Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

’ TUB TI M E S' . Tho jni oil sovereignty of r'.c sUtes *OLUM BUS, JULY 1, 1841. ■ =l===: FOURTH OF JULY. T’.ic Committee appointed by the “ Colura- Guards” to make arrangements for ccle iMig the approaching Anniversary us A „_i ican Independence, (to be celebrated on ’ day tiie fifth) announce tho following as ORDER OF THE DAYt U day-break 1 gun, At sunrise, 13 guns, At 12 o’clock, 26 guns, At sunset 1 gun. i'he procession will be formed before the Ufl umrpe House, at 10 o’clock, A Al. and r iMCCCd according to order, under the com , Us N. M. C. Robinson, Esq. Marshal of Ja y f to the Methodist Church. ORDER OF I’ROCESSION 1 Music, Volunteer Companies, City Authorities, C.crg-y, Orator and Reader, judiciary and distinguished Guests, Benevolent Societies, Citizens and Strangers. The ceremonies of the day to be commenced by prayer, by the Rev. L. Pierce, after which the Declaration of Independence will be read Vy James L. Pierce, Esq. and an Oration de iVered by A. 11. Cooper, Esq. D. P. Ellis, E. R. Goulding, I). Matheyvsox, Committee. Mails.— It’the regisier of failures noted at iiie Post Office of this City, for the last five . *irs, were examined, vve doubt very much whether within that period, the failures of the Northern Mail, during the months of Ap.il, .. and June, in any one year, amount to * ne half the number which have occurred within the last three months. As the irregularity of the mails was one of the grounds of opposition to the last Admin istration, and their regularity one of the re lorms promised under the present, the Post Master General ought, at least, to keep even, if he can do no belter. is the debate the other day, respecting a . .ovisionfor the family of Gen. Harrison, Mr. buiutners of Virginia, in advocating the ap propriation of $25,000 —characterised the eulogy of Gen. Cass, at Paris, on the charac ter of Gen. Harrison, as a tardy acknowledge ment of the merits and virtues of the late President—and seemed to decline the use of tire eulogy as authority in favor of General Harrison. Mr. Summers must have some acquaintance with the fact of the inattention of Gen. Cass, for a long period past, towards General Harrison—'‘the man he respected— Vit General in whom he had full confidence, me friend to whom he was strongly attached, and whom, now dead, he shall never cease to regret.” We recommend to the attention cf our reader-, two article?, on our first page, on the subject of Abolition—ona from the Louisville Advor'is-er —and tire other from the Philadel phia Spirit of the Times, a paper which ascer tains and dissects facts with uncommon bold ness and truth. With these facts before him, (if they are satisfactorily established,) will Mr. Tyler send to the Senate for confirmation, the name of the present incumbent of the Phila delphia Post Office ! Mr*. Finn’s ingenious Exhibition of Fancy Class Blowing, has just commenced in this City, and from th^celebrity of the Artist, we have no doubt of his success. Provision for the family of General Harrison —On the passage of the law giv~ ing to the family of the late President, $25,- 000 the vote in the House of Representa stood yeas 122 —nays 68. On looking al the vote, we perceive that the Georgia Delegation were ranged thus : For tkv appropriation, Messrs. Gamble, King, Meriwether and Warren. Against it, none. Messrs. Alford, Dawson, Foster, Haber sham and Nesbit, were absent from the House, or „:d not vote. The absence of so many of our Delegation at the particular moment the vote was taken, would scarcely seem to have been accidental. If these gentlemen really doubted the constitutionality of the measure, or questioi ed its propriety as a precedent, or on the score of justice, they ought to have so said by their votes, and not shrunk from res ponsibility. fr THE DIFFERENCE OF VIEWS AND PURPOSE DISCERNIBLE NOW ? Several weeks since, our readers will doubt * a recollect, we made some remarks rela tive to the Abolition prepossessions of Mr. anger, the present Post Master General. V.'o leferred particularly to his conduct, when a member of Congress, on the consideration of the resolution of Mr. Pinckney, of South Carolina ; and endeavored to show—and thought we succeeded in so doing—that Mr. Granger’s design was no otherwise different from that of gentlemen in the same body, whose Abolition partialities seemed to be gen cw.k/ conceded. Tuo Columbus Enquirer thought that great injustice was done to Mr. Granger, who had been pronounced by that paper “ to be free of tne least taint, or suspicion of even a leaning towards the abominable heresy” (abolit.on.) It mentioned, among other things, in exculpa tion of Mr. Granger, that Gen. Glascosk had pursued the saine line of conduct in reference to the Pinckney resolution, and had, in conse quence of his course upon that resolution, been supported for re-election by both parties in Georgia. This was very true. But the difference in the motives and designs of the two individuals was perfectly apparent, and we thought distinctly recognized. Not so w:'.h the Enquirer— at least, for party purpo ses, and to extricate itself from a dilemma into which it had run by its indiscriminate support of e ‘ thing and every body connected with t-'io present Administration—it did not choose • acknowledge the distinction of thought and I irposeof the two gentlemen, although found voting together. That the Enquirer did not actually see that distinction as clearly as our uslves, we shall not do it the injustice to state. Another instance of a similar kind his pre- \ sented itself, and we are certain the Enquirer j will now readily recognize the difference, be- i cause, upon this occasion, if it did not, the i consistency anJ integrity of a joltllcal friend might be compromitted. Oa the question of the adoption of the resolution of Mr. fetuarU which, as we have state 1 in another part oi I tliis paper, was designed to avoid, any discus sion o*, or decision on the abolition dispute, at I the extra session, among the nays are found I the names of Messrs. Adams and Alford. Now ! , ve suppose the most superficial observer will readily d.scern the entirely dissimilar motives which governed these individuals in uniting them against the resolution of Mr. Stuart.