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“the Nomination of Gen. Washington to be Commander-in-chief of the American A KM y.—The Troy Whig savs that there is a Very prevalent error existing in this country as to the individual member of the Continental Congress who nominated George Washington to be Commander-in-chief of the American Army —the honor of that nomination having been almost universally ascribed to John Ad ams of Massachusetts ; while it in reality be longs to Thomas Johnson of Maryland, who soon after signalized his patriotism by hasten ing from civil life with a body of Maryland troops, to join the army during its retreat through New Jersey, and who, as a just tri bute to his virtues and talents, was elected the first Governor of his native State. The evidence on which this statement rests is found in the following extract from a letter written by John Adams himself to Col. Pick ering, dated August 6th, 1822. After giving an account of his going to Philadelphia, in 1775, in company with Cushing, Samuel Ad ams and Paine, “four poor pilgr.rns,” Mr. Ad ams says: Th°y were met at Frankfort by Dr. Rush, Mr. Milflin, Mr. Bayard, and others, who desir ed a conference, and particularly cautioned not to lisp the word “independence.” They added, you must not come forward with any bold measure; you must not pretend to take the lead ; you know Virginia is the most popu lous State in the Union ; they are very proud Os their ancient dominion, as they call it; they have a right to take the lead, and the South ern States and middle States are too much disposed to yield it to them. This was plain-dealing, Mr. Pickering ; and I must confess, that there appeared so much wisdom and good sense in it, that it made a deep impression on my mind, and it had .an equal effect on all my colleagues. This con versation, and the principles, tacts, and motives suggested in it, have given a color, complexion, and character to the whole policy of the Uni ted States from that day to this. Without it, Mr. Washington would never have com manded our armies, nor Mr. Jefferson have been the author of the Declaration of Indepen dence, nor Mr. Richard Henry Lee the mover of it, nor Mr. Chase the mover of dissolving foreign connexions. “If I ever had cause to repent of any part of this policy, that repentance ever has been, and ever will be, unavailing. I had forgot to say, nor had Mr. Johnson ever been the nomin ator of Washington for General .” McLeod remanded to Niagara for trial. —The New York Herald, and New York Sun, Extra, of the 13th, bring us the opinion and decision of the Supreme Court of New York in the case of McLeod. The Habeas Corpus is refused, and the prisoner remanded to Ni agara county for trial. The Herald says: Judge Cowan delivered the Opinion. It is learned and powerful, and dirgetstbat McLeod be remanded to Niagara for trial according to law. The consequences of this decision will be fearful but honorable. It establishes the su premacy of the laws, over the threats of a for eign government. It is now highly probable that the British Minister will demand his passports, and return immediately to England. Let us all prepare for the worst. —Charles- ton Mercury, 17th inst. Obituary. —Two of our oldest and most respected fellow-citizens have been taken from among us, since the close of the last week—lsaac Lawrence, Esq, and Dr. Win. James M’Neven. Mr. Lawrence was emi nent as a merchant, and was long president of the United States Branch Bank in this city. His age was about seventy four years. Dr. M’Neven also was eminent in the medical profession, and not less so by his estimable character; while a peculiar interest attached to him as one of the companions of Emmett in the attempted revolution of Ireland, long years ago, and in the subsequent imprison ment and exile with which that attempt was punished. Dr. M‘Neven‘s years were almost eighty. This day also we have to record the death of Mrs. Hosack, widow of the late Dr. David Hosack. —National Intelligencer. The Flag of Repeal—was raised on the sth, by the gallant Democracy of the Old Bay State. At the town of Oxford, Worcester county, Massachusetts, there W&s a glorious celebration. The Oration was delivered by Mr. Hallett, of Boston, who warmly urged the right and duty of repealing the Bank Charter, should the Consolidationists in Congress suc ceed in passing it; and at the dinner, the sen timent “ let them charter, and we will un charter” was repeatedly given and responded to with unanimous enthusiasm. —Charleston Mercury. Appointments by the President— By and with the advice and consent of the Sen ate. Elisha M. Huntington, Commissioner of the General Land “Office of the United States*. Philip R. Fendall, Attorney of the United States lor the District of Columbia. postmasters. Solomon Van Rensselaer, Albany, N. Y. James Rees, Geneva, N. Y. Wm. Stevens, Newark, N. J. Joseph M. Moore, Indianapolis, la. Sami. H. Jenks, Nantucket, Mass. Asher Bobbins, Newport,U. I. Wm. H. Harrison Taylor, Cincinnati, O. Benj. W. GaOse, Tallabasse, Fa. Jno. G. Miller, Columbus, O. Jonas M. Wheeler, Canandaigua, N. Y. Geo. Wm. Gordon, Boston, Mass. James W. Coburn, Maysville, Ky. Keel and Tyner, Macon Ga. Sylvanusß. Lyman, Portland, Me. George Hall, Brooklyn, N. Y. Thomas Finley, Baltimore, Md. David Agnew, Wheeling, Va. Jacob Alricks, Wilmington, Del* Charles Troxell, Reading, Penn. Charles Martin,Chillicothe, O. Caleb Foote, Salem, Mass. Henry B. Stacey, Burlin ton, Vt. Wm. Collins, Steubenville, O. Addley H. Gladden, Columbia, S. C. John Wall, Winchester, Va. James H. Turner, New London, Conn. Sami. Gookin, Portsmouth, N. H. Liverpool, England. The census of Liverpool has just been taken. Thepopula -lion of one of the sixteen wards, Vauxhall, amounted to 25,437— 0f this population only 600, were parliamentary voters. The whole population of the borough would probably be between 350,000 and 400,000 souls. The Charleston Patriot says, “Among the the acts recently passed by the Congress of Texasis one actually in the Statue Book, viz; .?