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the times. The union of the.utes and the states COLUMBUS, APRIL 23, 1941. = p r om the Enquirer, of yesterday. COTTON. Bales Receipts, week ending April 17 - 452 Received previously .... “3 825 Total receipts ... - - 34.2.7 Total shipments ----- f31,172 Stock on hand ----- 3,10-> Received to April 4, 1840 - - - - 47 716 Price 10 to 10J cents. The City Council have rejected the propo sition of Col. I*ewis, the Mayor, in regard to abolishing the corporation tax. We are happy to perceive that so much enthusiasm prevails among our friends in all parts of the State, in regard to the May Con vention. We notice almost every county in the State is taking action on the subject, and we predict that it will bo the largest assembly that ever convened at the Capitol. HON. JOHN C. CALHOUN. This distinguished statesman and patriot arrived in town on Friday morning last, and ; took room at the Oglethorpe House. On the evening of the same day, Mr. Calhoun ad dressed a large assembly, and notwithstanding the assertion of the Enquirer, we believe there was no one who heard him who did not ac knowledge the truth and force of his remarks. Mr. Calhoun remained in town until Monday morning!* During his stay, the usual courte sies were extended to him by our citizens, without distinction of party. The Races over the Western Course, near this city, commence on Monday next. From the number of stables now on the ground with others that are expected, and from the well known character of the proprietors for liberality we opine great sport may be justly anticipated. There are now on the ground seven different stables, containing in all twenty-one horses; among them, Count Zaldivar and Henry Crowell, (both crack nags,) competitors, we are informed, for the laurels of the four mile day. Come then, ye lovers of this knightly and noble amusement, visit the course each successive day, and we pledge you a pleasant week, For the Times. Mr. Editor —Why, in the name of the Seven Wise Masters of Greece, do you not lecture those modern Mar-plots, your laughing contemporaries of the Enquirer ? If your nu merous duties preclude the possibility of doing o, send, I compassionately entreat you, send your juvenile Asmodeus—he who is known in the common vernacular of the craft, as the very d—l himself—send him, I pray ye, to read a lesson in editorial tact, to Those “muskets, who oft contrive it, To miss the mark they seem to drive at.” But, it appears to me, upon more mature de liberation, that your interference in a matter of so much delicacy might be construed, by the new Websterian rule of ethics, into a very act of very “ officiousness.” To relieve you from a duty so unpleasant, and at the same time shelter you from the excommunicating Bull of the Honorable Secretary, permit me to tender my “advice” to your amiable and prescient contemporaries; inasmuch as the way I do it, is “left to my own discretion and sense of propriety,” and I pledge myself not to do an “injury to the very cause which is in tended to be advanced.” First of the firstly, then: lam inclined to think that the mothers of the Enquirer’s “do not know that they are out”—for, were the fact known, the maternal lead ing-strings would not be permitted to run wild in the hnrum scarum style they have recently exhibited.— Ah, my masters of the Enquirer, cannot that sage old gentleman, Experience, teacli you your duty ? Has not his birchen rod “ tickled your catastrophies” sufficiently, to keep you from “going out” without leave 1 Do you not know, my masters. Second of the secondly, the time when you declared that the principles of a certain great man were of a character too ambiguous to make him a safe depository of the interests of the South, in his administration of the General Government, that your mama’s applied the oil of Hickory so pungently to your backs, as to compel you to back out and back in, with a skill and dexterity that would have won a smile of approbation from the venerable and consistent Vicar of Bray 1 and Third of the thirdly: Has it escaped your youthful reminiscensces, that during the re cent Presidential canvass, you noininnted to the Gubernatorial chair of this State a distin guished gentleman, who was then a prominent member of Congress—and that, scarcely ere your lauditory strain had died away in the dis tance, with admirable tact and presence of mind you “turned about and wheeled about” and denounced your favorite nominee, in a strain that the Hon. Jim Crow himself would have coveted! No, niy masters, you cannot have forgotton either this, or that. My deep solicitude for your welfare, knowing as I do, that your mothers’ do not know that “ you are out,” is my only reason, but one, for noticing these facts —and that one is, the Fourth of my fourthly, and last of my last ly : Who told ye, my Innocents , that Richard Ilenry Wilde would serve on your ticket!— Has it never struck you, my coveys , that you may be ;premature in your anticipations ? that you may have mistaken your man 1 I think you have. Mr. Wilde is a gentleman of fine taste—and, if he felt a disposition to mingle again in party strife, it is not probable, after having “ lapp’d his soul in Elysium” at the classic founts of antiquity, he would plunge it in the offensive pools of hard cider politics—it is not probable, 1 say, that after having inhaled the nectar of the glorious Tasso and il divino Ariosto, that he would fuddle himself with the small beer libations of pipe-laying baehanals. Good bye, my dearies—con your lessons— mind your books, and be good boys—and you will then escape the raps of FERRULA. The New York Atlas says that there is a small garret in that city which is rented by fifteen families—two of them take boadeis, four of them keep cats, and one of them keeps three dogs; in addition to which there are about 500 cockroaches, besides mice and other creeping things. They have still room for any quiet young gentleman who wants to board. A farmer’s son in the country, a few days since asked his father, what an American m in of war was like. W ny, said the father, who had never seen one, it is just like our thresh- • ing machine. i (OFFICIAL.) * * TO THE PEOPLE OF THE U. STATES. Fellow Citizens:—Before my arrival at the Seat of Government the pains communication was made to you by the officers presiding over the several Departments of the deeply regret ted death of William Henry Harrison, late President of the United States. Upon him you had conterred your suffrages for the first office in your gift, and had selected him as vour chosed instrument to correct and reform all such errors and abuses as had manifested themselves from time to time in the practical operation of the Government. ‘ While stand ing at the threshold of this great work, he has, by°the dispensation of an all-wise Providence, been removed from amongst us, and by the provisions of the Constitution the efforts to he directed to the accomplishing of this vitally important task have devolved upon myself.