— Both, it is true, desired the final settlement of the abolition question, at mice, and without delay— but did they agree as to the disposition to be made of it l Did not Mr. Adams desire the immediate acknoicledgcment of the right of petition on this subject ? Did not Mr. Al ford as strenuously insist upon the immediate acknowledgement of the inability of Congress to receive these petitions ! And yet, accor ding to the logic of the Enquirer, in the case of Messrs. Granger and Glascock, Messrs- Adams and Alford must necessarily have en tertained congenial feelings on the subject of Abolition, because tiiey voted against the pro position of Mr. Etuart. CHATTAHOOCHEE R. ROAD AND BANK ING COMPANY. We direct attention to the following no tice : “NOTICE.—The Stockholders .f the Chatta hoochee Kail Road and Banking Company of Geor gia, are respectfully invited to assemble at the Bank ing H >use in Columbus, on the lOi h day of July next at 9 o'clock A. M. upon important business. ALLEN G. BASS, Ju'y 1 Acting for the Cashier.’’ What the “impor! ant business” is, we can only conjecture, arid placing a favorable con struction on tbe object and intention of the call, we are induced to believe that an exhi bit of the affairs of the Bank is to be made, and measures adopted to enlighten bill-holders and tho creditors of the Bank, as to the real value of its notes, and the character and a mount of its assets—and, probably, to place its atiairs in train of speedy liquidation. This course is demanded by the public voice—by a proper regard to justice and hon or. The notice of the Acting Cashier pub lished by us last week, failed utterly to ac complish one of its objects—an assurance of safety to the creditors of the Bank—because notwitstanding that notice, its notes have been selling in this City at ruinous sacrifices- Nothing short of a distinct arid full statement of the present condition of the C. R. R.&, B. C. made directly to the public, to enable each man to judge for himself—or the submission of its concerns to the examination and consid eration of disinterested parties, and through them to the public, will satisfy the community, or acquit the Direction of its duty in the pre mises. If injury has been done, if deplorable losses have resulted, and must result from tiie failure of the Bank, it is inexcusable now to aggravate that injury and those losses, by de lay in submitting to the public the condition of the Bank. Besides, there may be, and probably are, great misapprehensions abroad, respecting the indebtedness of individuals to the Institution; and time and distance will necessarily lend strength and force to these misapprehensions* In any aspect of the subject, therefore, it is desirable to spread before the public, an exact and complete statement of its present situa tion, and its past actings and doings. There are rumors likewise, that creditors have been preferred—that its available assets, or a large portion of them, have been surrendered to in. demnify a large creditor, in the person of an other Banking*lnstitution, (the Bank of Co lumbus.) These rumors, and thousands like them, are abroad, and spreading and extending with the rapidity of lightning. In this matter, we entertain no unkind feel ings, nor have wo liny improper objects in view- We believe tho course suggested by us will be of service to the public, and perhaps avert some of the losses which would otherwise accrue ; and correct, also, many of the unfa vorable reports in circulation respecting the indebtedness of particular individuals, connec ted with the Bank. If statements bearing the marks of authenticity, are entitled to notice, we are warranted in saying that, however the result may induce the belief of great misman agement, (or of emissions to manage,) on the part of the President and Directors of the C. R. R. and B. C.yet the indebtedness of any or of all these individuals combined, is a mere trifle—a drop in the bucket—an amount which can be extinguished in 24 hours. If these re deeming features exist in the management of the Bank, let the community know if, that improper odium may not attach where it is not merited. The failure, as we remarked last week, is an unfortunate one—unfortunate in every as pect in which it may be considered—but as it is a failure, let all be done which the circuni stances es the case require—and let the thou sand rumors which prevail and are spreading, detrimental both to the Bank and individuals, be verified in all their length and breadth—or be properly and distinctly explained. The Enquirer of yesterday, remaiks that reports unfavorable to the Banks of this City, and particularly to the Planters and Mechan ics Bank, are in circulation, ai a distance.— I his was a natural consequence after the lailure ol one of these Institutions —and doubts o! the stability of the Planters and Mechanics Bank particularly, have arisen probably from tiie recent change in the Presidency of that Institution. The public mind is now so exci ted with respect to Banks and Banking, which added to the fact that the Banks here are in a stale ot suspension, that any occurrence connected with them, although it be onlv the change of a Bank Officer, for reasons wholly and sconnected with the Bank, its management, or its solvency, attracts notice, and engenders suspicions. We think, however, we are warranted in saying (at least such is the universal opinion here, and we are in possession of no facts au thorizing us to question its correctness,) that the Banks of this City, now in good wi 1 maintain that credit, keep their bills at par, and save their creditors harmless, inde pendent o! the universal impression here to which we have just alluded, nereis another entitled to weight, and that ought to have its just influence in determining opinion abroad, on the subject. The undoubted solvency