/ Jlct authorising the President to set on foot a corps of mounted Gunmen.” It ought to be entitled “an act to author ise the President to lower [not to raise, as the phraseology generally tuns,] a corps of dis mounted diagoons.” [N. Y. Courier St Enquirer. Splendid Vase.— The vase designed to be presented bv the citizens of Augusta to our Ex-Mayor, A. Cumming, as a testimony of their gratitude for his government of the city during the memorable epidemic of 1539, a description of which we sometime since ex traded from a Boston paper, reached this city yesterday evening. Asa specimen of j art it is unsurpassed by any thing ol the k nd we ever saw, whether it be regarded for the classic purity of the model, or tiie beauty of ihe workmanship and is aline worthy *the donors and the distinguished and worthy re cipient of so durable and lasting a monu ment of his well earned fame as Chief Exec utive Officer of the —Augusta Sentinel, July 10. i THE TIMES. The union of the states and the sovereignty of the slates COLUMBUS, JULY 22, 1841. FOR GOVERNOR, Charles j. McDonald. GEORGIA—A NATIONAL HANK. We referred last week, to a letter addressed to the Columbus Enquirer, by the Hon. Julius C. Alford, a member of Congress from this State, in which Mr. Alford declared his inten tion to vote for a “fair Bank Charter*’ and not “a sou! one”—in short, that he was “in favor of Mr. Tyler’s plan”—by which we understand the Honorable gentleman to mean the projet submitted by the Secretary of the Treasury, the distinguishing feature of which is, that the j assent of the States is required to the estab lishment of Branches, as we are yet unapprised that Mr. Tyler is specially identified with any plan on which to found a National Bank. A bout the period of the date of the letter to the Enquirer, Mr. Alford, in some remarks we believe on the Distribution Bill, stated that his constituents sent him to Congress to make a Bank. We propose to submit briefly some of the reasons which bring us to a different conclu sion from that adopted by Mr. Alford, relative to the sentiments of a majority of the people of Georgi on the question of a National Bank. We are quite certain that Mr. Alford will perceive, when he recurs to the incidents of the last political campaign; (the application of oyr remarks is restricted to the limits of this State,) to the train of argument almost inva riably employed by the opponents of the late, and the supporters of the existing Administra tion during that campaign ; and to the various and multiplied reasons presented to the peo pie in favor of a change of rulers—that he has stated the case too strongly—and that it would be difficult for the shrewdest and most impartial observer of all the circumstances connected with the late Presidential election, and that induced a change of Government, to recognize in the result, the establishment or annunciation of any principle or wish, other than the desire to prostrate Mr. Van Buren, and the more prominent statesmen identified with his Administration, and gratification at its successful accomplishment. These were the only two points on which the Whig party of Georgia was unanimous. Each and every member of that party did desire the prostra tion of Mr. Van Buren, and was gratified at the consummation of his desire. Unanimity thus far, is beyond question or dispute. By these declarations we do not wish or intend to be understood as saying or implying that most, if not ail of the members of the Whig party did not entertain distinctive opinions on tiie leading subjects of national policy, hut so entirely dissimilar were these opinions, so totally and radically variant, that it was early foreseen that any attempt to harmonize and reconcile them, would only be “making war with beJlapi”—and that the contest, to ensure union without which success would be unat tainable, must be waged on one ground, and one alone, opposition to the late President, and the eminent men connected with him in the Administration of the Government. In this particular, the universal Wiiig party could agree, and in this particular, very much to the detriment, as we believe, of correct principles of Government, they did agree. If we are correct in our statement, or only partially so, of the issue made before the peo ple, is not the declaration of Mr. Alford too broad, unsustained in its full extent by the occurrences of the late election, that the peo ple of Georgia sent him to Congress to make a Bank. Is it within the recollection of the Whigs themselves that the question presented to the people by their organs, was Bank or no Bank 1 Was it, indeed, among the princ.i pal questions agitated in that controversy by the advocates of Gen. Harrison 1 What Whig press in Georgia urged, before the election, the establishment of a Nat.onal Bank l In deed what, and how many of the Whig presses in this State have even yet displayed their colors on this subject 1 Did the Columbus Enquirer, one of the most acrid and violent op the Harrison prints in Georgia, perhaps the most so, did it say one word in favor of a Na tional Bank—evince the slightest partiality for such an Institution, until long subsequent to the election, and before the commencement of the present extra session of Congress 1 Has the Southern Recorder, one of the lead ing, perhaps the leading press of the Whig party, located at the capitol of the State, and accessible to correct sources of information as to the condition of public opinion on sub jects of general interest, has it even to this moment, uttered one syllable in favor of the establishment of a Bank! Have the Georgia Journal, the Macon Messenger, the Athens Whig and the Washington News, influential Whig prints, and