— This same occurrence has subjected the wis dom and sufficiently of our institutions to a new test. For the first time in our history the person elected to the Vice Presidency ol the United States, by the happening of a con tingency provided for in the Constitution, has had devolved upon him the Presidential office. The spirit of faction, which is directly opposed to the spirit of a lofty patriotism, may find in this occasion for assaults upon my administra tion. And in succeeding, under circumstan ces so sudden and unexpected, and to respon sibilities so greatly augmented, to the admin istration of public affairs, I shall place in tlie intelligence and patriotism of the People my only sure reliance. My earnest prayer shall be constantly addressad to the all-wise and all powerful Being who made me, and by whose dispensation 1 am called to the high office of President of this Confederacy, understanding ly to carry out the principles of that Constitu tion which I have sworn “to protect, preserve, and defend.” The usual opportunity which is afforded to a Chief Magistrate upon his induction to office of presenting to his countrymen an exposition of the policy which would guide his adminis tration, in the form of an inaugural address, not having, under the peculiar circumstances which have brought me to to the discharge ol the high duties of President of the United States, been afforded to me, a brief exposition of the principles which will govern me in the general course of my administration of public affairs would seem to be due as well to my self as to you. In regard to foreign nations, the groundwork of my policy will be justice on our part to all, submitting to injustice from none. While I shall sedulously cultivate the relations of peace and amity with one and all, it will be my most imperative duty to see that the honor of the country shall sustain no blem ish. With a view to this, the condition of our military defences will become a matter of anx ious solicitude. The Army, which has in oth er days covered itself with renown, and the Navy, inappropriately termed the right arm of the public defence, which has spread a light of glory over the American standard in all the waters of the earth, should be rendered replete with efficiency. In view of the fact, well avouched by histo ry, that the tendency of all human institutions is to concentrate power in the hands of a sin gle man, and that their ultimate downfall has preceded from this cause, I deem it of the most essential importance that a complete sepera tion should take place between the sword and the purse. No matter where or how the pub lic moneys shall be deposited, so long as the President can exert the power of appointing and removing, at his pleasure, the agents se lected for their custody, the Commander-in chief of the Army and Navy is in fact the Treasurer. A permanent and radical change should therefore be decreed. The patronage incident to the Presidential office, already great, is constantly increasing. Such increase is destined to keep pace with the growth of our population, until, without a figure of speech, an army of officeholders may be spread over the land. The unrestrained power exerted by a selfishly ambitious man, in order to per petuate his authority or to hand it over to some favorite as his successor, may lead to the em ployment of all the means within his control to accomplish his object. The right to re move from office, while subjected to no just restraint, is inevitably destined to produce a spirit of crouching servility with the official corps, which, in order to uphold the hand which feeds them, would lead to direct and active in terference in the elections, both State and Fed eral, thereby subjecting the course of State legislation to the dictation of the Chief Lxecu tive Officer, and making the will of that officer absolute and supreme. I will, at a proper time, invoke the action of Congress upon this subject, and shall readily acquiesce in the a doption of all proper measures which are cal culated to arrest these evils, so full of danger in their tendency. I will remove no incum bent from office who has faithfully and honest ly acquitted himself of the duties of his office, except in such cases where such officer lias been guilty of an active partisanship,tor by se cret means—the less manly, and therefore the more objectionable—has given bis official influence to the purposes of party, thereby bringing the patronage of the Government in conflict with the freedom of elections. Nu merous removals may become necessary un der this rule. These will be made by me through no acerbity of feeling. I have had no cause to cherish or indulge unkind feelings towards an}’, bat my conduct will he regula ted by a profound sense of what is due to the country and its institutions; nor shall I neg lect to apply the same unbending rule to those of my own appointment. Freedom of opinion will be tolerated, the full enjoyment of the right of suffrage will be maintained as the birthright of every American citizen, but I say emphatically to the official corps, “thus far and no farther.” I have dwelt the longer up on tiiis subject, because removals from office are likely often to arise, and I would have my countrymen to understand the principle of the Executive action. In all public expenditures the most rigid e conomy should be resorted to, and, as one of its results, a public, debt in time of peace he sedulously avoided. A wise and patriotic con stituency will never object to the imposition of necessary burdens for useful ei ds ; and true wisdom dictates the resort to such means, in order to supply deficiencies in the revenue, rather tliau to those doubtful expedients, which j ultimating in a public debt, serve to embar rass the resources cf the country and to les sen its ability to meet any great emergency which may arise. All sinecures should be abolished. The appropriations should be di rect and explicit, so as to leave as limited a share of discretion to the disbursing agents as may be found compatible with the public ser vice. A strict responsibility on the part of all the agents of the Government should be main tained, and speculation or defalcation visited with immediate expulsion from office and the most condign punishment. The public interest also demands that, if any war had existed between the Government and the currency, it cease. Measures of a fi ! nancial character, now having the sanction of ! legal enactment, shall be faithfully enforced until repealed by the legislative authority.