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BY JAMES VAN NESS. PUBLISHED EVERY THIJRCS DA Y M <Mi NIN G, IN TIIE “tJRANITE BIJILDINSt ON THE CORNER OF OGLETHORPE AND RANDOLPH STREETS. TERMS—Subscription, three dollars per an num. oavable in advance, three dollars asd a half at tile en<l of six months,or four dollar* (in all eases) where payment is not ma.ie before th< expiration o/the year. ‘ No subscription receiredfor less than twelve months, without payment inadvance, and no paper discontinued, except at the option ot the Editors, until all arrearages are paid. ADVERTISEMENTS conspicuously inserted at owe dollar per one hundred words, or less, for the first insertion,and fifty cexts for every subse quent continuance. Those sent without a specifica tion of tlio number of insertions, will be published until ord :rcd out, and charged accordingly. 2d. Yelrly advertisements. — For over 24,and not exceeding 36 lines,. fifty dollar per annum ; for ovr 1 2, and not exceeding 24 lines, thtrly-Jive dollars per annum -, for less than 12 lines, twenty dollars ytr annum . 3d. All rule and figure work double the above p:ices. Legal Advertisements published at the usual rates, and with strict attention to the requisitions ot All's*”** regulated by law, must be made before the Court House door, between the hours of 10 in the morning and 4in the evening— those of Land in the county where it is situate; those of Personal Property, where the letters testamentary, of admin ist ration or of guardianship were oh tamed- and ar. required to b- previously advert.sed it. some public rv days, under mortgage fi fas sixty days, before the day of sale. bv Executors, Ad min.stra.ors or Guardians, for sixty days before 3ale if of Personal Property (except Negroes) forty Stations by Clerks of the Courts of Ordinary, upon APPL.CAT.OY FOR LETTF-R* of admm.straUon. must be published for thirty da vs. 1 . . ... rloN FOR DISMISSION, bv J bISi".!' o’ o*~. ">* copy ol the bond or agreement) to make at L to LAND, must be published three months Notices bv Executors, Administrators or Onardiann. of application to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell the Land or Negroes of an Estate, folk NtmoEsbv Executors or Administrators, to the Debt ors and Creditors .and an Estate, for at* , Sheriffs, Clerks of Court, Nc., will be allowed the usual deduction. _ |l Letters on business, must be post paid, to entitle them to attention. AVM. IIA HUN SIHVKUS, ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAM , COLUMBUS, G A . Will practice in all the courts of the Chattahoochee circuit, and in the adjacent counties in Alabama. March 4 4 3,11 ~ McDOUGALO & WATS’ ‘N, ATTORNEYS AT I.AW, 1 ,f COLUM HUS, GEORGIA. IV. G, M. II VVIS ATTORNEY AT LAW APA-LACHICOI.A, FLORIDA, PItAOTICKS in the Courts of the Middle am Western Districts, and the Court of Appeals Refers to Hon. J. S. Calhoun, John h on tains, Esq. and S. 11. Bonner, -Esq., Columbus Gcor * ;u ’ 40-52.. E. 11. PLATT, ATTORNEY AT LAW, (Cutli’.ert, Randolph County, Georgia.) WlLL*pro aptly attend to any husin ss entrusted to bis care in the co titles of Stewart. Mari on, Randolph, Early, Decatur, Halter, Lee, Sumter, M aeon and Dooly, Georgia, and Russell and Harbour of Alabama. ItF.FF.IiE.VCES : Columbus—lion. T. K. Poster and Colonel John Banks. _ Lexington—Joseph Ilenry I.umpkin, Esq. H. F. Hardeman, Esq. Lewis J, Dupree and George K. Platt. Washington—Hon. Garnett Andrews. IV4aeon—Col. D C. Campbell, Jerry Cowls. Esq. Forsyth—Messrs Dunn & Martin Thomati>n —John J. Carey. I .sq. T. B. Bethel. Apalacht ola, Flo.— William G. Porter, E>q. Charleston, S C.—William Harris. New York.—Mes-rs. Collins, Reese & Uo. March 11 5 ls LAW NOTICE. MR. AUGUSTIN S. WINGFIELD having taken the place of Judge Taylor, in the late firm of Taylor & ls irig. the business in future will be conducted under the style of KING & \Y l NG F I ELD, their address being Fort Gaines, Early County, Ga. King & Wingfield will practice in the following counties, viz : COUNTY. PRINCIPAL TOWNS. Randolph, Cuilibert, Decatur, Bainbridge Baker, Albany & Newton, ’ Palmyra & Starksville, Dooiy, Drayton, Macon, Lanier, Sumter, Americas, Stewart, Lumpkin, l£ af |y Fort Games X Blakely ALABAMA. COUNTV. TOWNS. Henry, Abbeville and Columbia, Barbour, Irwinton and Clayton, They beg leave to refer to the following gentlemen, V Z Mii.i.kpgevii.i.e —His Excellency, Charles J. McDonald, Iverson L. Harris. Columbus. —Hon. Marshall J. Wellborn, Frank lin A. Nisbet. Macon. Messrs. Poe & Nesbit,Nesbit, limes & Blake, Col. ILG. Lamar. FoktGaines. — Hon. Wdliam Tavlor. Palmyra, Lee Co. —Hon. Lott Warren. Greensborougii —Hon. William C. Dawson, 1. Si J. Cunningham. I hwinton, Ala.—John Gill Shorter, Esq. St, Joseph. Fi,. a— Wiley Mason Esq. j\ i. ach i col a .—lVlcssrs. Lockhart X Noting. March 11 5 4t “ NOTICE. DR, SCHLEY will continue tile practice of Me dicine, Surgery, Xc. Office al he old stand of Chipley & ‘chlev,on Broad Street. July 23. 1840. 24 ts REMOVAL, DR. JNO. J. B. HOXEY. has removed his of- j lice to ilie room over the store of T. A. Bran- j non, a few doors above Taylor and Walker’s, and nearly opposite Col. John Banks’ Drug Store. Jan. 12. _ -Ctf 3 0,000 1> O I, I. A H S . LOTTERIES. Class No. 11, to be drawn, Saturday, March IS. 1641, 1 prize of $30,000 1 prize of $2 500 i 1 “ 10.000 40 “ 1,500 1 “ 5 000 50 ‘ f 250 1 “ 3,500 00 “ 200 1 3,070 03 “ 150 1 “ 3,000 63 “ 100 Others o’ §S0 —60—50—&r. &c. Tickets $lO. Halves $5. Quarters $2 50. Orders for tickets must be addressed to J. H. ANDRENVS,CoIumbus 3 0,0 0 0 DOLL AR S . 1 0,000 DOLL AR S . Class 4*2, to be drawn, Saturday, March 20 IS4I. I prize of S3OOOO 1 prize of $1 SIX) 1 “ 10 000 1 “ 1.600 1 “ 5,000 2 “ 151X1 1 3 000 3 *• 1 300 1 “ 2 SOO 5 “ 1,200 1 “ 1.900 10 “ 1,000 And 200 prizes of SSOO ara Sl O ,000. Others of 3200, 100. 80. 60. 50. Xe. Xc. Tickets §lO. Halves §5. Quarters $2 50. 40.000 DOLLARS, 15,000 DOLLARS. Class 13, to be drawn Saturday, March 27, IS4I. Capitals $40.000,15.000 10 CO,), 6 000. 5 000. SO prizes of 1.000. and 60 of 500. Others of 300 200. 100, 50, &c. Xc. Tickets $lO. Halves 5. Quar ters 2 50. Orders lor tickets in any of the above Lot'eries, en closing cash or prize tickets, will receive prompt atten tion, if addressed to J. H. ANDREWS, March 11 5 2t Columbus. ’ CAUTION. 