embracing nearly the whole number in the State—have they, or any cf them, expressed an open and decided prefer ence fora National Bank, or, in courtly phrase, a Fiscal Agent ! Is this silence unintention al, merely accidental! By no means. It grows out of the fact that as the last election (so l'ar at least as this State is concerned,) de cided no other question than opposition to Mr. Van Buren—doubts still exist, and serious doubts, whether the State Rights or Whig party has abandoned or intends to abandon the opinion of the unconstiturionality of a JJank, which it has heretofore, and for so long a pe riod, so resolutely and pertinaciously main tained. These doubts well may exist, be cause the Presidential controversy was not so conducted, at least in Georgia, as to settle that question. The speeches which were made to public assemblages, to “ mighty conventions of the people” during the pendency of the contest, what said they, what their tone and tendency? Did they submit the issue of Bank or No Bank 1 While inveighing in the bitterest terms against the financial policy of Mr. Van Buren, did they propose a Bank of the United States as the o)ih/, or even as the proper sub stitute for the Sub-Treasury ! The truth is, and it ca mot be disguised, that the orators, candidates and presses of the Whig party were afraid to narrow the controversy to the single and distinct question of Bank or No Bank. We repeat it, they were af raid to risk the result on that issue. Besides, what were the long standing and well known opinions of the candidates before the people of Georgia, at the last election, both for Congress and the Legislature, on this question of Bank! Opin ions which had not been withdrawn, or even modified, and that, in many instances, were reiterated during the political contest cf which we are speaking, in all their original force and pertinacity ! Did not the Hon. Thomas F. Foster, state over and over again, in the hear ing of almost every individual in this City* and doubtless wherever he went, that, in his opinion, Congress had not the constitutional power to charter a Bank ! Were not the opinions of his colleagues Messrs Meriwether, King and Nesbit, explicit on the same side, as evidenced by their votes in the Legislature, and their former written declarations to the people ! Was any one authorized to declare for Messrs. Alford, Dawson, Gamble and Warren, that they, or either of them, were friendly to the establishment of a National Bank, or did any one venture so to declare at any period previous to the first Monday in Oc tober last ? In short, was not Mr. Habersham the only individual of the whole nine, selected by the Whig party ol Georgia, to represent its views and interests in Congress, who had, in open and unequivocal terms, expressed his intention to vote for a Bank ! If, therefore, the declaration of Mr. Alford be correct, that his constituents sent him to Congress to make a Bank, it is very certain that strange instru ments were selected for this purpose, in the’ persons of Messrs. Foster, Nesbit, Meriwether and King. But let us bring the subject nearer home, within the limits of Muscogee county, for we presume the contest here was not un like that in other sections of the State, and how was it conducted here! llow did the Whig party of Muscogee county manage this question of Bank or No Bank ! Most admi rably it must be admitted, when the facts are stated. Well—in the first, place, it sent Mr. Alfbrd (uncertain) and various Bank, anti- Bank, and non-committal men to Congress.— Next —it sent Col. Holt, anti Bank (after the Presidential election, and when there was no motive for concealment or equivocation if the Whig party were really for a Bank) to Con gress where the question was to be settled —and it sent Dr. Chipley (a thorough and undis guised Bank man) to the Legislature, where his votes on die subject icould be of no avail. — As we have heard so much of the unity of sentiment, and feeling of the Whig party we can adduce another illustration of its truth, in the persons of these gentlemen (Messrs. Holt and Chipley.) We beg them to understand that we are using their names or opinions in no invidious sense, but simply to exemplify in their persons the remarkable consistency and identityof this Whig party. The Whig par ty claims to be the exclusive State rights party. That the late honorable member of the Legisla ture is not equally with the late honorable mem ber of Congress, a State Rights man, we shall by no means controvert; but then as to Slate remedies—have they ever compared notes ?— Here’s the rub ! And how, we beg to know, does the former harmonize with his friends of the Columbus Enquirer, whose principal, in. deed, almost insuperable object ion to Mr VVebster, a few weeks since, was, that he was not like as they are —a straight out Nullijier l But we are digressing from the subject. We set out to show tiiat Mr. Alford was not sustained in the declaration that the people of Georgia, or the Whig party entire which com posed at the late election a majority of that people, sent him to Congress to make a Bank. That we have succeeded in the undertaking* we are willing to leave to the unbiassed de cision of any impartial observer of all the inci dents attending the late political campaign. It may, perhaps, not be amiss to mention that of all the gentlemen who spoke to the Whig party, in this section, whether candidates or not, but one only, as we recollect, avowed an open and decided preference for a National Bank as both constitutional and and that one, the late honorable member of the Legislature to whom we have already alluded. Although v/e had not the pleasure of listening to his remarks more than once, or twice at the farthest, during the canvass, yet we think we are authorized to state tlia t the Bank topic was, even with him, subordi nate to that of the odiousness of the