and large means of the individuals managing these institutions, afford some guarantee, we think, that the Banks will not he allowed to retrograde from where they now eland, be * C us', were th<y to permit any detriment to happen to the community, through their mis management, or the non-use of their credit, public odium would attacii to them in a man ner and to a degree by no means enviable. We make these suggestions, because our duty to our readers and patrons requires it— and however much we may desire a'reform in the Banking system—it is nevertheless proper that we should submit to them now facts and opinions as we entertain them, and as vve understand them to be, r spectlng ihtse Institutions, in our own neighborhood, and ilieir present condition, without reference to the course it may be necessary and desirable to pursue hereafter with respect to them. PROCEEDINGS AT TIIE EXTRA SESSION OF CONGRESS ON THE SUBJECT OF AB OLITION MEMORIALS. It is not improbable that many of our read ers may not understand ‘.be precise action of Congress, at its present meeting, on the sub ject of Abolition memorials —and in order to make the matter perfectly intelligible to them? it will only be necessary to remind them of tiie position in which the present Congress found the subject, at its convention on the 31st day of Mayllas,s f , and of the attitude the same subject has now assumed, it having been final ly acted on, for the period us the Extra Ses sion. The following resolutions introduced into tho IlouSe of Representatives, of the last Congress, by the Hon. W. C. Johnson, of Ma ryland, and adopted afier a stormy debate, were incorporated among the rules of the House, and constituted the 21st rule, for tho govern ment of that body. Resolved, That upon the presentation of any memorial or petition preying lor the aboli tion of slavery or the slave trade in any Dis trict, Territory, or State of the Union, and upon the presentation of any resolution or paper touching that subject, the reception oi such memorial, petition, resolution or paper shall be considered as objected to, and the question of its reception shall be laid on the table wiihaut debate or further action there on. Resolved, That no memorial, petition, reso. lution or other paper praying for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, or any State or Territory, or the slave trade between the States or Territories of the United States, ii> which it now exists, shall be received by this House, or entertained in any way what ever. At the opening of the present session of Congress, a motion was made by a member oi the House of Representatives to adopt the rules of the last, for the government of this House. Mr. John Quincy Adams moved to amend by striking out the 2 Is’ rule, as con tiicting with his views of the right of petition- The amendment of Mr. Adams prevailed — thus opening the door for the reception of ab olition memorials. Four members only from the slaveholding State s , voted for the amend ment of Mr. Adams—Messrs. Butts and Stu art of Virginia; Mr. Underwood of Kentucky > and Mr. Randall of Maryland. It may not be amiss to remark that these four gentlemen are supporters of the existing Administration. A reconsideration of the vote on the amend ment of Mr. Adams was moved, and after ve ry elaborate efforts from Mr. Wise, (a State Rights Whig,) and'Mr.lngersoll, of Pennsyl vania, (a Democrat.) the motion to reconsider prevailed. lt is necessary to mention, at this point ol our statement, that the select Gomm.ttee on the Rules had, previously to the reconsidera tion on the amendment of Mr. Adams, report ed a'proposition, which was adopted by the House. That proposition reads thus : “Upon the presentation of petitions and other papers on subjects not specially referred to the consideration of the House in the mes sage of the President at the opening of tiie present extra session, objection to the recep tion shall be considered as made, and the ques tion of reception shall be laid upon the table. This rule to be considered only in force during the present session. Petitions and,other pa pers lor or against a bankrupt law to be ex cepted from the operation of this rule. “ ihe action of all committees on ail sub jects not specially referred to the consideration of the House in the message of the President shall be suspended during the present session: this suspension not to apply to business be fore the Committee of Elections, of Ways and Means, on Accounts, and on Mileage, nor, If the House shall so determine, to tho sub ject of a general bankrupt law.” As the acting President had made no refer ence, in his message, to the subject of slavery, or the efforts to interfere with it, by means of abolition memorials—the proposition adopted by the House, independent of the operation of the 21st rule, and without reference to its ex istence or non-existence as one of the Rules —debarred any . action on the part of the House, with regard to these memorials. In this stage of the proceeding—after the adoption by the House of the proposition just stated—after the reconsideration of the vote on the amendment of Mr. Adams, and while the question was pending whether the 21st rule should, or should not be adopted as cue of the rules of the present House of Repre sentatives—Mr. Stuart of Virginia, who had voted to rescind the 21st rule, submitted the following resolution: Resolved, That the rules and orders of the last House of Representatives, not superse ded by any rule or resolution adopted at the present session, now in force, Ic, and the same are hereby, adopted for the regulation of the House at the present session ; and that the Select Committee upon the Rules hereto fore raised proceed to revise and amend the rules heretofore adopted, and they have leave to report at all times. This resolution, it will be perceived, in con junction with the proposition, just stated, and which had been adopted, excluded, for the present session, all larther debate or action on Abolition -memorials, and left their receotion by the House an open