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PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING, BY J A AIKS VAN NESS, In the “Granite Building,” on the corner of Oglethorpe and Randolph Streets. TERMS: Subscription— hr< - dollars per annum, payable in advance, three and >lla. sari l a half at the end of si* months, or four dollars, (in ali cases) where pay ment is n it hi i le it.ire tae expiration of the year. N > sub tcrip: i-Mi received for less lli.tn twelve months witho it pay ueni in a Ivanee, and no paper discon tinued, except at the option of the Editor, until all arrearages are paid. Anvkhtisfm:n rs conspicuously inserted at one dol lar per one nuu-ired words, or iess, for the first in sertion an I litiy con’s for every subsequent contin uance’ Those sent without a specification of the number of m-erti ns, wilt be published until ordered out- and charged accordingly. 2. Yekki.y Advertisements. —For over 24 and not exceeding 3i lines, fifty dollars per annum ; for over 12 and not exceeding 24 lines, thirty-five dol lars per annum ; lor less than 12 fines, twenty dol lars per annum. 2. All rule and figure work double the above prices. Leo at. Advertisements published at the usual rates, and with strict attention to the requisitions of the law. All Sales regulated by law, must be made before the court house door, between the hours of 10 in the morning and four in the evening—those of land in the county where it is .situate ; those of personal property, where the letters testamentary, of admin istration or of gtnrdiaasqip were obtained—and are requited to be previously advertised in some public gazette, as follows: Sheriffs’ Sales under regular executions for thir ty days ; under mortgage ti fas sixty days, before the day of sale. Sales of land and negroes, by Executors, Adminis trators or Guardians, for sixty days before the day of sale. Sales of personal property (except Negroes) forty days. Citations by Clerks of the Courts ol Ordinary, upon application for letters of administration, mustbe pub lished sot thirty days. Citations upon application for dismission, by Exec utors, Administrators or Guardians, monthly for six months. Orders of Courts of Ordinary, (accompanied with a copy of the bond or agreement) to make titles to land, must be published three months. Notices by Executors, Adminutrators or Guardians, of application to the Court of Ordinary for leave to | sell the land or negroes of an estate, four months. j Notices by Executors or Administrators, to the debtors and creditors of an estate, for six weeks. Sheriffs’, Clerks of Court, &c. will be allowed the | usual deduction. O’ Letters on business, must be post paid, to entitle them to attention. THE OLD MISSISSIPPI WARRIOR. To the Editor of the Free Trader : Dear Sir, —I have not observed in your pa per any notice of the death of our veteran friend, Gen. Samuel Dale. lie died at Ins res idence, DalevilJe, Lauderdale county, on the i£3d ult., with the fortitude of a soldier, and the resignation of a Christian. On his dying bed, lie repeated, as I am informed, a request, which he made last summer, that I should make a memoir of his life, most of the partic ulars of which, I had memorandumed from his lips. I design visiting Lauderdale, in a few weeks, to obtain all the materials that remain. Few men have run a career so full of benevo lent actions, and of romantic adventure, and no man was ever better adapted to the country and the period in which he lived—that country the frontiers of Georgia, Florida and the (then) Mississippi Territory, embracing all the pres ent. State of Ala.; the period, including near ly all that bloody interval between the close of the Revolution, and the termination of the last war. With the story of these times —the dreadful massacre at Fort Minims—the battle of the Holy Ground—Gen. Jackson’s Semi nole campaigns—and the earlier events of the Georgia frontier, Gen. Dale was closely con nected. The most affecting of these scenes of murder and conflagration are, as yet, un written, and live only in the fading memorials of border tradition. In ('reparing the life of Gen. Dale, 1 shall seek to put many of them on record. Asa scout—a pilot to the emi grants who blazed the flrst path through the < ’reek nation, from Georgia to the Tombigbee, with arms in their hands ; and subsequently, as a spy among the Spaniards at Pensacola, and as a partisan officer during the most san guinary epochs of the lute war—present a: every butchery--remarkable for “ hair-breadth ’scapesfor caution and coolness in desperate emergencies; for exhibitions of gigantic per sonal strength, and undaunted moral courage, hi.-story is studded over with spirit-stirring incidents, unsurpassed by any tiling in legend or history. His celebrated canoe fight, where unaided, in the middle of the Alabama, then in its spring flood, he fought seven warriors with clubbed rifles, and killed them all, and rowed to shore with the corpse of his last an tagonist under his feet, would be thought fab ulous, if it had not been witnessed by twenty soldiers, standing near the bank, who not having a boat, could render him no assistance. Some years before, he was attacked by two warriors, who shouted their war-whoop as he was kneeling down to drink, and made at him with their tomahawks. lie knifed them both, an 1 though bleeding from live wounds, he re traced their trail nine miles, crept stealthily to their camp, brained three sleeping warriors and cut the thongs of a female prisoner, who lay by their side. While in this act, however, a fourth sprang upon him from behind a log. Taken at such a disadvantage and exhausted I>V the loss of blood, he sank under the serpent grasp of the savage, wins with a yell of tri umph, drew his knife, and in a few moments would have closed the contest At that in stant, however, the woman drove a tomahawk deep into the head of the Indian, and thus pre served the life of her deliverer. Shortly alter the Treaty of Dancing Rabbit, our deceased friend settled in what is now j known as Lauderdale county ; and it is wor- j thy of remark, that at the lirst election. (1836,! 