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PUBLISHED BVE R Y THURSDAY MORNING, BY JAMES VAN NESS, In the “Granite Building,” on the corner of Oglethorpe and Randolph Streets. T K tt M S’ Subscription—throe dollarsper annum, payable in advance, three dollais and a half at the end of six month*, or four dollar*, (in all cases) where pay ment is not made before me expiration of the Tear. No subscription received fori ess than twelve months without payment in advance, and no paper discon tinued, except at the option of the Editor, muil all arrearages are paid. Advertisvmexts conspicuously inserted nt fne dol lar per one hundred words, or iess, fer the first In sertion, an 1 fifty cents for every subsequent contin uance’ Those sent without a specification of the number of insertions, will be published until ordered out, and charged accordingly. |Yf xrf.v A nvERTtsF m tsT*.—For over 21 anr not exceeding 33 lines, fiftv dollars per annum ; f<*- over 12 and not exceeding 24 lines, thirty-five dol lars per annum ; lor less than 12 lines, twenty dol lars per annum. 2. All rule and figure work double the above prices. Leo at. AdtkrtisejjerTS published at the usual rates, an 1 with strict attention to the requisitions of. the law. All S vi.es regulated by law, must be made before the court honse. door, between the hours of 10 in the morning and four in the evening—those of land in i the county where it is situate; those of personal | property, where Ihr letters testamentary, of admin | istrwm hr of goardiaasqip were obtained—and are j requited to b” previously advertised in some public , gazette, as follows : j Sheriffs’ S vi.es under regular executions for thir-j tv days ; under mortgage fi fas sixty days, before I the dav of sale. Bm.es of land and negroes, by Executors, Adminis-j tratnrs or Guardians, fur sixty days before the day ! of sale. ; fiu.r.s of persona! property (except Negroes) forty! days. tJiT.vTioxs bv Clerks of the Courts cd Ordinary, upon j application fur letters of administration, must be pub- ; listied foi thirty days. Imitations upon application for dismission, by Fxce- j utors. Administrators or Guardians, monthly for mix ! months. Orders of Courts of Ordinary, (riccompanied with a copy of the bund or agreement-) lo make titles to land, must be published three months. •Notices by Executors, Administrators or Guardians, of application to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell the land or negroes of ad estate, four months. Notices bv Executors or AdrninfNtrftToys. to tire, debtors and creditors of an estate, fur six weeks. ‘Sheriffs’, Clerks ol Court &o. will be allowed the . usual deduction. XT Letters on business, must be post paid, to j entitle them to attention. From the Federal Union. A WORD TO OUR FRIENDS. Tlie opponents of McDonald, me enemies of the measures of their relief proposed by him, the advocates of the corporate banks and those ivbo are using every effort openly or covertly to destroy the Central Bank are eve ry where marshalling their lbrces, and with ttie desperate resolve of men determined to crush the people, upset the principles of de mocracy, and destroy the Ceniral Bank tiie only sound insiiuition in the State which the whole people are m eiesied in and secure in holding its issjes, they are howling (lieir death j knell. Already a leading organ of their party the, 1 Savannah Republican, lias formally amiotin- j ced their candidate for Governor (Mr. Daw-j hoii) as opjßiacd to the Central Bank, and hails liis election as the triumph of the chartered j Banks into whose hands lie says the peoples ! notes are to be placed for collection t ci'hout renewal, and proclaims the importance of making it a question of qualification for iheir Represent*lives lhat opposition to (he Cen tral Bank lie distinctly avowed before they should be chosen by tlieir party. With these declarations from one of iheir press, wliocan mistake llie feelings and purposes of thelead ‘ers of that parly; hut is this all, that the friends of democracy—the supporters of Mc- Donald and relief and the advocates of the Central Bank of whatever political party they { may be; have of the inveterate hatred of a certain portion of the State towards the mea sures of rebel so necessary and so much IVeucd liy the people, and their reckless dis position to destroy the credit of the Slate and prostrate the Central Bunk. In every section, tlieir croakings are heard and their objects planned either openly or secretly to oppose I the one and destroy the other. Under the popular named Harrison and reform, relying tipon the prejudices and partialities engender ed from tiie strifes and ■contests waged in the “fete election tor President, tftough Harrison is no more, and the government fallen into the hands “by accident,” of I'yler and W ebster and others, constituting it a Federal adminis tration formed and conducted bv men and principles of the'deepest Federal and ve, Ihev trust m arraying every friend of the deceased President of whatever party heretofore in Georgia to support their opposition to the re lief measures and sustain tlieir crusade against the Central Bank and friends. Will this be no? Can it he so? Will those who fancied ■the hame and approved the election of Harri son lor President, all by die clamour of Har rison party 1 .