qutsticn to be settled at the meeting of Congress, on the first Monday in next December. Objections to this disposition of the subject were made by many Southern members, who urged the final settlement of the queston of reception, without delay, either for, or against the right claimed by the Abolitionists. In tiie course of the debate on the adoption of the resolution of Mr, Stuart, the following remarks were made. Mr. Nesoit here alluded to the important business for which the House was called to gether. lie stated that the Northern Whigs, with the exception of Mr. Adams, had met the Southern Whigs half way. In the course ot his remarks he alluded to the head and heart of Mr. Adams. Mr. Adams asked if the gentleman was in order, in alluding to his “heal and heart” Mr. Nesbit was willing to go for the prop osition oi the gentleman from Virginia, and proceed to the important business of the House, and rene wed the previous question. Mr. lUictt rose anil stated that he should oppose the taking of tho previous question, as, after having spent sixteen days in the discus sion of the abolition question, it was necessary hat the question should be settled now for two year., at least. He renounced the idea that the minority had a desire to distract the action of the majority. He, for one, denied that he was operated upon by any such dispo sition. Mr. Alford followed on the same side, in re marks of considerable length and warmth, and hoped that all Members from the South would vote against the previous question. Mr. Pickens, in an able speech, opposed the puttiug the previous question. Mr. Habersham)followed on the same sidb of tiie question, but should vote for the prop osition of the gentleman from Virginia, when it came up, because he considered it a com promise. Mr. Gamble was in favor of the previous question, and would not be dragooned into a vote. Mr. Gilmer was opposed to precipitate ac tion. It was necessary that the important question which was agitating this House should be settled, consequently he should vote against the previous question. Mr. Stuart said that it appeared lie was misapprehended. He considered it a ques tion of time, rot one of principle, lie pro posed to settle the question for one session ; other gentlemen proposed to settle it for three session?, not f.raver, as some had expressed a wish. xMr. Wise Ejected to the previous question, because it would lead to battle and to war; and the proposition of his colleague was a pledge to meet those who were desirous for this conflict. Mr. Wise had not taken his ground without due consideration. He knew his rights, and being informed of them, he was willing and determined to maintain them. He denied that Southern Whigs pre vented the organization of the House. North ern Whigs had said, hy their votes on tins floor, that this House should not be organized without omitting or rejecting the 21st Rule. The vote wes finally taken, and the resolu tion of Mr. Stuart adopted—yeas 119—nays 193. Thus the 21st rule excluding abolition memorials having been rescinded—the recep tion of these memorials is postponed, for the period of the extra session, by the adoption o* a proposition restricting the business of the House to the subjects embraced in tin mes sage of the President. As it. may be matter of interest to our read ers to understand how the Delegation from Georgia stood on the subject, we will state in conclusion that Messrs. Dawson, Foster, Gam ble, Habersham, Nosbit and VVarren, voted *for the resolution of Mr. Stuart—-and. Messrs Al ford, King and Meriwether against it. Mr. Tyler and a Banx.— The Washing ton correspondent of die Savannah Georgian) under dale of June !sth, and whose letlei will be lound on our first page, sa vs of Mr. Tyler, that‘ ; he will not sign me Bank Charter proposed by Mr. Ewing, under the title of “Fiscal Agent,”—at least he has distinctly said so to three Members of Congress, whose words may be relied upon with confidence.” If this be correct, what becomes of Mr. Clay’s Bank B 11, in t he event of its passage? “WHO ARE RESPONSIBLE.” Under the above caption, tbe Richmond Whig of the 22d of June thus concludes a very boisterous article : Once more, by these wily Loco gentry, the House is thrown into the maelstrom,of an in terminable Abolition debate. Monday week another vote was taken, resulting in the adop tion of Fornance's morion to reconsider, by a majority of two out of t\>. o hundred and ten votes—the Locos going in solid column for it. Thus the Northern Locos, for party ends, shifted sides and voted for the restoration of a rule which they had just voted against. Can their treacherous purpose be mistaken ! The motive for this conduct is too obvious. It evinces so clearly the anarchical designs of the Van Buren minority, to resort to every species of legislative trick to embarrass the proceedings, protract the discussion, and de feat the action of Congress upon tiie salutary measures which would be brought up, that ice have no hesitation in holding them responsible for these wicked delays. Will not the nation ex pel them the councils cf the country / In the same paper, in a neighbouring col umn, wo find the following among tho pro ceedings of the House of Representative?. Mr. Andrew Kennedy repelled the imputa tion of the gentleman from Kentucky that tho House was kept hi a slate of disorganization. Let tho Whig majority of fifty leave this House, and the Democratic party would show that they had purity and principle enough leit to organize this House. Mr. Cushing accepted the imputation of the gentleman from Indiana. It was the fault cf the Whig party that legislation was not pro gressed in. He was willing to proceed in the business proposed for the action of this House in the message of the President, under parlia mentary law, under which Select Committees can be appointed, to take into consideration various subjects, of the message, and digest them for the action of this House. It. appears that the statements of the Whig and Mr. Cushing do not harmonize. Whose representations on the