1 believe,) when he was chosen to the Legis-’ lature, but ten votes were cast. Now the county could probably poll 750, and in every j direction its fleecy fields, its tine flour mills, its j school-houses and churches, indicate a thri ving, enlightened and moral population. One anecdote of the old General is so simi lar to an event in Roman history, that I cannot forbear relating it. The Consul Acquilius returning from a campaign, was allow ed a triumph; but shortly afterwards was arraigned for some misdemeanor committed during his foreign service, lie called no exculpatory evidence, nor deigned to court the favor ot his judges; but when about to receive sen tence, he tore open his vest, and displayed the wounds he had received in the service of his country. A sudden emotion of pity seized the court, and unfixed the resolution which, a few moments before, they had taken to con demn the accused. Some time ago, General Dale, being in Mobile, was held to bail as endorser upon a note. The debt was in the hands of a stranger. Accompanied by an offi cer, he sought the creditor, and found him in the saloon of Cullum’s far-famed hotel. ‘Sir,* said the General, ‘1 have no money to pay this debt; the principal has property ; make him pav it, or let me go home, and work it out. The Shvlock hesitated. ‘ Very well,’ said the veteran, in tones that rang indignantly through the apartment. ‘ Very tail, sir! Look at my scars ! I will march to jail down Main Street, and all Mobile shall witness the tre aim >U of an old soldier.” These simple words fell like electricity upon that high-toned people. In half an hour a dozen of the brightest names ot the city were on the bond, and before morn the debt was paid and a full discharge handed to the General. I have seen the manly tears chasing down his cheek, as the aged warrior dwelt on these recollections *of the generous citizens. In person, Gcu. Dale was tall, erect, raw-boned and muscular. In many respects physical and moral, he resembled his antag onists of the woods. He had the square fore head, the high cheekbones, the compressed lips, and in fact, the physiognomy ot an Indian, relieved however, by a fine, benevolent Saxon THE COLUMBUS TIMES. VOLUME I.] eye. Like the red man too, his foot fell lightly upon the ground, and turned neither to the right or left; he was habitually taciturn ; his face grave; spoke slowly and in low tones, and seldom laughed. I observed of him what I have often noted as peculiar to border men of high attributes—he entertained the strong est attachment for the Indians ; extolled their courage ; their love of country ; and many of their domestic qualities ; and I have often seen the wretched remnant of the Choctaws camped around his plantation and subsisting on his crops. In peace, they felt for him the strongest veneration, he had been the friend bottuof Tecumseh and Weatherford; and in war, the name of l ßig Sam ’ fell on the ear of the Seminole like that of Marius on the hordes of the Cimbri. Very respect’ly, your friend, John F. 11. Claiborne. Natchez, June 15, 1841. From the Pennsylvanian. LETTER FROM GOL. BENTON. Washington City, June 8. 1841. Dear Sib —Your kind letter of the 4thinst. in relation to the democratic meeiing at Spring Garden, on the evening ol the 3d, and the resolve there adopted to hold a meeting of the democracy of the city and county of Phil adelphia to form an association to promile my nomination and election to the Presidency of the United States in the year 1841, has been received, and while I am duly sensible of the honor done me by these proceedings, and ex tremely grateful for the kind motives which induced them, yet 1 must hasten to do every thing in my power to arrest at the commence ment, a proceeding which, howsoever honor able lo me, cannot in my opinion be benefi cial to the cause of democracy. Contentions for the first place have in all ages and in all countries, been the bane of elective govern ments; and 1 have been fully determined ever since I have been on the stage of public af fairs to have nothing to do with such conten tions. I have always seen, and now see in the ranks of the democratic party many emi nent citizens who are worthy to fill the place of President; and it is my purpose now, as it has been heretofore, to promole the election, and to support the Administration (if elected) ol some of these citizens. Private letters to this effect I have written to many friends in different parts of the Union, in answer to j their enquiries; and what I now write to you is nothing but a repetition of wliat 1 have al ready said and written lo many others. But while I cannot consent to be brought forward for tiie Presidency, I am ready and willing to do all that I can for the cause of de inocracy. The times require the exertion of all the friends of the cause, and mine shall neither be withheld nor relaxed. We have gone back not merely to the tederal times of Gen. Hamilton, and the elder Mr. Adams, but lar beyond them—lo the Church and State times of Queen Anne, and the corporation and state times of the first and second George; in a word to the vvh g times of Sir Robert Walpole; whose long, corrupt administration was a continued practice of tory doctrines upon whig professions, and the source and ori gin of every curse which now affects the Eng lisli people. We have gone back to the Eng lish times when the paper system, the funding system, the hanking system, the fundamental system, (as banks of circulation,) stockjobbing, national debt, taxes, paper money, loans for the existing generation to spend, and forpos lerity to spend, aud chartered companies with exclusive privileges, and monopolies and ex emptions from law, the South Sea scheme and a thousandothrr cheating contrivances, were all hatched into existence undr the hot incu bation of whig legislation. We have gone back to the Walpole times when corporations hi gan ti) treat with the government as equals, oMo dictate to it as masters; when submis sion to insult and depredation from abroad, and tyranny to patriots at home, was the practice and the policy of the administration; when the money was spent for party objects, which should have been devoted to the public defence; when, to preserve peace, the nation was not put in arms, hut the minister placed upon his knees; when good tnen were perse cuted, and the had were promoted ; when military, naval and civil officers were dismiss ed from employment for voting against the minister, and his partisans pul into *" r voting against him; when secret committees, composed ot political hacks, were made in quisitors into the conduct of their enemies, and never failed to find what the minister sent them to hunt for. We have gone back to the times when this,and such as this, was the work of the English government; and when a wi.ig administration gave all the originals ot which our lederal wings are now presenting us