1 HEREBY caution all persons from trading for six promissory notes given to John Wesley Whar ton , three due on the 2i:h of December last, amount 70 dollars ; the other three due the 25th December next Said notes I will no* pav unless compelled bv ] aw .’ BURREL J. SANDERS. March 11 ® 3t THE COLUMBUS TIMES. NEW BOOKS. SECOND part of Democracy in America, by De- Tocqueviiie; being a continuation of his treatise on our ms uutioris, which are known as'being the most correct of any ever written. A net supply of Georgia Scenes, illustrated edition. The American Almanac for 1841. Friendship’s Offering. The Token. Mercedes by Cooper, &c. &c. Just received at NORTON &J LANG DON’S. March 11 5 ts LIST OF LETTERS REMAINING in the Post Office at Columbu-, March Ist, 1841. A Allen Jno S Atwood F G & M r H Archer F'C All< n James Aiford Lucretia or James Adams Susan Amos Win Atwood Win H Alden Geo W Averet Albright Arnold Benjamin Anderson Geo Acee Doctor B Riggers Jos Britton Jos Barnes J M Buet Banj F Brown \Vm Beckham AG Bradley Jartd Barnett Janies C C Billups Mrs E A Banne Lewis Busby Jacob Burwell K W Brown R R Bowen Thomas W Bui ey N J B niter Win Barnard Edwd B nuett Simeon Beall Rev J Beall Jn W Bliss Thos W Barkalow W V C Cazey Miss Eliza Chandler Ebenezer Chew JnoP H Cary Randal 2 Collins Lindey Chaffuut lames L Chamberlain Rev R Coleman Col Carloss W Coates AG Clouch C vrus Cannon R T orN Graham Cameroi D 2 Clark Richaid Cain Jn W Clemments no F Coleman Mrs Catharine Coleman Susan B Crowell Canty E Carblac Allen Canning Jno Clark Thos J H Cri'lenden Samuel Cooper Get rge Campbell J II 3 Clark Louis D Davis Thos 2 Daniel Henry G Hummer Capt Diggars Mrs Ann Doles Miss Clarrissa B Doty Cyrus Dockins Charles Deni ,\i L Dill Augustus A 2 Dawkins Fhebe A E Elliott Ceo W Enghsh A Edwards Win 1* IlioU Mary D English I.ouiza Elbert ii G F Fanner Rufus Forrester Joel Kroner Wm Fraisure Thomas F'lemiiig Elizabeth G Glasson Henry Griffith Ezekiel Garrett Wm A Glass James > Ilisson Miss Ellen J Garrett Obadiah Gowan Sol Clenn Jno 11 H Hogens Robert Hitlyer Elizabeth Hood Daniel Higgins Thos B Howell Jordan L Hopkins Lucius Hamilton CP Hodge Wm Holland O S Hoffman Sebastian Hays Miss Harriett Hills Stephen Jun I loffe John Howel M W Howell N Hoffman Michael Hughes Jas M Higby Pomroy Hill James W Hammock Mrs Martha Hiechfield*& Hyman Ilonfey Jno Hunter Jas W Hal er Jacob Hurt Mrs Lucy Hall Miss VlarthaA Helms Elbert Harley Joshua D I Ivey Magirt Iverson Win Ingersoll Dr S M J J hnsoti Aaron Jenkins .(no Jones Master Burrows Jeffiies BelinS K If night Miss Selatha lfeith Alexander Ivookogey Sam’l 2 Ifenneymore Michael If nt Elijah Kirbo Joseph Kimbrough B L Bing A C Ifenneymore Bynum L Lucas F Yl Levingston Jan as Lloyd James M Lawrenpe Eliza Lewis P D Lawrence Miss Mary Lvne Thos A l.oVe Robt Liutard Paul l.awall ;Vl Lane Win G nee Wm LaTaste Victor 2 Lowe Willis M Manor John A Mai ten Capt Jno Moffett Henry 2 May Jno Morefield J H Mnidrow Jeth W Morgan Wm H Moutgomry P M MathewsH Mims B M Molt Mrs Nancy McGee Mrs Mary Mack Lorenzo McGildany James Morton Jno McCrary Tobert MaiuWCS McAlistei F .tizobeth G Moss Alexander McClueen Robert, or Ins Murphy W Agent Newsom D R Not! Dr Rufus A Neister H M Nut Jno Noblilt Thos P O O’Neal W T m W Owens Wm C P Pruett Alvin II Prhe Mbs Lydia Pardew James A ‘ Partridge Jno Eorteveut Miss Rebecca Paine Wm C Pace Will Jr Park Wm Porter Nathan Prator ino B Peterson JS Pace Win Jr Pve Valentine Uaee Wm Sr l-itikark P Pa c ” Ekanah Philips Sarah Prather Emily C Parker (, Pool 1 hai as Pruett Janvw P‘he James Powers Win A R t Rogers Miss Martha M Russell Jas Rylander Wm t Robinson Andrew Jr Reeves Pryor Ruse George Rogers Aciam Reynolds Prudence Robinson Andy Richardson .lno R Ross G eo W Rose Adrian T S Smith Rev W A Sharp Hubbard P Sharman .lno Smith Mathew YV Shaw James Sluder Mr j Si ikev Dr R T Sweet Manly A ! Shatter Catharine Shepherd Jno I Stevens CG Sburlock Jno Stevenson T. H. Shivers X Parker Smith Esq Shipp Guslavus Smith Moses Stem James A i Smith Hopson C A Stallings Airs Emily I Stroud Jno Snowden G I’ j Shorter Catharine Sirouss Jno -eawell James Stratlon C 2 St-gnor Wm P T Tippet Rev II H Thornton Jsnathan A Tarver Jno 4 ucker W m Thornton Thos A Tarver Milton Perrv Miss Caroline E Took Jim I Trent W m B Taylor J W i I ickuor James II Towns .1 G ’ Taylor Elizabeth Tozier JnoC V Vestra* HO Vance Marcus W Warren GI. 2 Walker G A yVvtin Mrs C T 2 \N ard \N ni G Walton Jno Wiiberbv P Willis L K Willard Geo W tson Wm H AN right l* L Wood Time G 2 Worsham Jno G Waker Mrs Sarah V Williams James S Wilcox Mrs Nancy Willmms Win Wilson Joel Whealhmgton Wm Woods X G AV alls Jesse Y Young Samuel JOHN SCHLEY. P. M. THE CELEBRATED HORSE ROBIN HOOD TS'IS’'II.L stand the ensuing season, one lia'f of his Ts tune a- my stable.nineteen miles ab> v* Colum bus, iu Russell county. Ala., and the other perl of his time at Lafayette, Chambe s county. Ala., and will he let to mares at ihe reduced price of Filly Dollars, due 25 h of December next. Alares sent over thirty milts will be fed t'O months gratis. Persons failing lo get a colt in t e Spring, will be allowed the Fall ; season gratis, if the maresare stnt lo my stable.. All care will be taken to prevent accidents and escapes, ! but no liabilities for either. A to Robin’s performances on the turf, a ref* rence to ‘he Stud Book or the Spirit of the Times, will give entire satisfaction It is also due him tosav. that his colt-,so far as trials have been made, have been sur passed bv none in the United States. The season w 11 commence the first o’ Ma’ch, and end the first of Julv. Z. AN HU E & JNO. CROWELL. Jan. 27, 1841. 47 if ‘ GUARDIAN’S SAI.E. WILL b • sold at the county site *4Murray coun ty, before the court house door, on the day of April the lands belonging to the orphans of Cullin Dorman. LEONIDAS T. EUBANKS, March 11 5 Ot Guardian. COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, MARCH 18, 1841. S P E E C II Os Mr. Nisbet, of Georgia, on the Treasury Note Biil—de ivered in the House of Representatives, January 22, 1641. Mr. Chairman : I voted during the las’ ses‘ sion of Ciingress for the issue of Treasury notes. I was then satisfied of the power ol the J.egisla ure to contract a loan upon this plan. lam still convinced of the power. 