subject are to be cred ited, those of the violent and unscrupulous editor of the Richmond Whig—or those of an individual equally decided in his party pre ferences—an eye witness of the occurrences de tailed—and who occupies a prominent and in fluential position in the body of which lie is a member ! From the ChurUston Courier. June 24. BEAUTIES OF MODERN LEGISLATION. We copy the following from a report in the National intelligencer of certain proceedings on Wednesday, in the lower house of Con gress, to show up, iu real life, what is almost hourly enacting among the political gladiators of the day, in that degraded political bear gar den, Mr. Winthrop said that, if he had been called upon to vote fifteen minutes ago, when this question was first moved, he should cer tainly have voted against it. He had raised a point of order in relation to it at the outset. And “e begged leave to say with ail due re spect for the Chair, that he had not withdrawn has appeal from the decision of the Chair, be cause lie acquiesced in its correctness. It was rather because he was unwilling to in volve the House in another of those contro versies on points of order which so much re sembled certain controversies described bv Milton ; where - — ; Chaos sits umpire, Anil by deeirtun mure embroils ihe iruy ; — Next him, high arl/her, Chance governs ail.” But he had other objections, besides those of order to the previous question at the pres ent time. The honorable member from North Carolina, who addressed the House for two or three hours this morning, (-Mr. Rayner,) had appealed repeatedly to the members from Massachusetts to say how far they endorsed the doctrines of their colleague, (Mr. Adams.) Air. \Y. desired to have replied (as to his cer tain knowledge did some others ot his col leagues) that while he certainly dissented in some respects from the doctrines of his ven erable colleague, he dissented still more from the doctrines of the gentleman from North Carolina. But, said Mr. W. when I reflect on the deep disgacc to this nation, ami the even deeper disappointment to the People, which will re sult from any further exhibition in this House of such scenes of disorganization and confu sion t.s have been displayed here for a fortnight past, I am unwilling to give any vote which will defer for another hour, much less for an other day, a decision upon the question before us. I shall waive, therefore, all objections to the motion, and go with my friends in its sup port. The question on the demand for the previ ous question being then taken, there was a second. The main question was ordered to be tak en. Mr. Wise asked a division of the question on the proposition of Mr. Rayner, to end with the words, “until otherwise ordered.” The Speaker said that, under the Parlia mentary law, a majority of the House would be required to order a division. Air. Chapman asked the yeas and nays on making the said div.sion ; which were order ed, and being taken, were—yeas 89, nays 125. So the House refused to order the division. After some conversation—. Mr. Rhett asked the yeas and nays on the main question ; which were ordered. And the main question (being on the amend ment or substitute of Mr. Rayner) was then taken. Before the vote was announced— Mr. Profit rose and said that there were four gentlemen from the slaveholding States who had manifested great anxiety on this sub ject, and who would not vote. He should, therefore, be put to the trouble of publishing their names. [Cries of “order, order.”] [Note by the Reporter.—This list of names was not furnished to the Reporter in time lor publication in this day’s paper.] The Speaker announced the vote to be as follows : Yeas 90, nays 103. So the amendment of dir. Rayner was re ceived. And question recurring on the original res olution of Mr. Wise, as amended by the pro position of Mr. Adams—. Mr. Rayner moved to amend the same by striking out all after the word “Resolved,” and inserting the following: “That the Rules and Orders of the last House of Representatives be adopted as the Rules and Orders ot this House, until other wise ordered ; and that a committee of nine members be appointed by the Speaker, under the said rules, to reserve, amend, aud report on the same.” Air. Wise demanded the previous question. Mr. Stanly saidthere had been trifling enough already. lie moved to lay the resolution on the table Mr. Fillmore inquired of the Chair, what would be the effect of the motion to lay on the table, should it prevail .* Would it take the whole subject with it? The Speaker said it would. Air. Fillmore. Then we shall be without ruies. Air. Stanly. Well, where are we now! Air. Weller asked the yeas and nays on the motion to lay the resolution on the table. Various questions.of order wore raised, in relation to which Alessrs. Underwood, Win throp, Pendleton, Triplett, Wise, and Rayner were severally on the floor. Air. Stanly withdrew his motion to lay the resolution on the table. And the question recurring on the demand for the previous question, there was a second. And Ihe main question was ordered to be taken. Mr. Centry called for a division of the question, first on striking out, then on insert ing, &.C. But Air. G. withdrew the motion. Air. Stanly renewed it. Mr. Turney asked the yeas and nays or. making the division; which was refused. And the question being taken, the House refused to order the division. And the ‘ question recurring on the main question (being on striking out all after the word “Resolved,” and inserting the proposition of Air. Raynor)- Air. Rhett asked the yeas and nays ; which were ordered, and being taken, were yeas 194, nays 197. So the amendment of Air. Rayner was re jected. And the question again recurring on the original resolution ox Mr. Wise as amended by the proposition of Air. Adams, in the words following: Resolved, That a committee of nine mem bers be appointed to revise, amend, and report rules for the government of this House, and that until such committee make report, and ihe same be finally acted upon, the ruies and orders of the