with faithful cop.es here. In every thing, great and small, toreign and domestic, legislative and executive, the Walpole whig measures of the reign of George the second, are the mea sures of our ft-deial whigs here; and it the 1 masterspirits now in command should have as long time to work in, as their great original had in England, they would probably suc ceed in giving us as much debt ami taxes, as many paupers and jiensions, and as many corporations to rule, govern and bribe us, as ; the English people have. But I fancy their I reign will not be quite so long as that ol the V\ alpole whigs in England—that it willhard !ly exiend twenty-five years; and ol this the master spirits seem to he a little suspicous j themselves, and therefore are “for making hay while the sun shines.” Haste to the wedding i is the tune lo which they dance, double quick 1 time is the time of their step. Hence the j hurry in every thing. Hence this extra ses ! sion of Congress, which, in the brief space ot half a dozen weeks, and under the fires ot a I solstitial summer sun, and “>idsl the swelter ing heats of the dog days, is expected to do as much as Walpole accomplished in one o! 1 the seven year tory parliemants of which he was the whig author. Asa compensation, however, for doing so much in so short a time, Congress is to be permitted to sink into the quiet and passive condition of a bed of justice, (Lit de Justice) of the old French monarchy, tor the registration of edicts; or to realize, for the edification of the American people, the metaphysical conception of the legislature which gave so much celebrity to tiie Abbe Sieys. In a word, we are to be permitted to vote upon the bills, without telling the reasons why or wherefore, which the master spirits prepare for us in secret, and lay before us in public. 1 consider myself called here to be present at the immolation of our constitution, and ai the formation ot anew government to be com posed of bank and state, of which bank is to be master, and slate is to be slave, and the people to be taxed and plundered for the ben efit of both. lam here at the holocaust of the constitution. If they succeed in their measures there will be nothing left of that in strument but ts ashes. This, sir, is what I snatch a moment to write to you in answer to your inquiries. It !is a frank letter, such as my feelings dictate, 1 and the times require; and you are at liberty to use it in any wav in which it will accomplish its object—that of preventing my naraelrom being used on the list of Presidential candid at Respectfully sir, your obliged fellow citizen, ‘THOMAS H. BENTON. Col. Henry Simpson, Philadelphia. COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, JULY 1, 1841. From the Aibanv Argus. THE ASPECTS AT WASINGTON. How the ascendant Federalism proceeds in its onward or downward career, the following extracts from “whig” papers and letter-writers will sufficiently explain. Any thing short of disorder and disorganization from a combina tion of selfish factions—with only a single tie in common,—the love of power and the de sire of office, —could scarcely have been ex pected by any one familiar with the charac ter of parties or the springs of human action. Whether it may be regarded as a calamity or as national good fortune, the present dominant party are realizing in the Union and in this State, the predictions of those who watched its approaches to the possession of power by the most inconsistent alliances, the foulest frauds upon the franchise, and most disgrace ful Bacchanalian mummeries and imposture. From the correspondence of the Commercial Adver tiser, Washington, June 14. “The House adjourned, to-night, at half past seven o’clock, in a slate of unparallelled confusion and agitation. The body is in a condition ol total disorganization, and the worst feeling seems to be prevalent among the members. [Mr. Adams carried his proposition on the 7ili inst., by a vote of 112 lo 104. Mr. Wise succeeded to-day, in a re-consideration by a vote of 106 to 104.] “This majority is small, but it will be strengthened By the arrival of three loco members expected to-morrow from Alabama. Mr. Wise’s triumph is complete. The fruits of his victory are, as claimed, the annulment of the rules, —the abolition of the committees appointed by the speaker, the annulment of the election of officers and of every act done in pursuance of the rules—the withdrawal from the files of the house of the abolition pe titions presented on Saturday—lhe establish ment of the rights of the South, in regard to abolition petitions, on a permanent basis—the promotion of dissension between the northern and southern whigs —the formation of a south ern party—the embarrassment or defeat ot the measures of the whigs—and in short, uni versal and wide spread agitation, confusion, and destruction. “Nothing can be so inconsistent as the votes given by the same individuals during the last few days; —but there is a method in this seeming madness —mischief is at the bot tom ol it.” The N* Y. American says: “The Gag-Law.— Mr/Wise spoke six hours! on Monday, and at the close of that speech the House ol Representives reversed ti.e decision of a previous day, adopting the rules of the last session, excepting the 21st rule, or gag-law. We give the yeas and nays on the occasion. Tne house is now without rules—and we have only to say, that, in our judgment, it is belter that body should adjourn at once, than suffer their deliberaie judgment on such a question as that of the 21st rule, to be overthrown by the pertinacity or menaces of Mr. Wise, backed, though he would seem to be, by the Executive. “If the gag-law he now re-established, it will be a whig measure, and as such it will receive the execrations of Freedom every where.” From the correspondence of the Herald, June 11. The motion of Mr. Fornance, to reconsider the vote adopting the report of the committee, lor the regulation of the action of the house, having prevailed, every thing hitherto accom plished, such as (he organization ot standing committees, Sic. &c. undone, anti the mem bers must begin again de novo. The admin istration men are in the greatest contusion and disorder, and the end no man can foresee. The spirit ol abolitionism is at the bottom ol lhe whole difficulty, and if this spirit cannot at once be repressed and put down, Congress had belter adjourn immediately, ana let Presi dent Tyler manage matters until December. The Extra Session bids fair to prove a lailure. There was no real necessity