Sub- Treasury ; the despotism of the Army Bill’; the awful corruption and dishonesty of our late rulers ; proscription for opinion’s sake ; and that fearful and certain forerunner of direct taxation—the census of the Turkies and the Ducks. Did we say proscription {or opinion’s sake was alleged as one of the unpardonable sins of the late Administration ! In mercy to the feelings of those by whom this argument was used in favor of the substitution of the present, for the late Executive, we ought, per haps, to preserve silence ; especially as the former lias adopted, and is now carrying out* in all its length and breadth, the motto that “to the victors belong the spoils.” Conjecturing that there might, possibly be something in the action of the last Legislature to authorize the declaration of Mr. Alford, we have referied to the Journals of the Senate and House of Representatives to see what action took place in either or both branches on the subject of a National Bank—although we cannot imagine how any proceedings of a State Legislature can be considered as a cer tain criterion of the sentiments of the people, on a question which cannot possibly be made the subject of State legislation, and that had nothing to do in the sel ction of State Repre sentatives. A cursory examination of the Journals, however, shows that the action of the Legislature on this subject, indecisive and unintelligible though it may be, does not war rant the conclusion that a majority of the Le gislature were in favor of a National Bank, or believed that the people of Georgia desired such an Institution. By reference to the Senate Journal it will be seen that Mr. Dunagan, on the 4th of No vember, introduced a resolution declaring that a “National Bank of any description whatev er” ought not to be chartered. On the 25th of November Mr. Dunagan called up his res olution. Mr. Gordon and Mr. Smead offered amendments, both recognizing the constitu tionality and expediency of a National Bank- Mr. Jones, at the same time, submitted in lieu, eet of resolutions, one of which declared *’ that the power to charter a Bank, or any other corporation , is not granted to Congress by the Constitution.” On the 26th of November the resolutions of Mr. Jones were taken up, when Mr. Mil ler and Mr. Calhoun introduced amendments, bo.h recognizing the power of Congress to chirtier a Bank. On the 27th of November the resolutions and amendments on the sub je<t of a Bank coming up, the resolutions of M\ Jones were adopted. Yeas 43, nays 38- Oi the 28th of November it was moved to reconsider the vote by which the resolutions of Jr. Jones were adopted. For reconsifiera tioi the vote stood yeas 37, nays 42. No farrier action on the subject of a National Bank took place in the Senate until the close of the session, and then induced by resolutions of tKd other Branch. The House Journal shows that on the sth of November Mr. Flournoy, of Washington, introduced resolutions declaring simplyagainst the Sub-Treasury, without recommending a Bank. On the 10lh of November, Mr. Chipley, of Muscogee, intioduced a resolution declaring that a Bank of the United States is constitu al, &l expedient ind “proper, and necessary to the permanent velfare and prosperity of the people of the U. States.” On the 20th of November the preamble and resolutions of Mr Flournoy, and the resolu tion of Mr. Chipley coming up, Mr. Toombs moved to substitut? in their stead resolutions by him then presented. The resolution of Mr. Toombs having reference to a National Bank is in the following words. We insert it entire on account of its peculiar phraseol ogy, and direct the attention of the reader to that portion 6f it embraced in italics : “And be it further resolved, That in the opinion of this General Assembly, a Bank of the United States, properly regulated and guarded, is the best, most proper and econo mical means, which can be devised for the col lection, safe-keeping, and disbursement k of the public monies: And while many of us, yield ing to the convictions of our own judgments, and the concurrent authority of the Executive, Legislative, and Judicial Departments of the Government, from its formation, with a slight interval, up to the time of the second election of General Jackson, and to the wisdom and patriotism of George Washington, James Mad ison, and their illustrious compeers, believe that Congress does possess the constitutional power to charter a Bank —yet we believe it in dispensable to the financial prosperity of the country and happiness of the people, that that question should be settled by an amendment of the. Constitution , before such a power is excis ed by Congress.” If the above resolution were adopted how was it expected to operate ou public opipion ! Os whdYforce and effect would it have been! The Constitution must be amended before the power is exercised. ‘1 his course is “indispen sable to the financial prosperity of the country, and happiness of the peopled’ Well, what was done with the resolution of Mr. Toombs drawn even in this negative firm ! Negative did we say ; it is positive calling for an amend ment of the Constitution. Why, a motion was made that the whole subject, including the resolutions of Messrs. Flournoy, Chipley and Toombs, “be indefinitely postponed,” and the vote stood, yeas 83, nays 82. What in ference is to be deduced from these proceed ings, in both branches, other than that the Legislature, unapprised of the wishes of the people, was extremely unwilling to meddle with the question t More conclusive still, is not the inference fairly deducible from the re fusal of the House to consider the resolution -of Mr. Toombs, which really amounted to noth ing more than A recommendation to amend the Constitution, that the members of the House Were inclined to the belie f that a majority of the people were averse to the establishment of a Bank, no!, simply on the