last House of Repre reseatatives, except the 21st, shall be consid ered as the rules and orders of this House. Air. Bods moved the previous question there on. And there was a second. Air. Wise asked the yeas and nays on or dering the main question, which were ordered, and taken were yeas 111, nays 99. So the House decided that the main ques tion should bo now taken. Air. Wise asked the yeas and nays on the main question, which were ordered. And the mam question being on the adop tion of the original resolution) was then ta ken. Before the vote was announced, a number of gentlemen rose and desired that their names might be called. Mr. Stanly wished to inquire of the Chair whether these gentlemen were changing their votes. If so, he should like to know it. Air. Wise, Order. I call the gentleman to order. Mr. Stanly. I don’t care if you do. [A voice/ Put him out.] Mr. Staniy. Try it, boys. [Loud cries of order—order.] The Speaker called the House to order. Mr. Stanly, i shall submit my inquiry to the Chair, let who will call out order. Is it, in order, Mr. Speaker, to ask if these gentle men have changed their votes 1 [Great noise in the Hall.] Messrs Wise and Gilmer called Mr. Stan, ]y to order. ‘Mr. Speaker said the gentleman from North Carolina, (Mr. Stanly) had a right, to put an inquiry to the Chair, if it was proper for in formation. Mr. Stanley. I inquire, then, whether these gentlemen changed their votes ? Mr. Wise. I ask the speaker if that inquiry is in order! The Speaker said it was not, Mr Wise. Order. Mr. Stanley. Order back again. The Speakei called both gentlemen to or der and then announced the votes Yeas 100, nays lit). So the original resolution was rejected, the House stood adjourned to where it did Monday noon of May til ! A beautiful specimen in modern legislation ! To the Elinors ut ihe National Intelligencer: Washington, June 17, 1841. Messrs. Gales & Seaton.—The Intelligen cer of this morning, in giving a sketch oi trie debate of yesterday upcu the propriety of the previous question on Mr. Stuart’s proposition, notices my request that a report of my repiv to air. Marshall should be postponed, in order that it might be accurate. Umoie I proceed tc give an accurate report ol that reply, permit me to say that the report of my reply to Mr. Stuart is very, inaccurate and incomplete, that Mr. Marshall’s remarks are “not acurately re ported, and that the sketch oi the debate in that part between Mr. Stanley and myself is very incorrect. Mr. Stanley called me his person al, anu not his political friend, ‘lor,’he said, ‘al ter the. gentleman’s declaration a few minutes since, (alluding to the reply to Mr. Marshall,) I do not recognise him as a political friend Ho said “I discia m him.” Aly reply to Air. Stanley was, “l have nothing to do in tlia* respect with the gentleman, for 1 have never claimed him politically ” He then said he had excommunicated me first. Now niyreply to Air. Mar;hall wag tills: “The gentleman told \is the other day that he was accused at home of being an abolition.s . Let no one be surprised then at his calling me ultra on this subject. Again, sir, lie ac cused some gentlemen of the bad motive to make confusion in our proceedings from the evidence of having changed their votes. Tins cannot apply tome, for I have at no time ever changed my vote. l>u f , sir, the gentleman should have been cautious in laying tins trap for the consciences of others, for by the same evidence, he may be caught in his own trap. The gentleman changed Ins votes.” [Here Alr explained, by saying that he alluded to those gentleman who after giving their vote on one side of the same question, changed to the other] Mr. Wise proceeded : “ Now, sir, it so happened there were gentle men on both sides who did this very thing; and the gentleman himself*after voting for my proposition at the beginning, changed in foj-ty eight hours, and is now, as 1 consider, in op position to his tivst vote. But, sir, 1 did not intend to notice these points of the gentleman’s remarks; there is something else of more im portance which the gent.email said, and w inch t desire notice. He said that ‘the present Pres ident of the United States was elecleJ by the act of God not by the voice of the not at least, bv h.s constituents; that Kentucky voted for Old Tip. All! sir, does Kentucky look with a jaundiced eye upon the present President of the United States! S,.r, it was I who said that the present President ot the United States was elected by the Constitution, by voice of the People, and by the act ot God, which no man lamented mere than 1 did. l)o any now envy his position and his power? Sir, the gentleman said, ‘lf there be any gen tleman here who for any pu'pose desires to, become ihegreat architect of mischief by-falling ; back and becoming the leader of the enemy to j create confusion, he ought to be counteracted a; and put down-’ And now, sir, in reply, l have to say, that if there be any gentlemen com bined for the greatest of ail mischiefs, thecon version of tho Whig party into the coalition cf 1828—the palming again upon this country I the union of Kentucky and Atassachusetis—- [ the union ct a name in th.s House (Air. Adams) with that of another elsewhere, as they and their friends were united, 1 tor one, will hunt for republicans wherever lean find them.” The Intelligencer will please publish the above by inserti-g this letter entire : with the explicit declaration that my meaning was aid is, ,i cordial concurrence in the sentiment ot Mr. Cushing, that the Whig party should unite in a sincere support ot the Administration of John Tyler, and keep itself free from fac tions inimical to that Administration. Hint position 1 mean steadfastly to preserve ; and am, very respectfully, yours, HENRY A. WISE. From the Richmond Enqimer. June -2. CASE OF McLEOD. We adopt the opinions which ‘‘Dinwiddle” expresses. Wo consider Air. \\ ebstei s course as cowering in its spirit; and his letter to Air Fox, as touching new issues, which a discreet Diplomatist ought to have avoided.