lor it, in the wants of lhe government. Even Mr. Wood bury could have shinned through the year with the provisions made by the last Congress, and as (or any distress among the people that can be immediately relieved by legislation, the thing is preposterous. ‘I he speculators and bankrupts are suffering, and want the government to pay their debts, and furnish The means for future extravagance; but en terprise and industry meet a sure reward. If the Extra session amoun s to nothing, let the responsibility rest where it belongs.” Coirespondence of the Savannah Georgian. Washington City, June 16. The two late votes taken in the House of Representatives shew plainly that Mr. Clay’s whipping in system will not answer in that bo dy so well as was expected. The Speaker, unfortunately for his party, is not aufait in the rules ot the House, and is shamefully de ficient in his knowledge o( parliamentary law; hence, the lepeated appeals from his decisions, and their success ; for the veriest tyro who has read Jeflersou’s manual, could instruct Mr. While on questions of order. His onlyqualifi cation for the office he holds, consists in being Mr. Clay’s candidate, and his strong Federal predilections, which have been palpably shown in the appointment of committees, &.c. Had h s l'utuie course been known at the time of his election, he would certainly have been de feated ; but as it is, the Southern portion of the whig party, who voted tor him, have no thing left, save an appeal from his decisions to save themselves. The Senate, this morning, succeeded in electing a printer, by a bate majority, 27 members only having voted; the Democrats having declined joining in the ballot, owing to its unconstitutionality. It will be remembered. that according to the rule established in 1819, the Senate invariably choose its printers pre vious to the commencement of a newses.'ion; it pursued the same course at the last session, and Messrs. Blair & llives were duly elected ; but such a selection did not suit Mr. Clay, and accordingly, contrary to all rule and pre cedent, the election was treated, “as though it had not taken place,” according to the plan of Mr. Thaddeus Stevens. The successful candidate for Printer is Thomas Allen, of the . . .. . . L Madisonian newspaper, one ot the most un blushing advocates of federal falsehood in the country, if we except Prentice, of the Louis ville Journal—they hang together, truly “par nobile fratrum This sheet is supported by a species of “black mail” levied during the contest on the Whigs and Conservatives, in order to have such dirty party work attended to, as the fastidious editors of the Intelligencer had no disposition to look alter. Tallmadge, Clark, Preston, Rives, and James Garland, are the real owners of the concern, and the editor is a mere puppet in their hands; his editorials being generally furnished bv a clique of what Mr. Webster calls “the Omnibus Party.” Allen has no materials to execute the Congressional print ing, anil the result of electing him, will niere- Ivbe to put some thousands in his pockets, as tie will hare to hire out the work to have it executed. This is a specimen of Whig t‘e conomv.” Mr. Buchanan spike for some time, this morning, in opposition to the reference of the late Webster and Fox correspondence to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. Mr. Clay followed, and made a miserable “the union of the states, and the sovereignty of the states.” figure in attempting to puff up Mr. Webster, who, it is well known, is everything but agree able to him. But as all the followers of the Kentucky Senator were Worn out in damning the Secretary with faint praise, the driver had to come up to the work himself. Mr. Allen, 0 Ohio, replied to Clay, and sifted his argument so thoroughly that nothing but chaff was left. Poor Mr. Webster!—his position must be an agreeable one, with the whole democracy against him, —the Clay fac tion and the conservative faction, both fighiing one another, aud yet, each equally to his prospects. The motion of reference was finally agreed to as was to be expected. The speaker, this morning determined to attempt another impo sition on the House, by refusing to give Mr. Rayner, of North Carolina, thefloor, although that gentleman was fairly entitled to it. An appeal was taken from the Speaker’s decision, and it was reversed by a voteot 112 to 104— all the latter voting blindly in favor of the un just decision of Mr. White, merely because he was a Whig. Mr. Rayner then took the floor, and ad dressed the House for about three hours in a speech replete with sound constitutional doc trines on the subject of slavery. He look a brief view of the condition of the manufac turing establishments at the North, as com pared with the plantations of the South, and showed that the unmeaning cry of Liberty was but the hollow sound of fanatics, old wo men and interested politicians. He also said that he felt bound to disclaim all fellowship with his Northern Whig allies, who had in variably deserted the South on this all im portant question; but would freely give his hand to those non-slaveholding men (Demo crats) who upheld the constitutional rights of ihe people. As for the right of petition, he felt assured that the cry about it was a sheer humbug—and that those who were pressing it were heart and soul abolitionist, who, if they ever visited North Carolina, would be placed in a disagreeable, though exalted situation. Mr, Adams, as usual, interrupted Mr. R., and used his customers quantum of abuse towards the South. His remarks were vulgar and licentious in the extreme —more so than I have ever heard them. After much confusion, the question was taken on Mr. Rayner’s amendment, to con linne in force the whole of the rules of the lasi session, by yeas and nays, and it was decided in the negative. The question was then taken on the original motion as re-considered, viz: to adopt the rules of the last session, with the exception of the 21st. This also (ailed by a vote of 119 to 103, and the House adjourned about 9 o’clock, P. M. Correspondence cf the Savannah Georgian. Washington, June 15, 1841, What will Mr. Tyler do 1 is the question at present on the qui vice ? Will he sustain his old principles and friends, or throw himself, neck, body and heels, into the arms of the federalists, and consent to play second fiddle to Henry Clay J Will he, after the long and noble stand he has taken against a Bank of the United States, embrace the monster now pre sented him by Mr. Ewing, and