1 can now see no constitutional objection to it. Having then presented mv views upon this subject, to lhat argument 1 have nothing to ado. and from it nothing to subtract. 1 was willing Jlien to exercise the power, avowing that, because of the seductive, easy, and de ceptive character ol this mode of raising mo ney, it should be resorted to with great can, and only in cases of extreme necessity. Such a case, I believed, was then presented. The Government was, as was conceded oneveiy hand, ujxm the verge of bankruptcy. Slit couid not wait for any less rapid measure of extrication than the prompt one proposed. I was constrained to come to the rescue of the Treasury, and relieve it from monetary and political dishonor. The obligations of pa triotisu , irrespective of all pa-tv views, requir ed it. fn a like case of emergency, my con duct will be of like character. Whether, therefore, I shall vote for the bill now before the committee, depends upon the necessity which may he shown now to exist to raise five millions of dollars at once. It is not ques tioned that the Government will need this sum in addition to the tevenues which will secure from all ordinary sources during the year 1841. The Chairmanof th ■ Ways and Means (Mr. Jones) admits that there will he a defieiency, but calls it temporary, ami as sures us that it wII be reimbursed in tlie lasi quarter’s income. The Secretory of the Treasury lakes similar grounds. Indeed the very proposition of the officers of finance to burr uv money, assmes both the want ami the inability of the usual resuuices to supply it. To justify my support, however, [ shall require ihe gentlemen to show that the exigencies ol the Treasury are so imperious that they can not await the process of a permanent and wise system of revenue. This they will scarcely be able to show; for however deeply the Government may have been involved by the absurd and temporiz ng expedients and experiments of Mr. Van Buren and his friends, I believe it may he relieved without resort to a measure of always doubtful expedien cy- Mr. Chairman, 1 do not propose to discuss the financial administration of the party now expiring. Ido not intend to show up its errors of theory, and its infidelity in practice—to demonstrate the existence of a national debt —the amount, or the mode of its origin and augmentation Ido not propose to analyze the mystic and oracular report of ihe Secre tary, whose external aspect is so fair, and whose secret meanings are so various ant) pregnant. Oilier gentlemen have done all ibis. That tfie Government is in debt is a postulate —the only mooted points are the amount, and the mode of payment. The amount lias been variously estimated from S to 16 millions dol lars. It is to the manner in which Ihe money should be raised to discharge this debt and also lor the usual purposes of the Government, that 1 propose addressing myself. This in quiry is important, because it involves the permanent financial system of the coming ad ministration; and to Southern statesmen, the vital question, how far and in what form the revenue is to he raised by duties on imports. The lariffi the compromise act, the rights and feelings of the South are therefore brought into the discussion. Upon’ the question of a revision of the tariff, nor as to the origin, ef fect, and maiutainanee of the act of 2 I March, 1833, known as the compromise, would f have said one word, but for the course of argument a id remark indulged in by mv I'iend from South Carolina, (Mr. Rhett.) To him I hope to he able to reply successfully. Sir, as a member of the Harrison porty, I would discard shifts, and financial suhteiftiges. I am lor adopting, in ihe very outsei of the new adminsira.ion, a system which will pay the debt entailed upon the Slate, and keep her out of debt; a system that shall he equal to a supply in a uniform wav of all the watiDol an economical administration. The reliance of this Government lot revenue is upon, 1 J. the public do'uain; 2d. direct taxation; and, 3d. imposts. Should the usage of the Gov ernment for past years, in relation lo public lands, continue to be ils policy for years to’ come, and they should be biought into mar ket on tbe most favorable terms, reasoning flont the past lo the future, three million dol lars must be the extent of income from that quarter. The expenditures of the Govern ment cannot fall below twenty millions annu ally. Avery small part, therelbre, ol the an nual wants of the State can he realized from the public domain. But, sir, how long shall tve receive this small revenue from lands ? Who shall tell us of the vast territory of the Union? Who so seer like as to predict its disposition? A few years will witness trie total loss of the miaific ient mine of wealth; scatlered to It e winds, dissipated lo teed ihe aspirations nf unhalowed ambition; a bone o’er which ihe mad zealots ol party fight; an interest which we may live to see sold to buy the bauble, tlie Presidency, to amuse liir a moment some spoiled child of powi r. The new States claim it even now as their own, and threaten to setz * it with the strong arm of their outnumbering representation, under the next census. Ami leadeis of party, one at least would conciliate this Warwick power ol setting up and pulling down Presidents, by substantially giving what il asks, and tiaiisler ring Hie title lo these lands to the new States m which they lie, alleging as a reason, mat il we do not give them the lands they will soon have the power to lake I hem: tints violating a trust, to avoid a robbery. Or th s rich lega cy of the old Slates, either given in their mu nificence, or bought with tneir blond ami treasure, may he squandered by a spendthrift trustee, iu pre-trupti a privileges to foreign emigrants; invited by democratic cupidity for power, lo come and rule over us, amt paid out of a fund, noi its own, to stamp upon our system either the impulsiveness of revolution a y mobs, or ti e depotistn of European dy nasties. Or, il may be, tbe Slates distrusting the fidelity of ttie Government in the man agement of this trust fund, all charges upon it having lieen paid, will divide is proceeds as they have a right to do, equilaby among t Item selves. I will not now, Mr. Chairman, pause to dis cuss as others have done, the distribution bid of Mr. Clay. Sufficient lo the day wi i fie the duties it may bring with it I advert to ! ‘hese measutes, in relation to the public lauds, j for trie sole purpose of showing that from them we have no certainty ol deriving revenue to auv amount whatever.