— Mr. Webster should have said only, that “ Air. Forsyth had explained the true position of th case, and that he was disposed to change it — that McLeod was in the hands of the State of New York, charged before her tribunals with violating her laws, and that lie must have hrai there, to the institutions ct’ Ids country —that McLeod would have full justice done him—and that the plea put in by Great Britain, that the act was assumed by her Gov ernment, would constitute a lair argument be fore the Judiciary of New York, and would have its due weight —that even if the Govern ment of the United States had any right to interfere with the legitimate authorities ot Ne.v York, it could scarcely be induced lo interfere, because of the continued evasion of Great Britain to do justice, and because of her present peremptory aqd unqualified de mand for the surrender of McLeod,” &c., &c. The course of Air. Webster, however, lias been far otherwise, lie has repelled the de mand cf Great Britain with no sort of digni ty. He has manifested an indecent haste in complying with her demand. The broad po sition he has taken is untenable. The British attack on tho Caroline was either an act o war, or it was not. It it was an act ot war upon us, (imperfect state of war, as Air. Rives considers it,) then McLeod is a prisoner of war, and ought to be held by us, until Great | Britain had done us justice lor the attack.— But if not .an act of war upon us on the pari of Great Britain then McLeod is charged with doing us an injury, in time of peace, tor which, according to VaLlel and according to the laws of New York, he ought to answer to the of fended laws of our country. There is another point in Air. Webster’s course, which seems liable to strong doubts and strong objections. Is it so certain, as his instructions to Mr. Crittenden assume, that a writ of error does lie fiom a judgment of the State Courts, to the Supreme Court of the U. S. in a criminal prosecution. l The highest Court of Virginia has denied this jui-isdic tion, even with reference to a civil suit. Is it so certain then, that convict, adjudged guilty of a flagitious crime against a Stale can be wrested from tho penalty of his guilt, by the strong arm of the Federal Judiciary ! Is not the right to punish otfendeis against the civil code, an attribute of sovereignty reserved to the Stikcs? We do not thirst for tha blood of McLeod. Far from it. On the contrary, we hope the man has told the truth to the British Con sul—that he can sustain an alibi —and that lie may be acquitted. But we have no idea ol yielding one atom of our rights or cur reputa tion to the peremptory demands of the most arrogant nation in Christendom —a nation, who will only increase her demands with every new concession and every new success—and who will assume now airs upon the faith oi her recent victory over the miserable Chinese. We should indeed carry out the maxim of Gen. Jackson—“asking nothing but what was right, submitting to nothing that is wrong”—a max im, which has been so happily expressed in another torm, by Mr. lyier *. Correspondence ol the Savannah Georgian. Washington; June 16. It is said that Mr. Tyler has p amly indica icd ins intention of being a candidate lor liie Presidential Chair iri 1841, and i am led to believe that there is some truth in the state ment, from the contused slam the elements * I the Whig party seem to be in at present. Those who have heretofore been in the baba ol’ leading their., are now regarded in the biibtof followers, and the Stale of Kentucky reigns triumphant in Loth Houses, as a dicta tor to Mr. Tyler. Nor are hints and inuen does forgotten by the Clayiles in allusion to the ‘'accident” which placed the present in cumbent in office—and 1 have beaid several conspicuous Whigs openly declare that noth ing could be expected from one who was merely taken up as a blit for the South, to lull Ihe slaveholders. The Conservatives, 100, whine at Mr. Talimadge’s ill luck, and you will find a paragraph going the rounds, praising his patriotism, Sac. for declining to be considered a candidate a t the Harrisburg Con vention lor Vice President—which, if he had accepted, would have made him President. This remark, I take it, is rather unkind to Mr. Tyler. Another Executive session of the Senate: was held yesterday. Nothing ivasdone, save j tiie reference (((’certain nominations to C>m-| mil tees, which is the customary course. Af ter they report, action is held on the confirm-’ alien or rejection oi the appoint munis. A g iat many candidates for ufllee are about tbft Capitol daily, and Consulships seem to be in the greatest demand. F.pes Sergeant, a youthful poetaster, who writes fulsome adula tions of Mr. Tyler and his Cabine", and stronu Whin letters tor a neutral paper, called the “New World” in New York, has been fawning on all the great men here for the last six months, in order to get a Legationship or something of the sort. New York, Philadel phia, anil Boston furnish a host of this char* acter if gentry —some of whom are nearly out at tlie elbows, and may be seen daily at Hotel poiticoes, looking “Like patience 0:1 a monument.” REMARKS OF MR. ALFORD, ON RESCINDING THE 21ST RULE OF THE HOUSF. Air. Alford of Georgia hoped he should le permited to submit the few re mark she wished to offer, without interruption, particularly as he meant to say what he had to say in the cool est and most dispassionate manner. It had been a rule with him throughout life, when ever he considered himself as in imminent danger personally or politically, to keep his mind in as cool a state as possible. He hoped the motion for the previous question would not be sustained. It he rightly understood the resolution offered by the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. Stuart,] the rules of order were not left by it in as safe condition, as they had been by the resolution of the gentleman from Maryland on his right, [Air. W. C. Johnson.] He wished to know whether it was the understanding of the Chair and of the House that, by this resolution, the 21st rule of order was