceedings of the public meeting in Athens, we have re ceived the following note from Judge Harri son, who presided at the meeting, with the request that we should give it publicity, and a; k those papers tea copies the proceedings to do the same.— Augusta Chron. 23 d inst. Athens, Feb. 11J, 1841. i o the Editors of ihe Chronich & Sentinel. ikeii'l men — l noticed in your last paper the proceedings of a meeting of the citizens of this jdace, beld lust Saturday, in relation to the suspension ot’ our Batiks, at which J presided, i avail niyselt ol l!ns mode of saying, that although i presided by the request of my fe iow citizens at the meeting, i did not concur With that portion ol them that recommended a. su.sj-cusioii, believing then as I do now, that Me Banks should bo held to a faithful and honest discharge of their obligations. Respectfully, your obd’t servant, THOMAS W. HARRIS. (Corresj oucknce of the Charleston Courier.) Washington, Feb. 20. Air. Wise visited Richmond last week, and Mr. itives went also, in order to insure the i appointment of a day to go into the election or U. S. Senator. It is said that or. Wise is anxious to tbtain the office for himself, but he must be unsuccessful, as Judge Upshur is understood to be tins regular party candidate. (Correspondence of the Charleston Courier.) Washington, Feb. 20. On Mr. Clay meeting Mr. Rives the other day, he observed, “I want no more experi ments., Mr. Rives.” “No sir,” replied Mr. Rives,” “nor I any more U. S. Banks.” I only heard this anecdote. Air. Dawson, ol Georgia, it is said, is to be made speaker of the House at the extra Ses sion. lie preters it to being Governor of HU ’ f 'i(- party here too : for Georgia It is feared i- ./ month at some of Mi. Clay’d ;JTi;s—partum rh, . protect .e Tariff espe ; ciftlJy sint - Mr. Alford h:e- turned up tin nose at 1 1 . v. hoie Box. Prom c Charleston Courier, ]\l, -ch 24. D-o' h Judge Barbour. —The whole city ’ was Hi >-4, yesterday morning, (says the fv.'tonal Intelligencer of the26tii ult.)*by tl e immnation of tfie sudden demise of the Hon. !> I*. Harbour, of \ irginia, one of the As ■ Justices of the Supreme Court. He usual health and more than usually at the time of retiring to bed at 10 ’ or Wednesday night, and the next i mornn. r.; - found m his bed a lifeless corpse! • harbour entered Congress, in the i m.e oi a. - presents lives, in the year 1814, ; and soon e-gnaitzed hum-est by cons.derable lability in debate. Ho remained in Cot green | tor t number ->t yours, during a part of which i time lie idled ibe ii utoroblc office of Speaker jor the House. Since retiring from Congress, | b.s *;!h >;•)’ bo-:* do oted with great assiduity j"ib .a; duties with he had been cal'eci t . perform. T Hie Sonare of ‘ -,e next Congress will be ft: i ou the 4 ii of March, with the excep tion one : -v in the representation f V:rgm;a, and o,; . that of Tennessee. The elei-i.t.u to u ■ V irginia vacancy . • ;la ?on the ft >i Marc l —Savannah ]{, , i Truman Stillman, M D., states in a no* - the j.-liters of the New Orleans Yd -e- . ek m exifonded $200,00(1 ori pi.nm.s a;.d f.- c-s for advertising, &c. his Concentrated jfyrup of Sarsaparilla and Pills within the past 12 years. His receipts during hat period he says has been $1,000,000. & Savannah Rep. Missions—lt is stated as an interesting fact, ‘hat the hfeest local Protestant Church on mrth, is u the Heathen world, at llilo,Sand ■vtch Islands. Upwards of 5000 have been •onver: J there the last year. The present lumber of church members in these islands ,s no ,/Ss than 15,915— Savannah Rep. paper says that in one pin- t e es!; ibl i-; h merit no fewer'than forty-fire rail vrms of Steel pens were manufactured be ween October, 1838, and October, 1839 Savannah Rep,