— But I owe it to myself to declare that 1 regard i existing enactments as unwise and impolitic, j and in a high degree oppressive. 1 shall. i promptly give my sanction to any constitution ,al measure which, originating in Conrrress, 1 | shall have for its object the restoration of a sound circulating medium, so essentially ne cessary to give confidence in all the transac tions ot lite, to secure to industry its just and adequate rewards, and to re-establish the pub lic prosperity. In deciding upon the adoption ol any such measures to the end proposed,qas well as its conformity to the Constitution, I; shall resort to the Fathers of the gieat Repub- J lie tin school for advice and instruction, to be j drawn from their sage views of our system of i Government, and the light of their ever glo- i rious example. “ 1 Frhe institutions under which we live, mv j countrymen, secure each person in the perfect enjoyment of all his rights. The spectacle is exhibited to the world of a Government deriv ing its powers from the consent of the govern-; edTand having imparted to it only so much pow- j eras is necessary for its successful operation. Those who are charged with its auministra- j tion should carefully abstain from all attempts to enlarge the range of powers thus gr ated to the several departments of the Government, other than by an appeal to the People for addi tional grants, lest by so doing they disturb that balance which the patriots and statesmen who framed the Constitution designed to es tablish between the Federal Government and the Slates composing the Union. The obser vance of these rules is enjoined upon us by | that feeling of reverence and affection which I finds a place in the heart of every patriot for the preservation of union and the blessings of union—for the good of our children and our children’s children, through countless genera tions. An opposite course could not fail to generate factions, intent upon the gratification of their selfish ends; to give birth to local and sectional jealousies, and to u timate either in breaking asunder the bonds of union, or in building up a central system, which would in evitably end in a bloody sceptre and an iron crown. In conclusion, I beg you to be assured that I shall exert myself to carry the foregoing principles into practice during my administra tion of the Government, and, confiding in the protecting care of an ever-watchful and over ruling Providence, it shall be my first and high est duty to preserve unimpaired the free in stitutions under which we live, and transmit them to those who shall succeed me in then full force and vigor. ‘ JOHN TYLER. Washington, April 9, 1841. (official.) TO THE PEOPLE OF THE U. STATES. A recommendation. —When a Christian People feel themselves to be overtaken by a great public calamity, it becomes them to humble themselves under the dispensation of Divine Providence, to recognize His righteous Government over the children of men, to ac kowledge His goodness, in time past, as well as their own unworthiness, and to supplicate His merciful protection for the future. The death of William Henry Harrison, late President of the United States, so soon after his elevation to that high office, is a bereave ment peculiarly calculated to be regarded as a heavy affliction, and to impress all minds with a sense of the uncertainty of human tilings, and of the dependence of Nations, as well as of individuals, upon our Heavenly Pa rent. 1 have thought, therefore, that I should be acting in conformity with the general expec tation and feelings of the community, in re commending, as I now do, fothe People of the United States, of every Religious denomina tion, that, according to their several modes and forms of worship, they observe a day of Fas ting and Prayer, by such religious services, as may be suitable on the occasion; and, 1 :e ----commend Friday, the fourteenth day of May next for that purpose ; to the end that, on that day, we may all, with one accord, join in hum ble and reverential approach to Him, in whose hands we are, invoking Him to inspire us with a proper spirit and temper of heai-t and mind, under these frowns of His Providence, and still to bestow His gracious benedictions upon our Government and our country. John Tyler. Washington, April 13, 1841. From the Globe. MR. CUTHBERT AND WEBSTER. The thanks of all patriots must be given to Mr. Cutbbert for the manner in which he has exposed the new American Premier. The godlike makes a very mortal figure in this close encounter, in the first place, he is shown off as an old Missouri restrictionist, drawing up a memorial against the admission of that State with slaves in the year 1819, and then going so far beyond this subject as to claim from Congress a right to interdict the sale of slaves between State and State. In the next place, he is charged vviih claiming this power for Congress in toe Senate, in 1837, and admits and justifies it. In the third place, j he permits the Legislature of Massachusetts, ! in 1838, to quote his authority, and his argu ment, in favor of this power, and to found re solves upon it, without in any way denying the justice of their reference. In the fourth place, lie permits his friends in the Senate of the United States, in 1841, to deny it for him, and says not a word to show that they are | wrong in the denial. In the fifth piace, lie refuses to answer Mr. CuHibert—evades the question—gives a reference to an old letter and to an “ October sun'” speech—and sends some verbage to the National intelligencer to be printed. Thus he is caught, brought up, and tied up, and has not the manliness t > con fess and beg pardon, or to avow and justify. All is dodging, hiding, and equivocating. Far behind what iie was even in 1837, lie