ground of uncon stitutional ity, but for reasons connected with the Bank itself —e’sc why object to the reso lution of Mr. Toombs which asked, not for a Bank, but for an amendment of the Constitu tion authorizing a Bank ! Farther on in the Journal we perceive that, on the 21st November, a motion was made to reconsider the Whole subject and it was re considered ; yeas 90, nays 79. On the 14th December Mr. Flournoy, of Washington, moved to make the subject tbs special order of the da}*, on a day not distant. The House refused ; yeas 85, nays 94. No farther action was had on the subject in the House untii the 22d December, when the resolutions of Mr. Jones, adverse‘to a Bank, which had before passed the Senate, and to which we have al ready alluded,., were sent to the House for concurrence. When the House took up these resolutions sent from the Senate, Mr. Chip ley, on the alert, and watching a favorable op portunity to pass his resolution, which has been already stated, moved to substitute it in lieu of the one of Mr. Jones, adverse to a Bank, and succeeded in his object. His amendment prevailed ; yeas 74, nays 64. Under what circumstances, we ask even the mover himself, did the amendment of Mr- Chipley prevail! Was a fair expression of the sense of the House of Representatives obtained ! only 138 out of 200 members pres ent —more than a third absent. Have we not a right to infer from what had previously oc curred in the House on the same subject from its refusal to adopt even the resolution of Mr. Toombs that if there* had been a full House, the resolution of Mr. Chipley could not have passed ! Indeed, is not this abso lutely certain f The result of our examina tion of the Journals of the two Houses is this: that, in a full Senate, resolutions adverse to a Bank were adopted, a;id in a lud House, notwithstanding repeated efforts to adopt Bank resolutions or quasi Bank resolutions, they’ were uniformly unsuccessful. A* the correspondent of the Columbus En quirer, over the signature of “Giovanni, ’ in timates an intention to again address the Pub lic, will he be kiifd'enough lo state whether he re all v designs to say tint the great ten dency of the “schools and literary and scien tific associations” of the age. “is to Infidelity.” This is a sweeping charge, and we wish to understand distinctly the meaning of the wri ter. In another place, in the same communica tion, the writer says that “ajudicious and vigilant christ iau education is the only anti dote against the tendencies to Jacobinism and civil misrule, that so fearfully characterize the age.” Is any aliusion here made to either of the two political parties now existing in this country 1 Will the writer please to be more explicit in his next paper. The Columbus Enquirer of yesterday, in an article headed ‘‘The Next Legislature,” is evidently alarmed at the political prospect ahead. It is calling up its friends to stand by, and to prevent us from taking charge ot the ship of State, in all its parts, Well may it be alarmed, so utterly and totally has the par ty to which the Enquirer is attached, failed to fulfil even a tithe of the promises made during the last summer. Look at the tax law, and the course pursued towards the Central Bank, and tell the people what kind of relief and re form you have given to them. But the beauty of the article is where the Enquirer speaks of its desire “to prevent the recurrence of those scenes of high political excitement which have alienated the affec tions of the people-— corrupted their morals — and turned their attention from the true inter ests of the country, to the mere fortunes of a party”—why not say to the mere exhibition “of travelling Orators—ballad singers—fid dlings and revelries”—to cider barrels and coon skins with which you run after us, and run us down? But the “Olive branch” has been offered — and “yet no generous response is given.” On this matter of generosity we have a word to say: Does the Enquirer recollect the exhi bition made in the streets of this city on the day after the last annual election? Was there any evidence of generosity to a fallen foe in that extraordinary combination of living things and dead —which were paraded in the streets-of log cabins and cider barrels and coon skins, and “every creeping thing thatcreepeth on the earth, and that is in the waters under the earth!” In that extraordinary and unique exhibition, dees the Enquirer recollect the steam boat yawl on the wheels of a stage coach-—and the gentlemen sealed in ill We recoleclit well—and when these gentle men descended and retreated from it* never* never, have we seen the truth of the saying so vividly exemplified—“that it is hut’s step from the sublime to the ridiculous.” We stood it however like men, trusting that the days of political delusion would be few and short—that the people misled by the prevailing delusions of the times—warmed by passion—and enlivened by collision—who had been encouraged by the dangerous influence of first impressions,and hadyieldedto the cur rent of abuse which had been impelled from its source by the convulsions of disappointed am bition —would soon awaken to an accurate and impartial examination of the circumstances by which they were surrounded—escape from the labyrinth artfully prepared to perplex them —and again embark in the support of those genuine principles of freedom which achieved the independence of the country, and the po litical revolution of 1800. That period is evidently dawning upon the Enquirer, or it would not so earnestly expos tulate with its political friends, “ to be up and doing.” We are glad, too, to hear from the Enquirer that our prospects of success are so flattering—from one who, during the summer, has had such “unusual opportunities” of wit nessing the spirit and vigor of the Democracy. But, how is it possible for the Enquirer to offer the “olive branch” to the