excluded ! Mr. Stuart replied that the gentleman from Georgia must judge for himself whether that rule would Le excluded or not, because he must judge lor himself what had been adopted by the House a the present si ss on. A. r Ssr ■ solution proposed that all rules adopted by the last Congress should remain in force save so much ol tnem as was superseded by the action of the House at the present session. He would read the resolution, that the gentleman might judge of its import. (Here Air. S. read the resolution moved by him] For himsalf, lie considered the 21st rule us having been thus superseded. Air. Alfor 1 resumed. Then I consider it my most solemn duty to oppose the proposi tion of the gentleman from Yiiginia. It is my sworn duty. I have once pledged myself to my constituents, under oath and I could not forego this couisq though the dome of this Capuul should crumble on my head. I can accept of no compromise. 1 shall be satisfied with nothing short of an act of the House absolutely rejecting the resolution. I hope the House will not organize itself until this matter is settled. I trust t hat every man whose heart is true to the South and who has supported the resolution of the gentleman from Miijylaac!, never, will yield one inch until the A.h rule shall have been re-established. I hold it to be of all questions the most vitally important, What was the condition of things when I came here 1 That 21st rule had been established by a vote of the House—the ques tion of Abolition had died. Air. Everett, here called Mr. Alford to order, observing that he could not debate the main question after tho previous question had been moved. The Chair decided that Mr. Alford must con, fine iiiiuseli to remarks on the previous ques-* tion. Mr. Alford. Very well; I know perfectly that if that gentleman had power over me I should not proceed at all. 1 frankly confess that ali I hope for is suspended on the expec, tationthat ihe South will stand firm and con sent to no compromises ; that those who sup ported the resolution of the gentleman from Maryland will slick to their integrity, and not assent to any of this palelnvoik. We stand here isolated and alone on the sure and stable rockoi S .ate Rights. i hope we shall not-throw ourselves into ihe arms of either party, and „hat I shall never see the glory and honor of the constitutional rights of my country con-, verted into a football for mere party play. But they r have been made such. Whenever the South lias given way, Southern rights have been sacrificed. Here are gentlemen on both sides declaring their assent that abolition petitions shall Le received, Now, I say that if you exclude the 21st rule it is nothing to us that you grant us a short respite during the extra session of this most extraordinary Congress. What! shall wo submit to accept of a resolution which tells us that Abolition memorials may be received m future after a short respite of a few weeks ?—= Is that the compromise proposed to us? And shall we be satisfied because we are told wo may rest quiet for Jt moment ? What is tho language it addresses to the South ? “ Judg ment is gone against the Constitution, and udgment of deat h is gone against y-ou, but lo perfectly quiet, you shall not he executed un, il next session : we are going to give away the public lands, lo establish a Bank, and to extend tho tariff, ar.d if you work well in the fills you may live to-day bqt to-morrow you die. Let this 21st rule be rescinded, let the blood of the Constitution flow round your feet; let it perish, and all Southern rights with ifisldlyou shall have peace fora moment; and can you reject tins? No gentlemen suppose we are going to submit. Now is the day and now is the hour—it is with the South tho darkest hour of all, and if there is one singlo man that lias the soul of his fathors in him, ho will stand firm to tire death. From the London and Paris Ladies’ Mrg;*ic of Fasliio i. FASHIONS FO.I JFNE, Fourlards are very fashionable this season, and seem quite to replace the moufselines do laine; they are chines, the taffetas de chine is a.so a most useful material, and is made in stripes and various patterns, and shades of every color ; watered silks are also very fashionable. Muslins and organdy are ornamented with inlets and embroidery en ta blier or echelle. lledingotos of muslin are also much ornamented by inlets. With these dresses the sleeves ate of modeiate fulness j with deep wristbands ; the make of sleeves depends on the material; there are three styles principally used : if of silk or thick material they are tight, tbe top variously ornamented j for muslin or light material, the demi gigots and the Altadis are used. The redingoto form lot body and the tight half-high corsage are ! very fashionable for morning wear; in eve i iiing dress the corsage grand’ mere, corsage a Ila Niobe and ala Yierge. Flounces, tucks, ! b'.ais, ruches, gimp trimming, also vary with ! the material. For walking dresses, scarfs or tail etas giaces of light colors have three folds on the shoul ders', and hack confined by hands qt gimp. -Muslin scarfs are withembroider.es a jours, or with inlets. Black lace -carls are lashtonable, ! as also those of filet. Fichus and cannezousarc very much worn , 1 some arc with short sleeves, and form a pretty finish to a silk dress. Summer mantele's of I „:.,k or blue Jevantine glace with white and lined taffetas, are trimmed all round with pink i and white gimp, and fringes of the same color. ; Mantelets of embroideted muslin are lined with pink and trimmed with lace, and those of lilac poult de sole are lined with white, and embroidered in white silk with cordeiieres of white and lilac. In bonnets all the lighter materials are now in requisition, crapes, tulles, lace, organdy, tissue de soie, &c. &c.; paille, pink, blue and white are the favorite colors, and feathers in various styles, with flowers, are the lavorite trimmings. The capote form is still very gen eral, but the fronts are not quite so round as they have hitherto been worn ; they partakg more of aa oval form.