* * The pulfic lands were either ce.ted by the States within whose limits they iav to the Gem rat Govern ment, or purchased (as Florida and Louisiana) with the common funds. In most of the compacts of ces sion. it is stipulated ihat ih- lands are to be aepiied to th-* pavnient of the National debt ; and when that is di-charged. shad he held hy the Government for the use of the United Slates. In the treaty of cess>on be tween Georgia and the Government, of 1802. bv which she relinquished the vast eritory wh ch consti- Itutes the greater part of Alabama and Mississippi, it is provided, that the lands shall be charged with the payment of §1,250,000. and the cost of a few grants, THE UNION OF THE STATES, AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE STATES. 1 The gentlemen Irons South Carolina is the • only statesman of tiie age who has approved I direct taxation, in time ol peace, as a mode of raising the public moneys. He stands alone in this regard. He, with his usual in dependet.ee of thought and action, has ven tured m recommend direct taxes, instead ol indirect taxation, by dunes on imports. But, sir, his svstem is revolt.ng to the feelings til our free people. They- have, and will ever utterly repudiate it. I hey abhor it, with all is odious ma I inerv, and throng of ga'her ers; ils Executive patronage, its expensive execution, and ils cruel exactions. It is true, that it may he plausibly said of it, that it is the only plan of apportioning taxes with mathe matical equality among the peop'e; that it ad justs, ligiilv Ihe proportions of property and taxation! ‘ But, sir, however fair may appear the reasoning of its friends, when drawn out with all the aid of figures, ii is still true, that, in a political sense, the scheme has tiie effect of vastly augmenting the taxes ot A and B agaii st iheir consent and ol diminishing those of C and D, which, under a different system, they pay willing v. Taxation by imposts is a volumaty system to a great extent; by direct imposition, one of constraint. The former levies its contributions upon consumption, which is oreat or small according to the means of the citizen, his whim or caprice, ins luxurious excesses, or Ins necessary wants. Ail the lasi which the citizen pays over and above his necessary consumption, is paid vo luntarily; whereas tiie tax which the law di rectly levies, must be paid with or without consumption. If, indeed, direct iaxation, in tune ol peace, were right in principle, it would be in vain to allempl its adoption. You might as well expect to stamp leprosy upon lhe body physical, as direct taxes upon the bo dy politic of this nation. ‘ Whenever, t erefore, Mr. Chairman, we need more money to tielray the necessary ex penses of the Government, we must resort to imposts. This is the ancient, well-approved means, adopted by the wise fathers of the com monwealth, anil persevered in bv every ud mimstration from Washington to Van Buren. Gentlemen decry increased duties as at war with Slate rights tenets. They cry tariff! la rill! and vainly, as I believe, stiive to slit up the South upon this ancient alarm note. — Sir, this unreasoning, illiberal panic device, has lost its power at the South. Its day has gone by; we have become so accustomed to the •‘extraordinary cries” of certain political lead ers, that they are held pretty much as period ical matters of course. For myself, I have thrown oil the shell of my political immaturi ty, and haply feel able to run or fly on my wn account. Nor is rnv State, sir, in the leading strings of any sell-constituted director. She is free in her opinions as the winds ol her own mountains, and steadfast as their granite foundations. I shall now, sir, I trust, show lhat I advocate no tariff for protection; on the co'ntrary, that the course I recommend is.the best'guaranly against it. The people who sent me here are, as they ever have been, utterly opposed to a tarifffbr protection. That opposition is stern, unflinching, and universal, and in limes to come will know no abatement. No one Iron the South has advocated a tarifi lor protec tion. My able friend from South Carolina, (Gen. Thompson,) has yielded no anti tarifi principle, and I am at a los:s to perceive why all this talk about anew tariff If it be to a rouse in advance public indignation against duties on luxuries for revenue, and thus fore stall the public judgement, I am sure that gen tlemen will wholly fail ol their object. My constituents, at least, have the power to dis criminate between low duties for revenue, and high duties for protection. I am, sir, a strict constructionist— a very strict constructionist a Pharisee ofthe Phar isees. The State Rights principles I profess have been brought m to disrepute, by the fierce extravagance of ultia leaders. As by some expounded, they become wholly imprac ticable, and, if at ail available, make our sys tem of Government 100 feeble. It is the hab its of one distinguished name, to bring almost every proposed power ol ihe Federal Govern ment within the range of a constitutional doubt, and thus mil ily ils indispensable action. No one sustains himself, with more dialectic abili ty; lie decks his sophistries in the beautiful robes of genius, and gives to them emphasis and impressiveness by the fiery zeal of Ins ad vocacy. lie is still an unsafe leader, because the past has proven that, with the same mas terly ability, he has sustained the most antag onist policy. He is a changeling, arid has ihe infirmity of being unconscious of it, or the har dihood to deny it in the lace ot the most de monstrative proof. His course is st ill a blaz ng track m the firmament of politics; like the meteor having no established orbit, but