Democracy, to be willing to act with them even remotely 1 One of two things is certain—either that the Enquirer is willing to consort with rogues, or that its repeated and public declarations, pre- vious lo the late election, were insincerely umJo to pftprf, improperly what could not be done by the emplovment of honorable and fail means. Has the Enquirer examined its files recently to see what it said, in the six months preceding the first Monday of last October, of the party to which it now offers “ the olive branch !” An offer which it has the effron tery to state it did not suppose would be made in vain. The democracy will, we presume, take the field on their own hook, and, as we remarked, a week or two since, intend to show what can be done, when “ reason is left free to combat error.” THE EAST LEGISLATURE—THE TAX LAW. As tho people were promised such lasting and substantial benefits from the action of the last Legislature, we desire to ask the majority, in both Branches, how they suffered a tax law, of the kind and description now in force, to be adopted—increasing the tax one hundred pe<- cent over that of the preceding year. Was there any necessity for this exorbitant increase? Bv reference to the report of the Finance Committee in the Senate, last fall, we perceive that the receipts into tlie Treasury, last year, were $>599,512 85—and that the expenditures, for the same time, were $5598,087 77, leaving an unexpended balance in favor of the State of $90,527 08. How and in what way were the public expenses so much raised this year as to require this extraordinary increase ? Will the members from this county who, with one exception, sustained this law throughout, give the reasons, if any, which justify a tax act like the present? But, admitting that there was some slight necessity ler an in crease, of which however we have yet seen no evidence—was one hundred per cent addition al required ? And if not —il such an increase could, by any possibility, have been avoiued ought it not to have been deterred until, at least, the people were easier, and the currency of the State improved ? And then the kind of money prescribed to be received for taxes —tho notes of specie paying Banks, and of the Central Bank on!} are receivable at the Treasury. Did not the Legislature know that with the resumption law upon the Banks requiring them, in their disabled condition, to withdraw their notes | from circulation, if they expected or desired j to sustain themselves —and with its action upon the Central Bank, it would be difficult almost impossible for the people to command the proper funds to liquidate their taxes ? This is the case already—great inconvenience is now arising in consequence of the search} of specie paying notes and Central Bank notea —and if the Legislature, or the majority v. ho passed this law, did not foresee this state of things why then to what credit for foresight are they entitled ? We design next week to discuss this matter in full, from the Journals of the Legislatuie, and it is time for the late members from this county to brush up their armour , as v\e intend to exemplify in their legislative acts the beau ties and the benefits of that refunn promised last year both in the National and our &tcue Legislature. The Central Bank too— Have tney aided the people, or accomplished the promised re form, by prostrating that Institution ! I here is something besides in relation to the regula tion of precincts in this county to which we desire respectfully to invite their attention. For what purpose, and to subserve what object. were the people of llalloca and'Glenn’s Dis trict deprived of their regular places of voting 1 Will the lion. Mr. Sapp inform the good peo ple of that section of the county ? Although we have no disposition to impose unnecessary or irksome duty in the heat of summer, (and such heat as we have had recently has not of ten been experienced here,) yet the Journals of the last Legislature show the propriety and absolute necessity of explanation on the part of the majority, and as the members from this county formed a part of that majority, we de sign to address our queries to them. CHATTAHOOCHEE HAIL R. AND BANK ING? COMPANY. The statement of Mr. Moody one of the Stockholders of this Institution, and also one of the committee selected to examine its con dition, is inserted in another part of this paper. The Public can refer to it for farther informa tion respecting the C. R. R. & B. C. Mr. Moody notices our remark that the President and Directors (not Cashier) did not, all combined, owe the Bank more than $20,- Uoo.oo—and says that he shall admit nor denv our statement, but will state, upon the authority of the books of the Bank, that the President, Cashier and Directors, all com bined, owed the Bank, at the time it failed, the snug gum of $85,700 14.” Well, since it is necessary to give particulars, why did not Mr. Moody separate the indebtedness, and say that we were nearly, if not entirely accurate ;n our estimate, (indeed are not the liabilities of the President and Directors, all combined, precisely $21,441 00'!) but that we had omitted (Ogive the liability of the Cashier? And"now lor the reason of that omission. AY e un derstood, from the time of the failure, ‘hat the Cashier ov?ed : the Bank sixty odd thousand dollars, but we were unable to learn precisely the nature of that indebtedness. Rumor said (and we bad little else than rumor to go on.) that, although the Cashier appeared on the books of the Bank to lie owing a large sum, vet in reality it was so much money of the Ban 1 ,;, expended by the Cashier, for the Bank, in the purchase of cotton —and that the pro ceeds of the sales of the Cotton would here turned to the bank. This rumor was current — it was stated to us, by someone, as fact—and until we could obtain authentic information, was it proper or just for us to publish