will not now repeat what he then said in his place in the Senate. He then admitted that he had claimed the right in question for Congress, and he proffered an argument for it which would enable Congress to stop all trade and com merce whatever between the Suites. He ad mitted he had claimed the power; he justified the claim ; he adhered to it; but he plead, in extenuation, that he had not expressed any opinion as to the expediency of exercising the power. He had not said that Congress ought, or ought not, to stop this trade. And what need was there for him to express an opinion on this point 1 Certainly none at all. lie had done enough when he assumed to show the Abolitionists what they had a right to do! He had done enough when he assumed for them that Congress had a right to stop the sale of slaves between State and State. The right being shown, they could do the rest them selves, and at it they went. The Massachu setts Legislature, in 1838, thus acted upon his intimation: “ Resolved, That Congress has, by the Con stitution, power to abolish the traffic in slaves between the different States of this Union. “ Resolved, That the exercise of this power is demanded by the principles of humanity and justice. “ Resolved, That his Excellency the Gov ernor be requested to forward a copy of these resolutions to each of our Senators and Rep resentatives in Congress.” These resolves show that there was no need ior Mr. Webster to express an opinion upon the expediency of exercising the power which lie claimed for Congress; the Abolition ists of Massachusetts expressed th it opinion for him, and sent the record of it to Washing ton lor their Senators and Representatives to act upon. Mr. Cuthbert has brought all this to light, and the thanks of the country are due to him for it. Much is already out’; more is behind, and among the forthcoming pieces will be the original memorial ol’ 1819, against the admission of Missouri, in which this omnipo tent and despotic power is claimed for Con gress—a power which would enable it to stop the sale of any, and every article of the mer chandise, produce, and property between the fetates, and make them as inaccessible to each other’s commerce as the provinces of Spain were in the tunes ol’ the dividend dominion of the Moors and the Christians. Os all the Jatitudinarian doctrines which ev er issued from the Federal school, this opinion of Mr. Webster is the most exiravagaut and boundless. Under the pretext of regalatino commerce, it assumes the right’ of destroying all trade whatever.* < ’loves.— l he clove grows in Amboyna, as it did once over all the Molucca Islands ; but the Dutch destroyed those trees, in order to xeep all the trade in their own power. It is the unexampled bud of a tree, similar to the laurel in height, and in the shape of its leaves. It had its name in France, because it looks much hke a nail called in French clou. From the Troy (N. Y.) Daily Whig. LOWELL, MASSACHUSETTS. The Lowell Journal of Wednesday contains an interesting sketch of this flourishing city, occupying a space of five columns. We have made below an abstract of it, and regret that vve cannot find room for the whole of it. The town of Lowell was incorporated March 1820. On the spot now occupied by the city the population, at the time the first purcha ses were made for manufacturing purposes, did not exceed 209 souls. In 1828, it reached 3,532 ; it was 6,477 ; in 1833, it was 12,303 ; in 1836, it was 17,633 ; and by the census of 1840, it was 20,981. It is now only 25 years since the project of using the waters of the Pawtucket Falls originated with several en terprising gentlemen of Boston and vicinity. The increase of population has, therefore, ex ceeded a thousand a year, for 20 years. Prob j ably it will continue to increase at the same rapid rate, for ten years to come. The city charter was obtained in 1836. Loweil is connected with Boston by the Middlesex Canal and the Boston and Lowell Rail Road.—Distance, 26 miles. It is con nected with Nashua, N. 11. by a rail road 15 miles in length, which will soon be continued to Concord, N. H., about 39 miles further. The great corporations of the city arc 11 in number, and the capital invested by them, 10,000,000 dollars. The Lock and Canal Company, are the proprietors of the water power, its capital is 000,000 dollars. The dam across the Merrimack, and the various canals in the city, by which its waters are j conveyed to the mills, were made by it.— With two exceptions, it built all the mills, boarding houses and machinery of the oiher corporations. It has two shops, a smithy and foundry, and gives constant employment to 500 men, and when building mills and boarding houses for new corporations to 1200. Its principal building is called “die Machine Shop.” It turns out manufactured articles to the amount ot about 250,000 dollars per annum. ‘The stock in this corporation has been, if it is not now, probably the best in the world. Besides selling vast amount of its land, on which the principal part of the city now stands, at prices varying from one eighth oi a dollar to one dollar per square foot, which was purchased at one or two hundred dollars the acre, the profits on all the mills and board ing houses it lias built on good contracts for the other corporations and the profits on the immense manufactures of its shops, consisting principally of full setts of machinery for cot ton and woollen mills, locomotive engines, &c. it reserves and receives an annual rent for the water power disposed of for each mill. The aggregate capital of the remaining cor poration is ol course 19,900 dollars. Besides these establishments, there are the Lowell Bleachery; the extensive Pow der Works of O. M. Whipple. Esq ; the Flannel Mills; the Whitney Mills, where blankets of the very best quality and finish are made ; a Batting Mill; Card and Whip Factory of White & Cos; an extensive Bobbin Factory of the Messrs. Doug ; as; Planing Machines of Brooks and Pickering ; extensive Carriage and Harness Manufactory of Day, Converse &. Whittredge j Sash and Door Factory of.l. H. Rand—em ploying togeiher a capital of about $400,090 I and 400 operatives. The whole number of | males employed in all the manufactoringestab ! lishments in the city is about 2500, and females 7000. Very few children are employed. It is pro vided by the laws of the Commonwealth that all youths employed in the mills, under 14 years of age, shall attend the schools three months out of twelve, every year. The aver age wages of females is 2 dollars per week, clear of board ; and of males, common hands, 80 cents per day, clear of board. All are paid monthly. The total amount of average monthly wages, out of which board bill must be paid, is about 170,000 dollars, making a yearly aggregate, paid to operatives, by all the corporations, of over 2,000,000 dollars. The weekly produce of the mills is 1,265,- 560 yards of cotton cloth, of which 70,000 are of the coarsest kind, called negro cloth. The rest is mostly common, coarse, and line sheet ings, shirtings, drillings and cotton flannels.