wheel ing madlv athwart the firmament. My idea of Slate Rights is to deny to the Government all powers not expressly granted: and to exercise fearlessly and freely (ho>e that are. Noram l willing, with metaphisical sub tleties, to refine upon the conceded powers un til tlieir utility is teasontd away. Then, sir, the power to lay imposts is expressly granted. I am now ready, under the restrictions I pro pose to suggest, to use it Before entering -. pun this branch of my ar gument, allow me to digress but for a moment lor the purpose of saying that the wastful ex penditures of this administration are to he at tributed, iu part, to a careless, or merely ('ar tisan, .selection of disbursing agents; and that thus is fully proven in the vast sums expended in the conduct of tfie Seminole war. The proximity of mv own State to the Florida line, ami the part nf here lizens have borne in the sufferings of that disastrous and doomed con flict, constrain me to know and condemn its management. Mv own State has not been exempted from savage incursion; Iter villa ges have been in some instances burn', and tier households butchered. Tons the parent Government lias extended no protection.-- Oar own chivalry has repelled the fire. As to Florida, after years of suffering, she is still ihe victim of Indian craft and cruelty; of federal incompe'ettcy or carelessness. Her lands are untilled, and her tropical fields yield no fruits. The war-whoop wakes the slumber of infancy unto death; manhood and femalitv are alike defenceless. The cottage of the woodsman and the palace of the rich planter crumble before the torch of the incendiary.— The blood of the bravest and best lias rnin g.ed with her yet unconqured soil. And still the Yentassce warrior lingers in his lair. The Seminole hord* s still roam o’er her p.lains, or skulk iii tier everglades. The war still rages, and the people suffer. Titese sufferings are so common that they seem, of late, to attract no attention, and command no sympathy.— I he complaints of Florida reach not the ear of power; Iter agonies touch not the heart of her rulers. Money enough has been expen ded in conqueting these marauding savages, to clothe the Territory in the bloom and beau ty of art, science, and religion ; a richer and shall thep be he'd for the use of the United States herself im luded. So that. according to these com pacts. particularly that of Georgia.the charuesomhe land being satisfied, it ‘ clearly the right of the Gov ernment if thought advisable to distribute its proceed among tlie Stales. All controversy however, as *o the power of Congress over the territory of the Uni ted States, is to mv mind, settled bv the constitution: which in words, clothes Congress with the power to dispose of the territory of the United States. bloom, by tar, than that winch a genial cli mate be gels upon her woods and fields. I make these remarks, sir, not alone to record mv condemnation ofthe past, but, if possible, also to enlist sympathy for the future. Assuming that theie is a debt ol the Gov ernment to be pairl, and that the income is not equal to the waatsol the Government, it is my conviction that resort must he had to an in crease of duties upon luxuries wti ch by the compromise act, are free, or bear a less rate of duty than 20 per cent. Such an increase will not be in violation of that act, but in com pliance with one of its express stipulations.— 1 do not make void, but establish the compro mise. And the great reason why I would thus early commence the imposition of duties is, that the act of 1333, not merely until its own limitations shall repeal it, but through gener ations to come, in all its conservative stipula tions, may become the permanent policy ofthe country. Before proceeding to show that an increase •if duties is provided for in the act of 1533. I beg leave to sav, that I consider that act in the light of a compact, and that Southern inter ests, more if possible thin Northern, require it to be so held, and as such religiously main tained. It is an agreement founded in con cession. It provides guarantees in behalf of the free-trade principles of the South. It or iginated in an imperious political necessity; it was devised in wise and patriotic counsels; and its result was the arrest of civil srtife in ils incipiencv. I need not recite its history, de pict the evils it prevented, or aggravate the dangers to our Union which it avoid .and. The passions ol that day have cooled down; and we may look hack upon it with reason’s un clouded eye. The then dense cloud of war, and the fogs and winds and lightning which it engendered have passed away; and we now see, not darkly, but truly, the political heavens and earth. That was, in fact, a cri sis, All men felt it to be so. And in its mo ment of utmost and most (earlul interest, the master spirit of that day came to us. the bird of reconciliation, with the olive bough in his beak. The fiery and proud spirits of the South accepted tiie overture of harmony; and this act was the result. It is an agreement, sir, not to subsist lor its term of legislative be ing only, hut settling principles of perpetual obligation. The gentleman who has just ta ken his seat, (Mr. Rhett,) denies that it is ob ligatory upon us. He says, and says Lilly, that the Congress ol 1533 could i.ot bind that of 1841; and that the act is now subject to repeal. Sir, I know one Congress, by a mere act of legislation, cannot bind another. The gentlemen is right technically. But, sir, the act of’33 is binding in a higher view of the subject. It is obligatory according to all the requirements of good faith, honor and honesty. In what light did the men of that day view it ’ Did not the Nullifiers of South Carolina ac cept it as satisfactory ? Did they not haul down their palmetto banner, rescind their or dinances, and disband their Ibices? And so they did. And it was upon sufficient consid- j eration; or otherwise, they are open to the j imputation of abandoning rccreantly the lofty | ground they had taken. [Mr. Rhett here remarked that Mr. Cal- J Itoun avowed, at the time ol its passage, j ihat lie did o.rt hold the act of ’33 so tar obii-j gatory as not to bes-übjjct to repeal or modi fication.] It mailers