thus encourage a curse to the Constitution, to the country, and to the South particularly 1 He will not sign the Bank Charter proposed by Mr. Ewing, under the title of “ Fiscal Agent.” At least he has distinctly said so to three members of Congress, whose words may be relied upon with confidence. Wliat follows 1 The resignation of Ewing and Crittenden, will probably he the first move, for both these worthies are bound, soul and body to a Bank. Webster can get but few favors from such an institution now, as he is a perfect “ used up man.” Granger has plenty of money, and wishes to enjoy the honor of his position ; Bell can manage Indian Af fairs enough to make himself comfortable, and Badger is ambitious enough to think that by his eiforts, he can prove North Carolina capa ble of producing something greater than Pitch, Turpentine and Federalists. These four will therefore remain where they are, as none of them have any serious affection for Mr. Clay. We shall then, probably, have most of our lost fold, and many repenting sinners return ing back to the Democratic landmarks. Clay bus already overshot his mark, and if President Tyler only acts like a man on lhe single ques tion of a bank, the fate of the “ puritan and black-leg” is sealed forever; even the hazard of the die will be denied him at his last politi cal grasp. While these things are progressing, the Democracy stand firm. A little will gain us the Senate, for wc now have 22 members in that body, and if we obtain a Republican from Tennessee, to fill the vacancy from that State, there must be two out of the Whig ranks that, cannot gulp at one fell swoop, the mon eyed corporation Mr. Clay is attempting to put upon us, in order to secure, by his usual mode of bargain and corruption, the Presidency in 1844. No movement should be made on our part for the selection of a candidate at this early day. Our principles must triumph, and let us calmly abide our time until the con flict thickens. In the House, yesterday evening, at a late hour, the motion of Mr. Wise, for a reconsid eration of the vote by which the rules were adopted, was carried by a very close vote of 106 to 104 ! nearly all the Northern Demo crats voting with the South ; although Botts, of Virginia, and several of the Kentucky and Tennessee Delegations went with the Aboli tionists, against a reconsideration. Mr. B. was extremely savage on the occasion, and the result of the vote chagrined a great many of our Southern expediency men. It was a Democratic triumph, and may be reckoned as split No. 2, of the great federal Whig party. Mr. Wise’s speech lasted from 12 A.M. un til 8 P. M., and it was decidedly the best argu ment to show off the coalition between Nor thern Whigs and Abolitionists that I ever lis tened to. J. Q,. Adams and the Speaker were scored severely—the latter principally for leading Committees with Northern Abolition ists. Mr. Ravner, of North Carolina, an excel lent speaker, and one of the State Rights school of Whigs, has the floor to day, on a resolution submitted by him, that no rules of the last session shall govern the present, so far only, as they relate to matters mentioned in the President’s Message. Resolutions in favor ot permanent prospec tive pre einption rights on tiie public lands, were introduced by Mr. VY alker ot Mississippi, in the Senate yesterday, and referred to tiie Committee on Public Lands. The resolutions embrace the gist of Messrs. Benton’s and Cal houn’s Preemption and Cession Bills. Mr. Clay's gag was in operation, as usual, although the subject on which it was exercised was merely a resolution of inquiry as to the names of those contractors who were accused of offences by the Secretary of War in his late Report, The case of McLeod was next brought up, and Mr. Preston undertook a lame apology of the course of Webster, in which he made several pretty flights, but gave us nothing that in the least wiped off the stain, which the Massacusetls man’s letter has placed upon our national honor. Mr. Benton followed in a thrilling speech, in which fiecommented with merited severity, on the course pursued by W ebster and Crittenden. The subject will be continued to day by Mr. Buchanan. THE ABOLITION CASE. We are right in stating that the Cincinnati Gazette was wrong in its assertion that the decision of the Supreme Court of Ohio, in the infamous slave case at Lebanon, was ex trajudicial. The Lebanon Star thus contra dicts the Gazette: “The Court did decide, in express terms, that the bringing of a slave into this Slate, by the master’s consent, lor any purpose what ever, even with a view of passing through it to settle in another slave State, would, ipso facto, tree the slave. This question was pre sented by the record, and the court, both Judg es concurring, decided it as we fiist slated, and now repeat—and lhe subsequent avowal ol this decision, by the Judges who made it, wfienever the inquiry has been put to them, leaves no room lor lhe least question in rela tion to this matter; this the sequel will prove.” This should serve as a warning lo masters of boats and the Southern men generally. I he Supreme Court of Ohio declares a slave Iree the moment he touches the soil of that State with the consent of his owner* Mem bers of Congress have recently been robbed of their servants while on their way to the Capital of the Union to discharge their pub lic duties. Virginians removing to Missouri, and passing through Ohio, have been robbed of all their slaves; and it will be perceived that the citizens of Covington complain that their slaves are no longer safe—that the peo ple of Cincinnati do not hesitate to steal ne groes from Kentuckians on the southern side of the river. Again we say to southern men—do not venture into Ohio with servants. II Southern ladies take with them servants to nurse their children, the Courts have already notified the operative abolitionists that such nurses may be stolen with impunity. The doctrine of Ohio is, that no man shall dare to own a slave for one moment in that State; and the “Queen City” is becoming quite as famous for negro stealing as for her manufactures. If a slave, hired on board a steam boat, should escape, the master or owner of such steam boat may be made responsible for bis value. The publication of the decision of the Supreme Court is a sufficient warning that boats, partly navigated by slaves, cannot land in Ohio with safety.