— A large portion of the finer goods is manufac tured into calicoes at the Merrimack print works, and a small portion of the coarser fabric is printed at the Hamilton print works. 1,800 yards broadcloth and 6,000 yards of cassimere are produced per week, by the Middlesex Company; and 2500 yards of carpeting and 150 rugs measuring one yard and three-fourth each, by the Lowell Company, making a weekly aggregate -of 1,265, 530, and’ a yearly of 65,809,120 yards. Thus it will be seen that this city manufactures a fraction over 4 1-2 yards of cloth per year for every man, woman and child in the United States, allow ing the population to be 45,000,000. 270.000 yards of cloth are dyed and printed per week. ‘Flie consumption of cotton, per week, in all the mills, is 1,025 bales, or 413,000 pounds.— The yearly consumption of wool is, in the Middlesex Mills, 600,000, and in the Carpet 439,536 pounds, making together 1,039,536 pounds. The Middlesex Company consumes per annum, 3,000.000 teasels. All the Com panies consume, per annum, 11,660 tons of anthracite coal, 3410 cords of wood, 500,000 bushels of charcoal, 65,289 gallons of oil, 600,000 pounds of starch, ana 3900 barrels of flour for starch. There arc two Banks in the city, besides a Savings Institution.’ The Lowell Bank has a capital of 400,000 dollars, and the Rail Road Bank of 800,000 dollars. In the Savings In stitution are deposited 580,000 dollars, of which 250,000 dollars belong to operatives in the factories, mostly females. There are in Lowell 18 religious societies, viz: two Episcopalian, two Methodist, two Freewill Baptist, two Christian, two Univer sal ist, three Orthodox, three Baptist, one Catholic, and one Unitarian. Fourteen of these societies worship in elegant churches, viz:— three Orthodox, two Baptist, two Methodist, two Universalist, one Episcopal, one Freewill Baptist, one Christian, the Roman Catholic, and the Unitarian. The officers occupy con venient halls. The fourteen churches, or I meeting houses, with their furniture and dres ! sings, cost not less than 250,009 dollars.— i The eighteen societies raise, and expend for | parochial and charitable purposes, at least 40,000 dollars per annum. There are thirty free public schools in the j city, kept the year round. One new Gram ! mar school, several Primary schools will be put into operation during the present year.— There are now twenty-two Primary schools, and seven Grammar schools; and one High ’ school—in the latter, young are fitted for the University, a ud instructed in the higher branch les of education. There was expended in 1840, I for the support of free schools in Lowell, the i sum of 21,436 dollars. The Catholics form one-eight of the whole population of Lowell. Five of the Primary j school teachers, and three in the Grammar i schools are Catholics. In consequence of the ; just and liberal policy of employing a fair pro ; portion of their denomination in the public i schools, the Catholic priests take a deep ! interest in them; and their children conse- I quently all attend, but mostly where Catholic ; teachers are employed, though there are no regulations on the subject. According to the report of the Auditor for the year ending Dec. 31, 1810, the city debt is 143,450 dollars and 10 cents. The real es ’ll3lo owned by the citv, cost and its worth 166,50-3 dollars and 98 cents. The whole a mount of debts due the city is 25,208 dollars and 04 cents. The amount of personal prop erty held by the city is 8,803 dollars and 97 cents, ‘l’he appropriations, for ail purposes j during the year were 98,340 dollars and 46 cents. Os this sum 47,198d011ars and 98 cents were for the support of tiie public sc/jools, and the building of the new school houses. In j 1820, the valuation ol the property on the spot j where the city now stands did not exceed 1 1000 dollars: in 1840, the assessors’ books shew it to be 12,400,000 dollars. The Middlesex Mechanic Association own abuilding and lib rary worth 25,000 dollars. Tho City Ilall cost 20,OIK) dollars. The Market House 16,000 dollars. The Alms House 18,000. There are seven printing establishments in the city. The following is a list of the pub lications, viz: The Lowell Courier, tri-weekly, and the Lowell Journal, weekly, Whig—the Lowell. Advertiser, tri-weekly, and the Lowell Patriot weekly, Democratic—the Literary Souvenies, neutrai—the Banner, Freewill Baptist—the Star, Universalist-—the New England Christian Advocate, Methodist Anti- Slavery—the Lowell Oihering—the Ladies’ Pearl, literary Monthly Magazine—the Young People’s Library. Lowell supports 24 lawyers and 28 physi cians and surgeons. Os the literary character of the factory girls, some inference may be drawn from the follow ing statement in the Lowell Journal: “It would doubtless surprise the agricul tural and commercial communities of the South arid West, to know that a monthly mag azine, printed on an imperial sheet, 8 vo., that in literary merit would compare well with the average literary journals of the country, is published in this city of spindles, looms, ham mers, and anvils, every article being original, and written by “ Factory Girls.” Yet such is the sober truth. It is called the “ Lowell Offering.” This work was started as an ex periment—3,2oo copies of No. 1 were printed; 3,700 copies of No. 2; and 4,500 of No. 3. The first edition of No. 1 was soon exhausted, and a second edition of 2,000 has been pub lished, and will soon be taken up. The ac count given, in the work itself, of its origin, object, &c. may be relied on. The editors are two respectable clergymen of the city, and pastors of large and flourishing societies, whose statements are entitled to implicit credence. The editors and publishers of this work have opened no subscription list, but it may be con sidered as permanently established. “ The senior editor of the Offering will pub lish, in due season, amAnuua!, entitled “ The Garland of the Mills,” every article of which will lie written by “Factory Girls.” A largo number of the articles are already in his hands. | From what 1 know of them, and the writers, who will furnish all that may be wanted, i have no doubt the work will rank, in literary merit, with the average of the Annuals, as it will also in its beauty of type, paper, and bind ing. Such a work will bo no less strange than true. It will probably bo placed in the hands of tho printer in July. !t will be of the common size of those beautiful and interesting publications.” EXCHANGE. The facts embraced in the following extract from the money article of Saturday’s New York Herald ought never to be lost sight of: In a state of suspension, there is no check upon the banks ; and the remitter is compelled to comply with their exactions. This state of things is used as an argument in favor of a Natonal Bank to “regulate exchanges,” as it is called. Such an institution can, however, have no influence upon the notes of bills, un less the banks are compelled to pay specie.— This, a majority of them are entirely unable to do, unless anew bank should follow tiie ex ample of the United States Bank in 1833, and undertake to bolster them through a course which must end in its own destruction. The old United States Bank failed entirely to reg ulate exchanges. From 1817 to 1826, nine years, the rates were as irregular as now. In that year the banks of the Southwest, Ken tucky and Tennessee, returned to specie pay ment. Exchanges then became regular, be cause that event restored the currency to its specie value, and put if on a par with that of New York. From that time, although the United States Bank monopolized the business, exchanges were regular up to the suspension of 1837; not because the bank regulated them, but because the currency of all sections was regu lated by specie, and was therefore of the same value in all parts of the Union. The above table represents every degree of variation, from 1-4 per cent, up to 30 discount, and on every point in favor of New York. This does n-’ t indicate that all points are indebted to N. York, but simply that the currency here, is dearer than any where else, or in other words, that the local currency is every where at a depreciation for specie, the par at New York. Boston is a specie paying point, at the rate of 1-8 to 1-4, is about the cost of transportation of specie between the two points, and it varies in favor or against New York, according to the actual indebtedness between >’ie two cit ies. On many of the Southern points, the rate is apparently much in favor of Now York, where there is actually no indebtedness. Mobile is an instance—the rate is 12 per ct. discount, while the Bank of Mobile sells checks on New York, at par, for specie, or nine per cent, premium for local currency. If the Southern banks can pay out their bills at home, and use their Northern funds to buy them up here at 12 to 20 discount, they will be very willing to continue “to relieve the people” on these terms. Appointments by the President.—Jo seph Ritner, to be Treasurer of the Mint at Philadelphia. Henry Harrison, Register of the Land Of fice at Dubuque, lowa, vice Benjamin 11. Pe tri bin. John Wells, Jr., to be Justice of the Peace for the county of Washington, in the District of Columbia. Attorneys. A. Fowler, for the District of Arkansas. Charles v.hapman, for the District ol Con necticut. Joel Eastman, for the District of New Hamp shire. John Holmes, for the District of Maine. Charles Davis, for the District of Vermont. Marshals. Joshua Howard, for the District of Michi gan. Minor Walker, for the middle District ol Florida. William 11. llussell, for the District of Mis souri. William Prentiss, for the District of Illi nois. Isaac Otis, for the Eastern District of Penn sylvania. Sylvester Hartshorn, for the District of Rhode Island. Isreal W. Kelly, for the District oi New Hampshire. John D. Kinsman, for the District Gi Maine. Caught in his own trap. —The Portland Argus relates an amusing case, in which a beggar in that city received what he asked for, but not what he wished for: A few days ago, a full-grown, able-bodied man, presented himself at the door 01 one ol our citizens, and solicited the lady of the house to give him two cents. She remaiked that she had none, and inquired what he v. anted with them. “To buy a dose of castor oil, marm,” was the reply, “for I ;eel very sick. The lady had no cents, but she had plenty oil, and she prepared him a stiff dose. Ile tried hard to get excused from taking it; but she was iirnp he was a sick man, and it must go down! The loafer found he was caught in his own trap; and w here he meant to ha\ e a drink of liquor, lie got a dose of phy.-ic: but, making a virtue of necessity, and with sundry wry faces, he gulped it down and cleared". He’ll not call at that house again, we dare say. An Irish gentleman thus addressed an in dolent servant, who indulged hirosed in bed at a iate hour in the morning: “Fall to rising. you spalpeen, fall to rising!—Don isLwd there lying in bed all day!” From the Evening Post. NEW YORK CITY ELECTION. The following is a statement of the votes in the different wards, which will be fouud near ly accurate: Wards. Morris, (Dem.) Phoenix, (Whiig.) 1 2 3 777 4 55 5 6 332 7 - 102 8 66 9 482 10 218 11 835 _ 12 128 _ 13 312 __ 14 274 15 10 324 __ 17 134 _ 3153 2790 2790 Morris’ maj. 363 These returns, however, are not official, and the majority may yet be varied. The list of members of the Common Coun cil elected, shows that each board stands 10 Democrats to 7 Whigs. In the 10th ward Alderman Purdy is re elected by about 150 majority. The* Whig Collecror succeeded in that ward by 2 majori ty. In lie 12th the majority for the Demo cratic candidate for Alderman is 77, for As sistant Alderman 111. In the 17th ward a Democratic Alderman is elected by 71 ma jority. The whole number of votes given is unu sually small, perhaps not much more than thirty thousand. Gen. Jackson and the Biddle Bank.