not, sit; he accepted it, and so did his friends; and they have acquiesced in its provisions Irom that day to ibis—all, sir, except my friend, (Mr. Rtiett.) He, 1 know, I never did accept it. He, (to use a phrase pe euliar to a man at the other end of this Cupi ltd.) ‘‘solitary and alone,” resisted, in the midst of ins friends, the rescinding the celebrated Carolina ordinances. He is, therefore, now consistent. V r ievvii!ir it, ihen, as a compact, one of its stipulations is in the following words, to wit: “Provided, That nothing herein contained shall be so construed as to prevent the passage of any act. prior to the 30< i day of June, 1842, in the contingency ■ tier of excess or deficiency of revenue, alt, . > gr the rales ol duties on articles, which, by tii aibiesaid act of 14th July, 1832, are nunject :'o a less rate of duty thati 20 per cent, advalurem, in such manner as not. to exceed that rate, and so as to adjust the revenue to either of said contingen cies.”—See sec. G, act 1833. The SOth June, 1842, is the time at which the compromise act expires. Before that time, you perceive, sir, that provision is made for altering the rate of duties, iu the contingency of excess or de'fi ‘iency of revenue; that is, if before the SOth June, 1842, the wants of the Govern ment should require more money than would be raised under the act, provision is made fi.r supplying that want by the imposition of ad ditional duties. Not only so: but the act it self prescribes the articles upon which the du ties shall be imposed, and limits the height of them. Such is the contract. The contin gency anticipated has, in fact, occurred: there is a deficiency of revenue; the debts of the Government cannot be paid. Indeed, inde pendent of any debt, tie ordinary wants of an economical administration cannot be sup plied by the revenue which is forthcoming un der t e act. The income of the Government is still to be reduced by the necessary operation of that act; because it cuts down ail duties, bv SOth June, 1842, to 20 per cent. Each billowing year, llie deficiency will increase necessarily until ’42. And, making all allow ance for increased importations, I have no idea but that the deficiency, in both ’4l and ’42, will be very greal. Now, sir, il is to supply | ibis deficiency, and pay the national debt, that I would lay new duties. Are we not permu ted, nay, sir, is it not one of the imperative obligations of the compact, to do so? What becomes, then, of the idea of gentlemen, (hat we interfere with the compromise? These demonstrations, l apprehend are designed only to excite an uninformed opposition to what 1 ti list will be the policy ol trie Harrison party in relation to revenue. That policy, i believe, ought, atid will be, to raise the money neces sary, by imposts'upon luxuries that are unpro tected, in addition to the amount that may come it, according to the minimum rates, un der the act of 1833. Il would seem, sir, that the manufacturers themselves, if any body, ought to complain of a disregard of the com piomise; vet they complain not. The com plaint comes from the alarmists of the South. That South which, I ant prepared to show, holds a deeper stake in the solemn guarantees of the compromise than any other section ol the Union. By the section of the act of “33, which I have read, you will petceive that the articles i made dutiable by new legislation, such as are, | by the act of ’32. bear a less rate of du v than j2O per cent, ad valorem. Upon no other ar ! t cles can you lay duties; and it is only upon them, or rather principally upon such articles ■ as hear no duly, that a duty is proposed to be I laid. Os course, no free article is protected, ! nor are such as hear a duty < f less than 20 per cent.; for it is admitted that even twen |tv per cent, affords no protection. If, there | fore, you this day readjust the duties on this | class of articles, you pass no tariff’ act or prn | section; and such rate of duty as I am wil- I lino to lav, such as would raise ample reve nue, would not at all affect even the irnporta | lion. 1 Those articles upon which il is proposed to lay tin ties, are silk's and wines and some oih ers, hoing luxuries, The importation of silks from Franee is very great. The average iui p >ris from France and her West India dept it dencies, annually amount to a boot 811,0h0,- 000. This enormous trade pays no tax. li tvould seem hut reasonable h r m this source to realize revenue. But is said hy the gentle man from South Carolina, (Mr. Khelt.) that a duly upon silks would injure the South, llis argument is britflv this: A duty upon goods imported from a foreign State a fleets our own exports to that State, by reducing : them. France is a market for the cotton ol’J the South, which she pays lor hy sending us j her silks and wines; if we tax her silks and j wines it will operate as n tax upon the export 1 of cotton, and hereby reduce the amount ofi it. Let us look into this argument, and see how far the principle assumed be true, and how 1 far it is applicable to the trade between the; United States and France. The position, ! conceive, sir, is just m two contingencies. Il j the duties upon the imports, are so large as to amount to a prohibition, it may be conce ded at once that it will, in ordinary cases, prevent exportation; or, if the exports and imports are equal to the extent that the duty diminishes the importation, hy lessening the consumption, will usually, though by no means necessary, reduce the export. Now, the ar gument of the gentleman seemed to assume that we propose to lay such a duty on silks as would amount to a prohibition, and upon that assumption there might be force in it. Bui not so; no one has dreamed of such a duly. The highest rate of duly suggested by any one is twenty per cent.; and I believe hall’ that amount would be sufficient. The gen tleman has wholly failed to show that sueli duties would aHect al all the consumption of silks in the Uuited Stales. No, sir; a mode rate duty would not affect the import, because the consumption would he undiminished. Our belles and beauties, our dames and their daugh ters, will still flourish in flounces, furbelow.