--Louisville Adverti ser. From the Philadelphia Spirit of the Times. Appeal to Southern Members of the United States Senate—abolitionism of our Post master —kidnapping by a carrier. If there were no other reason for the remo val of the present postmaster of this city, by the United States Senate, there is one which must have great influence with tho Southern members. He is an open, decided, and avowed Abolitionist, and has bold and unscru pulous Abolitionists about him! Let the Sen ators from the south, whose fair homes these fanatics would turn into a charnel house— whose hearths they would deluge with the blood of their wives and children—let them think of this, and beware how they retain in a post so fearfully calculated for the dissemination of mischievious doctrines, one of a band that is laboring to enkindle .the flame of insurrec tion, is daily robbing them of their property— and that boasts of the success of its efforts in maturing plans for the massacre of the slave holders of the South. We do not speak unadvisedly. The present postmaster is a violent Abolitionist, and was the Abolition candidate for Mayor of this city at the late general election. That he lias ap pointed rank Abolitionists to office is undispu ted. One of the new letter carriers is so no toriously ir bued with ultra Abolition princi ples, that people stop him in the streets for mischief, and get to talking upon the subject —simply because he is so enthusiastic in the wicked cause that he will rant for hours, to the total neglect of his public duties. This same carrier, too, boasts of his agency in steal ing a negro from his master, at the instance of the Anti-slavery Society of this city. We have all the particulars before us, with the names of those who stand ready to make affidavit that they heard this carrier make the declara tion alluded to. It seems that a negro slave named Isaac, living with his master, near Memphis, Ten., wrote to this city. The society here offered liberal terms to any one who would go and kidnap him. r lhis carrier agreed to do it, and started. Arrived in the vicinity of the spot, he inquired of the slaves for Isaac, and met him at night in the woods several times, about five miles from his master’s plantation. He gave the negro who bro’t Isaac to him, three dollars for his trouble. Several boats that stopped near that place were looked at, but suspected, until six days had elapsed, when, fearful of a discovery of his designs, this car rier put Isaac on board the first ooat he met. The boat, instead of starting that night, did not depart until late next morning; and hence the slave and the kidnapper were in agonies of fear lest they should be apprehended. How ever, they got off; and, though an advertise ment in a newspaper of a reward for Isaac met his eye immediately afterwards, this carrier pushed on, and -delivered the negro he had stolen to the conspirators in this city. Isaac the negro he alluded to, is now in the employ of a hatter in Philadelphia. These are the facts of the case, as detailed by the chief actor in them himself. Let the Southern Senators ponder upon them. Let them consider if such men, and the patrons of such men, are fit hands to be intrusted with a public office that can readily be made the instrument of death and desolation. Let them consider what a vast engine in favor of the principle that would defraud them of their possessions, the post office of Philadel phia can be made ; how insiduously it can dis tribute the seeds of discord even under their very eyes and prepare the disaffected for deeds of the most shuddering character. Let them consider these things, and refuse to put, for the sake of party discipline, a power so vast into hands so readily disposed to wield it, not only for their annihilation, but for the annihila tion of the wealth, the peace, and the prosper ity of the whole South. Capt. John Martin, President of the Mont gomery Bank, has been in these parts this last week, making enquiries into the ac tings and doings of our financiers, who have defrauded that institution out of no small sum. We were shown a list of about a doz en names of individuals who had been recom mended as perfectly good, who all united are not worth one picayune. Among the rest is one Mr. Farnum well known as barber and hair dresser in Selma, whose note was dis counted, we believe for §I,OOO. Farnum says he was requested to loan his name and did so willingly, as the individual requesting it was a clever fellow, and patronized his shop, and he thought one good turn deserved another, he said he had no idea any person could get mon ey under his name. Capt. Martin, we believe, has instituted suit against those who got the money through irresponsible names, as a suit against the principals and securities on the notes would be trouble without profit.—Ca hawba Democrat. [NUMBER 21. THE FISCAL AGENT. This bantling it seems has been nursed up so far, that it is thought expedient to permit the public to catch a glimpse of its features. The most striking peculiarity is that it is to be located at Washington, so that members ot Congress and Secretaries of State, &c. will not be under the necessity of coming or sending all the way to Philadelphia to borrow from it, and the road is kept open to them, for though the Directors at Washington are for bidden to borrow from the Bank, there is no such prohibition in reference to public officers of the government. Branches are to be established in such states as think proper to admit them, and the states to be allowed to be holders of stock if they shall choose to do so; the National Gov ernment, however, furnishing the money, or rather borrowing it for the purpose. Thus Un cle Sam is going to economise by borrowing money to lend again, until every body grows rich by the grand operation. Though the directors of the central Bank are not to borrow from the institution, those of the branches may borrow as much as they please, ala Biddle cj* Cos. The president is to appoint two out of sev en directors ; of course if the president agrees in politics with the directors, the whole seven will work together without check. The sug gestion of Mr. Walker of Mississippi to have directors chosen in Congress in such maimer that each party could elect a portion of them, will probably be rejected by Clay & Cos., as it would admit the dt mocrats into the secrets of the concern. The bank, whose capital is to be 30 millions, is not to owe at any time more than 20 millions above its deposites, and it is not to make any loans when its notes in circulation are tluee times the amount of its specie on hand. It