— l’he time has come when Europe and Ameri ca will do justice to Gen Jackson in relation to the Bank of the United States —when Ins sagacity, his courage, his incorruptibility, in relation to that institution, and his saving the public money in it —will be the theme ol uni versal applause, and of unbounded national gratitude. He eig .t years ago, took the ground that the institution was corrupt and insolvent; and, acting upon that belief, he in terposed liis great measures—the veto —the removal of the deposiles—the specie circular —the law against the circulation of the old notes--the sale of the United Slates stock in the institution. These measures have saved the United States stock, and got for it sllß on the share, which is now selling I’m sls a share; they saved the depositee, amounting to many millions; they stopped the receipt of the notes at the land offices and the customs, and saved mi'iions more; they stopped the is sue of the old dead notes, and saved millions again above all, they slopped the existenceoi the Bank, and thereby put an end to the do minion of the must corrupt arid corrupting in stitution which the world ever beheld —a foun tain of corruption which spared nothing pub lic nor private, and poured ils bribes into the hands of every functionary that would take them. If it had not been for Jackson, that vast colossus of crime and fountain ol corrup tion would now be in lull iile, sustaining itself on the credit and resources ol the United .States —taxing the people to full its vaults—and emptying its vaults to enrich its favorites and to subsidize members of Congress, and to pen sion as many as were necessary to sustain it. For these acts, which saved the country, the Bank had the patriot. President condemned by a Senate, many of whom were its debtors, attorneys and retainers; the people expunged that infamous sentence, and now it is to be revived by expunging the expunging resolu tion. More : the very men who devoured that Bank, are demanding anew one ! The same men, and tiie same party, after eviscera ting a thirty-live million Bank, demand another of fifty or one hundred millions ; and these | men, by a freak of fortune, are now in the as cendant in American politics. Leaving out Mr. Tyler, the President, and the Biddle Bank men are now tiie masters of the Government, dispensing the favors and shaping tho legisla tion, to reward, enrich, and establish in power the corrupting and the corrupted, which plun dered the late Bank, and sent its bribes into ihe hands of every public man that would take them. Another outrage bv a British crui ser.—We learn that letters have been re ceived from the brig Richmond, Bates, of this purl, which states that this vessel had been o verhauled by a British cruiser. The Rich mond was on her passage from Salem to St. Helena, and thence to Mozambique ; and a lew weeks before her arrival at St. Helena, when off the island of St Thomas on the coast of Africa, she was brought to by a Brit ish brig of war, (the Persian, our inlormanl thinks) her invoices and other papers were de manded and examined, and she was finally suffered to proceed on her voyage, nothing being found to justify a seizure. This is the fifth Salem vessel that has been searched by English cruisers within a few months. Salem Register. The Governor of Alabama has issued his proclamation, convening the Legislature of that State to meet at Tuscaloosa on Monday next, to pass a law authorizing the election for members of Congress at an earlier than the day of General Election as now fixed by law, so that tire State of Alabama may be rep resented in the Extra Session of Congress to convene on the last day of May next. A Mother’s Love. —There is so divine a holiness in the love of a mother, that no mat ter how the tie that binds her to the child was formed, she becomes, as it were, consecrated and sacred ; and the past, is forgotten, and the world and its harsh verdicts swept away when that love alone is visible and the God who watches over the little one sheds his smiles over the human deputy, in whose tenderness there brethes Ills own ! The subject of the difficulties between this country and Great Brittain, was simply allu ded to in the llouss of Commons on the arri val of Mr. Pickens’ report, but prrduced r.n angry excitement. The thunder manufatured by a few editors on the occasion was not inten ded for exportation, but merely for home con sumption. If Mr. Bull did not bellow occa sionally lie would not only loose all self res pect, hut public confidence. Let him roar— “who’s afeard!” The rising generation. —About five hun dred young robbers, it is estimated, daily per ambulate the streets of New York, stealing every thing they can lay their hands on. An other. detachment visas the auctions, cut the bags, baskets and barrels, and carry off im mense quantities on the “hoinopoethly princi ple” of a little at a time. Highly Important.— Mr. Miller, who has been for some time prophesying the end of the world, and who we believe Lad fixed a day some time past for the purpose, has postponed thatevent. He now says that the world will stand well enough until the re-election of Mr. \an Buren to tLe Presidency, when it will cer ly go Ly the board. Os course triisamouts to a postponement “sine die.” The twenty-seventh Congress. —There are eleven States which have not eiected their Representatives to the Twenty-Sixth Con gress, and the electioii of some of them will not regularly take place until after the day fixed for the Special Session. In such cases the Governor's we presume, will take care that their respective States shall not go unrepresen ted. GEORGIA. The Democracy of Georgia appear to he vigorously organizing for the ensuing cam paign. The last Athens Banner contains the proceedings of a meeting in Clark coun ty, on which it comments as follows : “ The proceedings of the meeting will show the spirit that animates us here, and satisfy our friends in oilier counties, that although we are in a minority in Clark, we are determined that our influence shall be felt—at least we will endeavor to do our duty. And from all we learn elsewhere, the same feeling prevails among the in mbers of our parly generally. A friend from an adjoining county writes us: ‘The refusal of the reformers at the last ses sion to carry out Governor McDonald’s Re lief Message, and the increase of the taxes, together with the almost universal discount on the bills of the Banks of the interior, are all working very ill for the coon-skin party in this section. The people are generally char ging all these things upon the party in pow er, and very justly too. I have no doubt that we shall see as great a reaction this fall as we saw last. M e are obliged to succeed over such a faithless dynasty. Several of the par ty have fully come over to our ranks in this : county.’ And we heai of similar results of the | labors ol the Whig reformers in other sec tion. So far, the signs are favorable; and j we have only to use with promptness and cn- I ergylthe advantages ofour position, to recov er our strength, aid turn the tables upon ] our opponents at the coming election.” Knox ville Argus. Mr. Pickens’ Report. —lt is a most re markable coincidence that the eloquent, able, and patriotic Report of the lion. Francis W. Pickens in Congress, upon tho burning of the Caroline, should have met with the joint con demnation of the British whigs on both sides of the water. It is not a little strange that there should be such a perfect unanimity and harmony existing between the federal whigs of America and the tory whigs of Great Bri tain ; tiiat both should perfectly and cordially agree in their condemnation of the manly Re port of Mr. Pickens, and in almost precisely the same language. The same spirit exists in Daniel Webster and his party now that influ enced their conduct during the last war; they then declared that England was “ the bulwark of our holy religion that a war with that power was unholy, murderous, and unjust; and that it was unbecoming a moral and reli gious people to rejoice at the success of our arms. This same spirit yet lives; wc see its demonstrations in every paragraph that ap pears in a whig journal in relation to our diffi culties with England. Does any one suppose that we could he forced into a war with Eng land, with Daniel Webster at the head ofour Foreign Affairs ! Pshaw ! —Old Dominion. A TRUE STORY. It is a remark generally applicable to the character of Ihe “ better hall” of man, that though she be given to censure and admonish her lord in those eloquent philippics familiarly called curtain lectures, or even enforce her precepts in tho less delicate mode of applying the broomstick to his pate—yet she will allow no mortal but herself to abuse, or wield the chastening rod over him with impunity ; slio is as ready to taxo up the cudgel for his de fence as lor his correction. Avid the rule has been noted to work both ways. It is a singu lar and admirable trait in woman, that sho will unhesitatingly defend Ihe life, property, honor-—in short, “all and singular the rights and credits” of her husband, against ail ag gressions of third persons—even though she be most scandalously ill treated and abused by him. We have not ventured those speculations without a “case in point” to back us. A res pected old acquaintance of our says, that when he was a young man, full of the ardor and chivalry of youth, this adventure betel him : While travelling in a strange part, of the country, he came upon a cabin, from behind which, lie heard the angry voice of a man, mingled with the screams ol a woman, and at regular intervals a hickory singing through the air as it well laid on. tie rode round to get a sight ot the cause of all this clamor, when a hurley looking fellow was thrashing his wile like Jury, with a sick so formidable to be within the meaning of the statute. On perceiving our friend, the belligerent suspen ded operations—the ‘shower oi timber’ceased to fab, and there was a great cairn of a few moments duration. The young man, whoso wrath had suddenly waxed hot against the cruel husband, cried out —“youbrute! you rascal! throw down that whip, and don't touch tiie woman again, or I’ll wear it out over your own ugly carcass ! you savage, you !” Vv iio should respond to tliis valiant defiance but the injured lady herself l Turning her blowsed hair out of her face, and giving her list a portentous shake, she squalled out, ‘lie's as good as you are, you gawky, good for noth ing c-reeter, you I”—Greensboro ugh (N. C.) Patriot. The McLeod Case.— The Canada Times, a Liberal paper published at Montreal, lias the following paragraph in relation to lire arrest and imprisonment ol McLeod. Most of the Canada papers spealf in a very different tone. “A true bill has been found by the grand jury against McLeod, for murder; consequent ly, he must now remain in confinement until his trial comes on. Had not Mr. McLeod vain gloriously boasted in a tavern at Lockport, New York, of having belonged to the expedi tion sent by Sir F. B. Head to destroy the steamer Caroline, he would not now be where he is, and this trouble and excitement might have been avoided. Should an American citizen come into Montreal, Toronto, or any other place in Canada, and publicly declare himself to have been the murderer, or au ac cessary to the murder, of a British subject, would he not immediately be lodged in jail; and there kept until found guilty or innocent by a fair impartial trial ? We have not the least doubt that it was the intention of the au thorities of the State of New York to do him every justice, and discharge him at once, if proved innocent; as we cannot for a moment suppose that the citizens of that State would be a uilty of such barbarity as to take away the life of any innocent person in cold blood, mere ly to gratify their feelings of vengeance for any ill-treatment which they have received from the British Government.” Girard College. —This marble palace now in the progress of construction, for the education of poor orphans according to the will of the late Stephen Girard, aflbrds one of the most astonishing instances of sqtiandeing an estate on record. According to the Phila delphia Ledger, seventeau thousand dollars now annually expended in salaries to officers and artisans connected with the institution. — A Dr. Bache, the President, lias a salary of dollars per annum, from the tme ol his ap pointment in July, 1636. The cost of thirty lour splended and need less colnnis amounts to the enomous sum of $448,300, or $13,000 each. The corner stone was laid on iiie4ihof July, 1833, the architect was appointed the 23d of March 1833, the clerk oi'the trustees was appointed in March 1533, and the Peresident was ap pointed in July, 1333. The estimated, cost of the College, was $700,000 and of the out buildings. $200,000, making a fatal of SOOOO,OOO. It is a well as eertaiudd fact that the expenses up to Janu ary last, on the College, amount’s to the colo sal sum of $1,372,712,45, and the College is reported by the architect to be about two thirds completed. Watchtovver. Bennett, of the New York Herald, says that “the eye is an index lof the mind.” It is well know that Bennett squints.—Prentice,