-, and silks. The wealthy, who are tlie consu mers mainly of silk goods,.would not regard a small inctease of price. Pride, fashion, and vanity, would still ask their supplies, and take no denial. If the gentleman will lav duty on no article that is paid for in whole or in part American cottons, why then he will never lay one; his position will drive him necessarily from imposts J to direct taxation; for he knows well that cot ton, in our commerce with the world, pays, in some degree, and indeed in great part, for all our imports. When asked hy his col league (Gen. Thompson) to name an article that was not so paid lor, my friend was wisely silent. Nor, sir: are the i/nports from and exports to France, so nearly equal as to endanger our cotton trade. On the contrary, the balance of trade is largely against us. And this fact must demolish wholly the argiynent of the gentleman. The entire export from the Uni ted States to France, composed principally of co ton, rice, and tobacco, amounts to about $19,000,000; and the importations from Fiance and her West India dependencies, to about 033,000,000; leaving a balance against us of 814,000,000; which balance is paid hy ian expert of specie. Now, sir, before it is possible to affect our cotton trade with France, the consumption, and consequently the impor tation, of tier silks and wines. &,c. must be re duced more than 814,000.000. No rate of duty tnat I shall ever consent to impose, and none that an economical administiation may demand, can ever thus lessen the importation ] of French goods. Again, sir, the cotton which we send to | France is consumed by her own people prin cipally, and that demand must continue irre spective of any foreign demand lor her silks and wines. And conceding, only for the sake of the argument, that a duly as proposed would lesson llie consumption of silks, I be lieve in the same ratio would it increase the consumption of cotton fabrics. If silks are excluded, cotton will become the apparel of the rich, as well as the poor. We are under no obligation either, s r, of commercial cour tesy to France; lor she levies a duty at her own ports upon American cottons —and that a discriminating duty, it being more than she levies upon Egyptain cotton. Now, sir, inasmuch as the Government is in debt, you must either pay its obligations honestly, or continue them by loans; to pay them, the present and prospective income is inadequate. You must, therefore, open up new sources of income. What will he your resort? Doubtless new duties upon imports; and if driven to this, you aie to determine whether you Will impose them upon luxu.ies, which are free, or increase them upon neces saries, already heavily burdened. That is, whether you will tax the rich or the poor. Will you grind the poor man’s face by your legislation, and mollify the sleek cheek of wealth with the oil of exemption? Sir, I nev er have raised shouts to poverty, enlisting its honest zeal in behalf of either men or mea sures—decrying its imaginary oppressions, and alienating the different orders of society. I have never labored to arm the poor against the rich, to array vice against virtue, and ig norance against knowledge. I have consid ered a diversity of estate an unavoidable con dition of all social organization, and that one of the highest obligati ns of patriotism is to improve all grades, and, if possible, to harmo nize all orders of men. I have ever claimed, an I shall always claim, that American citi zens shall be equal under the law. It was said in triumph iu France, at the adoption of her amended constitution, “ail Frenchmen are equal under the law.” It was not the fact. I doubt it’ France ever realizes so almost di vine a consummation. We, sir, with more propriety, claim for ail our people political equality. We practise, with nearer approach es to truthfulness, the sublime doctrines ol civil equality; and yet, we have not attained to this high state of political perfectibility. Our people are unequally taxed. The bur dens of Government are not equal; nor are the benefits. The luxuries of the rich, many of them, pay no duty, whilst the necessaries ol the poor are all taxed. By ihe tariff’ laws of this Union, the siiken drapery which envel ops the gorgeous couch of the rich man, pays no tax; whilst the cold thin matrass, and scant blankets of the poor, bear a heavy duty. Strange, sir, yet true. Iha /fc always consid ered the exemption of luxuries, as one of the anomalies of republican legislation; and have wondered—often wondered how so much of practical oppression could I ave been ro long tolerated. It is now time to amend, if not atone, for the errors of the past. Gentlemen talk of reform; we invite them to the work here. They are the ti iends of:he . poor; now is the lime most gloriously - o sig nalize their regard. We as!: the poor man’s friend to attest the sincerity of his professions by his deeds. The wine that g!adden=> the heart of wealth, and maketh merry ihe hoard of his festivity; the silks which high bred women wear, and the spices which stimulate ; the sated palace of the luxurious gourmand, are now proposed to be moderately taxed. Sir, you must do ibis, or raise your mone\ from the overwrought muscles, the blood ; and bones of laborious poverty. We shall! j see, sir, who are in truth the fiends of the poor. VOL. I. M). 6. The late ol duty will he regulated hy the amount ol money required. I have already staled that I am opposed to ail duties but lor revenue; and l now say I will vole only torso much levciiue to be raised ms will pay the expenses oi an econom.cai administration. I he expenditures ol the Government ought and i .hope will bo reduced. We are not now called upon to vote any specific amount ol duties; the proposition is, that the Com mittee ol \V ays and Means be instructed to report what amo .nt may be required. Sir, whenever this bill is brought forward* I shall not support it il it raises one dollar more than will pay the national debt and sustain the Go vernment. Ihe pub ic debt must be first as certained, and the estimates of expenditure InrnisJied. lam therefore pledged to support no bill which does not fail within the positions 1 now assume. 