appears to us that this latter restriction is founded on an erroneous theory, that of esti mating ability to increase loans by the amount of specie compared with notes in circulation, instead of with all liabilities, or at least with all liabilities to pay within a short time. A Bank is just as liable to be called on for specie for its deposits as for its notes in cir culation ; and the difficulty with our Philadel phia Banks lies not in an inability to pay their notes, but in that of paying their deposits in specie as fast as they would be called upon. If the Whigs will have another monster, af ter their experience of the last, it would be wise for them to forbid it to loan whenever its specie should not bear a certain proportion to all its indebtedness. Then it would be some what stable; and if an extra vagant rage for importation should arise, as in 1835—(i, and a large amount of public money derived from imports be deposited in the bank, instead of keeping up the mania, by lending out all this money, to importers and speculators, as was done on that occasion, a portion of it would be held in the vaults in specie, thus checking the extravagance of speculation, and furnish ing a resource for the bank, and the country, when the collapse should come on which al ways follows such a state of things. We must defer the subject of the constitu tionality of this scheme to another occasion.— Pennsylvanian, 15th inst. A National Bank. —-Whatever Whig pol iticians may say to the contrary, or however brokers and manufacturer may reason, there is a tremendous opposition to the creation of a national Bank—not only among the people, but among the most intelligent merchants in the country. At the late meeting of the New York Chamber of Commerce, sixty members were present: twenty-four of them voted against a national Bank—thirty-six in its favor. The person who headed the thirty-six was James G. King, a broker; one who is largely connected with the London bankers, with hol ders, to a large amount, of American stocks, who openly advised an assumption of the States debts by the General Government Many of the thirty-six are notorious Wall street stockjobbers, a class of men whose con sciences are as elastic as India rubber, whose hearts are as hard as the gold they handle, and whose patriotism grows in proportion as the distresses of the country increase. It was this stockjobbing league that affirmed that suffer ing should extort a National Bank ; and their pensioned presses are now gulling the people with the idea that a Natioual Bank is to restore order from the chaos that reigns at the Souffi —as though any thing short off ayiag a debt in cash, or its equivalent, could cancel it. The twenty-four v\ho voted against a National Bank are represented as among the most in telligent of the New York merchants—men who have seen, who know, who have felt, and who openly resist the evils of a National Bank —evils that are inherent in its nature, and which no legislation can avert and no guards can prevent. Such, it is well known, is a feeling with a large number of intelligent Boston merchants. Its monopolizing nature, for years, was declaimed against, as exhibited in the late National Bank, and this, too, before Jackson “removed the deposites,” or even ex ercised his “ veto ” Its gross enormities were not even dreamed of: and party anathemas, it must now be admitted, did not reach them.— Bjston Morning Post. Remedy for a Lightning Shock. —As this is the season when all are more or less liable to experience a shock from nature’s battery, the Buffalo Commercial Advertiser suggests that any person struck down by lightning, no mat ter if apparently dead, ought to be laid imme diately extended on the damp ground ; and if it do not rain upon him, water should be thrown on freely, which in most cases will con duct off the electric fljid without serious inju ry. Many a one has lost his life when knowl edge of these facts on the part of friends or bystanders, wonld have preserved it. Production and MoNEY.--The value of the annual agricultural product of the United States, fairly estimated, is secen hundred mil lions of dollars ! The whole amount of hank debts , is about five hundred millions of dollars ; and the whole amount of paper money circula tion is about one hundred millions. Now suppose, (what is certainly true,) that one-third ol the crop is a surplus production, beyond what is necessary for the comforts of life. It follows, then, as an inevitable consequence, that if the people of the United States willed it, they could pay off all the bank debts and bank circulation of the United States in less than three years. The country is, therefore, immensely wealthy, and has nothing really to fear from the temporary embarrassments of the times, occasioned, as they are, by moving a little too fast, and forgetting, for a time, past experi ence.—Cincinnati Chron. The Board of Missions of the Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States of America, is now in session in this ci*y. Bish op Elliott, of Georgia, on Wednesday evening, preached the opening sermon at St James’ Church. The business of the Board was transacted yesterday at St. Andrew’s Church. Last evening, a general meeting was held at the same place, and various interesting and eolquent addresses were made.—Phil. Amer ican. Massachusetts keeps 7000 volunteer militia under pay. What exactly are their duties and t ie rate of compensation they receive, we are I not informed. The New York Journal of Commerce of Tuesday has the following paragraph : Credit of Cities. —We have already no ticed that the Connecticut House of Repre sentatives, at itg recent session, refused to pass the bill authorising the City of Hartford to contract a loan for the benefit of the Hart ford and Springfield Railroad Company. This refusal, we learn, was caused by the opinions given by the Chief Justice of the state and another gentleman of high legal reputa tion, that the measure would be a violation of the Constitution of the State, which provides that the property of individuals shall not be taken for public purposes without an adequa:s remuneration. Contracting a city debt, the learned jurists contended, was thus taking the property of private citizens without compen sation, and that the majority of the city could have no power thus to tax and take away any portion of the property of the minority. We are told that upon these opinions some of the citizens of the cities which have contracted loans intend to resist the payment of the taxes imposed in consequence.” Suit against Nicholas Biddle. —One of the New York Journals inquires as to the pre cise nature of the suit lately instituted by the Bank of the U. S. against Mr. Biddle. It is brought to recover nearly seven hundred thou sand dollars paid out during his administration lor which no vouchers can be found, of which sum moFe than four hundred thousand dollars, it is asserted, were paid to him for purposes unknown, upon the checks of the Cashier.