it as an* individual liability of the Cashier ? That h is an individual liability, we are led to infe r from the expose of Mr. Moody, although lie does not so say in distinct terms. We have seen the full statement of the as sets of the Bank, the names of ihe individuals indebted to it, and the amount due by each, and we are authorized and requested to say, that a copy of this statement may be seen in the Office of the Clerk of the Superior Court, where it is recorded, as also in the hands of the Trustees, who will cheerfully ‘exhibit it. to all, or any one, wishing to inspect it. This statement shows that the Trus'ecs appointed by the Bank to take charge of its effects, owe it hot a dollar, and that the Cashier has reduced his indebtedness, SIB,OOO. We have nothing to add in relation to this Institution beyond what we have said in pre vious numbers. Additional light is conveyed by the statement of Mr. Moody, which more than confirms the apprehensions we have en tertained and expressed, from the first, of the condition of this Bank, and its ability to pay. Want of room alone compels us to omit the comments of the other Journals of this City, published yesterday, respecting the statement of Mr. Moody, as we desire to place our reader® in possession of whatever is said relative to the matter. Justice to the Enquirer, how ever, requires us to state that it has, since last week, received sufficient light to make its ar ticle on the subject intelligible this week. WESTERN- BANK OF GEORGIA. We are glad to perceive that this Institu tion is relieved from its late legal difficulties— difficulties which, there is good reason to sup pose, were improperly forced upon it. The Bank is now, as it has been,- in good credit, and-redeems its bills as promptly, and on as good terms, as any of the Banks in this city. The Columbus Enquirer'ofyesterday contains the following notice of the legal proceedings in the case. The Western Bank o? Georgia. —At the instance of an individual claiming stock in this institution, an injunction was granted a short time ago having the effect to close up the bank, without even permitting a redemp tion of its notes. The officers of the bank, upon legal advice, assumed the responsibility otdisobeying the injunction until a hearing could be had for its dissolution.—This hear ing we understood took place before his Hon or Judge Trippe, at Chambers,on the 12th inst. when the motion to dissolve was sustained, upon the ground that there was, no equity in the hill, and if there was, it was fully sworn off by the answer. At the same hearing,! | another application for injunction by another ; party, was dismissed upon cause shewn to the ! contraiy. We learn that the hank did not, stop redeeming its liabilities pending tho injunction; and being now relieved from this [ legal embarrassment, is going on to discharge promptly as heretofore, its obligations to the public. The Glasgow Courier says that 200 hand loom weavers are employed in breaking stones for the highways, not being able to procure work at iheir trade. Gen. Harrison’s remains arrived at Cincin nati on sth inst and were exposed to view in the main cabin of the steamboat in which they were conveyed. A Hard Hit.—'lf I were so unlucky,’’ said an officer, “as to have a stupid son, 1 would certainly make him a parson.” A clergyman who was in company, calmly re plied, “ You think differently, sir, from your lather.” The Suit against Mr. Biddle. — A vigo rous endeavor was made by several ol the Bank Directors, at a recent meeting, to have this suit without drawn; but only lour, as we on lerstan 1, finally voted in fa vor of the with drawal. It is due to ail concerned that this suit take its regular course. Any interference to accelerate or obstruct it, to load it with o dium, or relieve it of responsibility, will only embarrass or pervert the ends of justice.— Phil. North American. lajport of Oil. —During the month of June, 12 shibs, 5 barks, and 5 brigs, engaged in the whale trade, arrived at various ports of the United States, bringing 10,023 barrels sperm, and 24 390 barrels whale o:l—total gallons, 1,443,570. COIIRESrONDENcIi OF THE CHARLES TON COURIER. Washington, July 13. The Loan Bill has passed the House of Representatives, by a vote of 124 t o 93. The form of the bill was essentially altered, on mo tion of Mr. Fillmore; and it provides for a loan of twelve millions at 6 per cent, reimbursable, at the will of the Secretary of the Treasury, alter six months’ notice, or at any time after three years from the first day of January next. I'he reason of this amendment, as Mr. F. sta ted, was that the present administration, while in power, and during its present term, should discharge the debt bequeathed to it by its predecessor. The House is now quite ready for the Bank bill, but it will not be able to get it from the Senate, till the beginning of next week. The J 4th of August is talked of by the Whig Sen ators as the day for closing the session, but this cannot be done, unless they should be able to dispose of the Bank question, as they pro pose, by the end of this week. Mr. Tallmadge made a strong appeal to the Senate in favor of action on the Bankrupt bill, at the present session. It was, he said,’ the greatest measure of relief that could be passed at this session. lie wished to divest the subject of a party character. He was himself opposed to including the Banks gin such a bill, but he would take it with that pro vision, rather than lose it. Mr. Walker also urged the Senate to act on this subject as soon as the Bank was disposed of. He believed that the measure was del, manded by the people, and be was determined very soon to have the yeas and nays on taking it up. He was for including the Banks, but would still vote for the bill, without that pro vision, in the hope that they would be ultimately included. There is certainly a strong feeling in favor of action on this subject, but still I am not san guine that it will be taken pu at this session ; and if taken up, the difficulties of the details will defeat it. ff a majority of the Whigs would agree to include corporations, it might succeed. The Bank Bill was again discussed in the Senate, and Mr. Wright brought forward a number of important amendments. Mr. (.’lay was opposed to the amendments, as their el fcct would be to protract the discussion, while the country was crying for action—action.