1 lie member from South Carolina remark - ’ id that he was at a loss to know the reason why duties were now proposed to be laid, un til he heard il alleged m the Senate, that more, revenue would be necessary to supply the de ficit in the pt.hlic income, occasioned by the distribution ol the proceeds of the public lauds. I 1 or my sell I am influenced by no such rea son. lam aware that it is said, and regela ted daily, that high tariffs and profuse expen ditures,each begettingthe other, will beamong the leading measures of the new administra tion. For one, Ido not believe it. Whether tlte distribution measure prevails or not, it is apparent to all that the Government must have more means. That necessity ought to lie, by candid men, considered as sufficient? reason lor a revision oi our impost laws. Mr. Chairman, I have been greatiy surpri sed to find leading Southern statesmen so willing to relax tlie obligations of the com promise; obligations so essential to Southern interests. I remarked before, that, in that agreement, are to be found the strongest guarantees against protective duties. ]u it are stipulations conservative of Southern prin* ciples. YY hether it was originally just to the South or not, it is useless now to inquire. She lias acquiesced in it, and so have the manu facturers. Interests have grown up under it which we may not now rightfully disturb; the benefits provided for the North have been se cured. The manulacturing interests, lam induced to believe, are satisfied with the pro tection it affords them; they desire no change. And the time has arrived when the conditions faio:able to the South are beginning tobeop eiative. O.ir guarantees are now to be available; and shall we cast them ofF, by an nulling the compact? No, sii; rather let us ratilv it anew, hy now acting under its pro visions. Y\ hat are some ot those conserva tive guarantees? I call your attention to one, sir, of vast moment, which, if faithfully ob served, will quiet Ibrever the exciting and dangerous topic of protective duties. One of the covenants of the contract is, that, “until the 30th June, 1342, the duties imposed by existing laws, as modified by this, act,"shall remain and continue to be collected, and iWtm and alter the day aforesaid, such duties shall be laid for the purpose of raising such reve nue as may be necessary to an economical ad* ministiation ol the Government.” See 3d sic. act 1833. Tsmv; sir, you perceive, that bv virtue of the compromise act, it is the solemn pledge of the .parties thereto, that, from an.l after the 30th June 1342, no duties shall he laid hut lor rev enue. Not only so; but that the amount of such revenue shall be limited to the wants of * an economical administration. It.e principle of protection is discarded. No one cart rise up after ’42 and ask lor pro ttclion. 1 tie North is estopped. The South can point to the agreement, and demand that duties shall be limited to purposes of reveune: not only so; hut that the revenue shall not exceed the limits of a just economy. A pow er to lay duties for revenue never has been deniad to Congress, ft was against a per version ol tlii> power, sir, that my own State and all the South rebelled. It was thj doc trine of protection, as held by tne manufac turers and those who represented them, that si i red the ire of my constituents and awaken ed the burning eloquence of such men as Cehb and Crawford, M’Duffiie and IJayne. Suppose, sir, that these principles shall pre vail; ihat the compromise is obseived; that dunes in times to come shall be laid only for revenue: where is the politician so fastidious as to complain? Will not peace rule in our councils and fraternal Itel.ng pervade all sec tions? It - , sir, economy in public affairs, which .shall confine approp;iaiions to constitutional objects, and revenue only for the public wants, are the guiding stars of the Harrison admin istration, let no man iear that the ship of Stale will riot sail o’er prosperous seas beneath benignant skies. Are gentlemen prepared to .yield the obligatory power of the act of ’33? To yield in the moment of victory the fruits ol war—to open again the fountains of strife; to loose the elements of commotion, nowhap pjy tied up; and invite the storm and court the tempest? Now is the time for the Harri son party to identity itsell with the principles ol Iliat act. 1 hey should be now affirmed; we ought to be committed upon them. And the most effectual mode of identification, is to start our revenue system according toils pro vision?, by laying duties now on unprotected articles. Now is the time to stereotype the compromise. To avoid a protective tariff, it is necessary to condemn it belbie the compromise expires. I would proclaim it to the people ol my own Stale. 1 desire to be known all over ihat sun ny land, from ber mountains to the sea, that now is the time lo act upon this great ques tion. It was said in the late canvass, that Harrison, the honest, valiant, and successful wing candidate, wasa tariff man. The reply we made, sir, was llfat he was in favor of the principles settled in the compromise. Upon tins explanation we triumphed. And now who shall object, when he confines what we then said of him? Os his friends, no one; of his enemies of course all. \\ e should not wait until after June ’42 (o arrange the revenue, because then it will be .-aid, the compromise having ceased hy its own limitations, the whole subject of protection is open. Attempt then lo lay imposts, ard you encounter'the cot ifl.cling interests of the whole Lnion. Every ait.cie of domestic mamifac ture will demand protection; capital will wield its might against free trade; selfishness will c.arnor lor legislative bounties. Discriminate then y. u must. Angry passions will again mingle in your councils; Slate authority mav again aririy itself against Federal law; lh*e cannon of the Union may again he pointed against some Southern city, and there may be none so potent as to command the jarring elements into peace. ° ,_V ScOGEE mt’KASCE COM, * are now ready for the transaction of business. Uihce over Win. A. Redd & Co.’s store. directors t JOX WABBEN. JOHN PEABODY, GRIGSBY E. THOMAS, THACKER E. HOWARD, E. S. GREENWOOD, KENITH M’kINZIE. JOHN BANKS, President, Matt. R. Evaks, Secretary. Feb. 17 2 if BLANKS FOR SALE.