—. We must sustain this and every other proper effort to place the odium now heaped upon our city in general, upon the shoulders of those to whom it belongs. It is due to Phila delphia, that discrimination should be made between the innocent and the guilty, to the thousands of her upright citizens who have regarded the appalling disclosures of frauds and wrongs with an indignation exceeded in no quarter of tlio country. —Phil. N. Ameri can. The DAMAGE DONE TO THE STEAM SHIP Britannia.-- By a graphic correspondent of the Boston Morning Post we learn the lollow ing particulars of the damage done to the Britannia off Halifax in her late outward bound passage : “Sunday night was clear and fine, and on Monday morning we were running off meri ly before a south wester, witli all sail and steam. On Mouday evening, in thick, hazy weathtr, we sounded for Cape Sable, and the blue pigeon brought up in twenty fathoms of water, which was quite near enough to that place to suit my taste. We then stood our course up the coast, having a hard gale, with thunder and lightning, and a very heavy sea. The Britannia rolled tremendously, and went into the seas in such a way as to put sixty out of eighty passengers on the sick list, and also put their heads over the ‘pots and kettles., At 6 A'. M., Tuesday, we made the coast of Nova Scotia, some miles to the southward of Nambro Light, which is at the mouth of Hali fax harbor, and run slowly up the coast, in hopes to find the mouth of the harbor. At last, our signal was answered from the light hiuse, and we then attempted the entrance. As we were going rapidly along, the quick or der, “Helm a starboard!” caused me to look over the starboard quarter, and I saw a patch of rocks covered with foam, which we hardly cleared. In a lew minutes, “Helm a port!-- Back her!” was rapidly given, and again we barely cleared another reel'. The fog was ve ry thick, and as we were running slowly, we beheld a long reef of rocks, over which the foam was piling at a very pretty rate. The sharp order of “Helm a port! Stop her! Back her !” was quickly given, but it was of no avail. The ship struck broadside on, with a hard crack, which caused her to quiver from stem to stern, from truck to keilson. A favoring wave lilted her, and, the wheel being aback, she soon came off'. After backing out a few minutes, headway was put on her, and in less than ten minutes, we were approaching the very same place from which we had just es caped. “Port the helm!” shouted the cap lain. “Port it is, sir!” shouted the helmsman. The ship staggered for a moment, as if un certain what couise to takei she then slowly tripped on her heel, and wore round, leaving the hold rocks dead under our counter.— What a moment of breathful anxiety, of pain ful sol citude! It seemed as though our fate was inevilable. Had weftruck a second time, at the rate we were going, we must have sunk, as the ship would not have borne the shock ; and out of the one hundred and sixty souls on board the Britannia, not one fourth part would have been saved. During these trying circumstances, Capt. Cleland behaved like a man ; and although I think it was im prudent in running so many risks, yet I must say he did all he could to keep the ship afloat. After being in and about the breakers for over three hours, we perceived a little skiff mounting a wave and making towards us. The skipper was sixin on hoard, and tendered his services as pilot, which were gladly ac cepted ; and, under his skilful guidance, we arrived at the wharf, at 6 P. M. in nine and a half hours from Boston. On arriving, we found the Britannia was leaking badly.” From the Tuscaloosa (Ala.) Monitor, June 23. LITIGATED OASES Decided by the Supreme Court of Alabama, since our last paper. Tarlton & Bullard vs E. L. Gibson.—Error to the circuit court of Talladega. Goldth waite, J. delivered the opinion of the court, de ciding 1. Where the sheriff returns an execution that he has levied on certain slaves, but sold the same to satisfy an older execution in his hands at the same time ; he is not liable to a motion for a false return, if the facts as stated by him in his return are true, although a sum of money may remain in his hands, unappro priated alter satisfying the eldest execution. 2. Quere: Whether such a return will dis charge the sheriff from liability if proceeded against for making no return, and also wheth er it is uorhis duty, after charging himself by a levy, to shew in his return any fact which is necessary to his complete discharge. Judg ment of the court below affirmed. William Towns vs Gideon Riddle.—Error to the circuit court of Talladega county.— Goldthwaite, J. delivered the opinion of the court, deciding 1. This court will not reverse the iction of the c.rcuit court in admitting evidence out of ihe usual coarse of proceeding. The course of proceeding is aiways within the discretion of th ; court, and no reversing court can ascer tain whether a departure from the usual course .s calculated to advance or defeat the justice of the case. 2. If one co-surety to a note gives no’ ice to the piamtiff to proceed by law to collect the note, and he is discharged by the omission of the piaintiff to sue according to the notice, the principal becomes insolvent, —all the other sureties are discharged by the same omission. 3. Where a charge is correct in pointof law% although there may be no evidence to warrant the charge, the judgment will not be reversed, unless the result shew that the jury were mis led by the generality of the charge, Judgment of the court below Stone for pl’ff in error: Moody, contra. William Little, Adin’r &c. vs Richard Bcaz iy.—Error to the county court of Sumter coun ty. Goldthwaite, J. delivered the opinion of the court, deciding 1. Proven specimens of the hand writing of the defendant, cannot be given in evidence to the jury, to be compared by them with the signature to the writing the genuineness of which is controverted. Judgment of the court below affirmed, Reovis tor pl'ff m error i Jones, contra,