— The bill had already been before us three weeks, and every attempt, both open and in s dious, had been made to embarrass it and* render it odious by unwise amendments. He was ready himself to adopt such a rule as would give the Senate the control of its busi ness.’ ■ : This produced a warm reply from'Mr. Linn, Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Walker, and others, who complained that there was an attempt to gag the minority—to force the bill through with out discussion, &c. Mr. Calhoun said the cry fox’ action —action, meant plunder—plun der. . Mr. Buchanan deemed it proper to giro due notice that, if this measure should be forced thrUfigh the Senate at this session, he would raise the standard of Repeal. He de clared, emphatically,’ that the law Would be repealed, i,nd he should vva n the public against giving-their confidence to the institu tion. lie was ready to argue the question and show that Congress had the constitutional’ power to repeal a public act of this sort. Mr. Clay would not, he said, discuss this question’ now ; it would be time enough, when the bill was passed, and when UiC proposition of re peal was offered. Let gentlemen on the other side submit such a proposition, and the moral feeling of the country will, rebuke them —* They will be worse beaten at the next Pres idential election than they were last Novem ber. Mr. Wright will proceed again,” to d;y, ’ with his pro, ositioiH for amendment.’ After, him, Mr. Buchanan, Be it n, .Lum, Allen and’ others will oiler amendinems and go into the discussion at length. Those gentlemen will discuss the bill till next sets on, unless the screws are resorted to, and ii Air. Clay has a. majority for the bill, which is doubtful, ho probably lias it also lor tiie adoption of w ■ means lor terminating the discussion. Washington, July 14. The weather L oppressively hot, and it has been found difficult mlfeep a quorui4Mn either 11 iuse.. Many of (he members arc complain ing of indisposition. It has been rumored that an attempt would tie made to lay tiie Bank Bill on the 1 a hie in the Senate, and to take up tue Land Bill—and that the House would, in the mean time, proceed l i consider a Bank project, which is to he reported from their Currency Committee. Tne project to be re ported in the House, is Mr. Ciay’s lull, with Mr. Rives’ amendment. But whatever the House may do, it is not probable that tlie Sen ate will lay their bill on the table* They will press it to a vote, whatever may he its fate. The opinion that the President will refuse Ids signature to Mr. Clay’s- bill has gained strength. Poe only chance for the passage of any bill, this session, is that a sufficient number ot Mr. Clay’s friends in the Senate will give way, and allow the Rives bill to pass that body. This may be llie result. The Bank discussion in the Seriate, yester day, was full of interest. Mr- Wright brought forward his amendment providing, in sub stance, that in case ufsiispensi.u, of specie payments by the hank or any of its branches, it shall be liable to the provisions of a compul sory bankrupt law. Mr. VVrighi, Mr. Ben to:), Mr. Walker, Mr. Buchanan, Mr. Wood limy and others spike in support of the amend ment, contending that, as this bank was to regulate the currency, it oujhl to be secured from suspension; that, unless suspension was prevented by a provision of this sort, Con gress would indulge the Bank, in case of sus pension, anil that thus a permanent iriedcema ! ble currency would be fastened on the coun | try ; that the provision was no other than was ! applied bv law to all the Banks in the State of New York, where it had proved a whole some regulation, and kept the Banks in a sound state; and that, if this United Stater Bank should ever suspend, all the other banks m ttie country would be obliged to follow. Mr. Berrien, on the other hand, contended that the provisions already in the bill were ample to prevent suspension, as ihe Bank must pay per o-*i>t Hmnge ou suspended paper, and also be subject to the loss of its charter, by an act ol Congress ; that the cap ital and operations of this Bank hme a small proportion to those of all the local Banks, and that there was no propriety or justice in ap plying a rule to this Bank which was not also applied to all other Banks. Should the Bank rupt hill, including corporations, he passed, it would of course embrace this Bank. The amendment was lost, yeas 22, nays 25. In the course of the debate, Mr. Berrien made a very able and impressive argument against the power, moral and constitutional, of Con gress to repeal this charter, if it should pass. In the House, the morning hour tvasoccu- Died with a speech from Mr, Bowne, of N. Y., on the McLeod case, wherein he opposed the course of the administration on the subject. The bill appropriating $146,000 fur the payment of Navy Pensions, due from the ex hausted Navy Pension fund, was considered, and, after much opposition, passed. The bill making appropriations, 1o the n mount of $600,000, for the present year, for naval ordnance stores, s*c., was considered in Committee, but not disposed of. BROUGHT TO JAIL ON the 17ih inst. a negro man who calls himself Andrew, and says he belongs to Nathaniel Uz auney, of Russell county, Alabama. The owner is desired to come forward, comply with the law, pay ex penses and take him awav. WILLIAM BROWN, Tailor. May 2t