— Whig REFORM and the like, I he quelled into a disregard for their own besi Itoeresf, and forsake tlieir state rights princi ples with their own favorite measures and institution, et home. There are thousands of all parties in Georgia, who, could they be convinced that the matter in issue, is the de struction or maifttainance of the credit and continuance ol the Central Bank—would i throw their whole energies into the suppoitof men, for the legislature friendly to measures of relief, and advocates of that institution. That this is the issue winch will be made, and that our opponents will it they have the pow er in the next Legislature, strain sav to ‘ people they “would not if they could,” relieve them; and that they will demolish the charter of the Bank, forthwith wind it up and place jr* assets out among the corporations lor im mediate collection —let no one doubt. The time has arrived for action; candidates should be nominated in every county—whe ther our friends are in the majority or minori ty, bring out your ablest, strongest men. those who are known and in whom the people “"fan confide. As our opponents wish it, let the line be drawn, Central Bank or no Central Bank —Relief or no Relief. McDonald and Relief, or Dawson and ‘we would not if wc could,” relieve the people. Let oar friends he up and a doing--lei them be careful to know and to understand fully the sentiments of candidates to be supported by them, on <hese subjects beloie they nominate or vole for them. Notwithstanding theeitorfsof the opposi-! tioa press to produce a schism in the party.; over those and oilier subjects, its integrity is still preserved. j Members of the democratic party whodit-j sered from each other on the subject ot the Presidential election, the relief message and j Central Bank, should practice mutual forbear-1 ance. The sentiments ol justice and liberali- \ ty combine with the calcinations of policy to recommend in ad respects, the exercise ot re-: eiprocal and friendly toleration. Every mem- i her of the party has a right to the enjoyment 1 of his own opinion, and when that opinion is j deliberately formed and honestly acted on,; ■who has the right to censure? And whyj should we look on each other with Coldness! and distrust? Our minds are variously con-’ Btituted, rendering it impossible that we should all arrive at the same conclusion. In addition to this original” source of diversity in our opinions, we arc placed in various situattons. and constrained to view the same object un der different lights. To require ot men thus formed, and thus situated, an entire uniform!-; ty of opinion on every political question, would be unjust and arbitrary. Closely bound to each other by harmony in sentiment on s<>, many questions, Van Btiren men, McDonald, j relief and Central Bank men—and men that; were for Harrison while living, and who are, relief and Central Bank men, should be in duced bv the strong sympathies of a common cause, ort these subjects to cherish a kind and liberal allowance for each tnliyr, ‘I he same VOLUME I.] course is recommended by the clearest calcu lations of policy. They are united in main taining the same great principles and why should they endanger the ascendency of these principles by dissentions among themselves? Why should they by hostile opposition to each other, give to their common enemy anoppor ) tunity of triumphing over both ; and of de stroying their favorite institution, and forcing on the State a system of policy arid govern ment to he maintained for the benefit of the ; aristocratic few to the distress and prejudice jof the many, which they equally condemn. • Hmv weak, how guilty, how miserable would he the infatuation, which would blindly incur I Iho hazard of casting in the aims of your j opponents, a Governor, such as they assert ; their candidate Mr. DAWSON to be—and a i majority in the Legislature, to refuse any | measure of relief to pass laws imposing heavy j taxes, s;'f*h as many of you now feel the op ! pfeSMon of, tinder the act of the last Legisla | tine. Reflect upon the course of your oppo nents as already manifested; their policy is ; io destroy the credit of the Slate by every I denunciation of its ability lopay; and there [ bv shelter themselves from the responsibility l of declining to a fiord telief to the people — whilst they impose (he most onerous taxations in a litre of ihe greatest distress and scarify of money—withholding State aid, and impo sing burthens on those already in the most j calamitous condition from their indebtedness, j and ihe providential disasters to their cotton j crops. Why is this done, why have they said j io you “they would not if they could' 1 relieve j the people? Why have they pa-sed laws : exacting extraordinary taxes in times like j these ? And why are their pnrlizmsslandcr | ing and calumniating the Executive for his ; desire to interpose the State’s credit for llie relief of the people from the r temporary em barrassments? Why have they endeavored byali means holhat home and abroad to prove ; the State faithless and insolvent? Is it Iheir i patriotism? Is it their benevolence towards j the people; or is it to drive the people to their j support, and to force them to relinquish their j cofidence in the Central Bank? let die people j look at it. Their motives and their"policy are I apparent, however much they have clamour ed over REFORM and attempted to disguise their object. Let not our friends Icaep their ryes fixed with unhappy intensity, on any single point, on which they differ. Let them | rather dwell with complacency and aflection, I on the many points on which ihev harmonize. I If this magnanimous course be pursued by j our friends in every county, which we have i no reason to doubt will be the case, our gal lant Barque, with a harmonious crewon hoard j all sails unfurled and making noble headway, ! xvili hold her triumphant course over the tem pestuous ocean of the late Presidential elec tion ; and shunning those rocks on which our enemies have watched with eager anxiety to spc her split, sho will safely hear the preeious Cargo nf democratic principles and hopes, and wishes, into the desired haven. From the Federal Union. THE RELIEF MESSAGE OF GOVER NOR McDonald. In to-day’s paper, we lay before our readers i the whole of the proceedings in the House of Representatives of the last legislature, on the subject of the relief proposed by the Gov ernor. We also, in connection with these proceedings, again publish the able letter of .Judge Warner, as an expose of the course and conduct Os the opponents of llie measure, fjet every one read for himself what was the proposition of the Governor and what was the action of the reform legislature. The yeas and nays are recorded and the report of the committee is laid before you. The falsehoods and misrepresentations that are daily made respecting this matter, are best explained A: contradicted by the Journals them selves. By some, we see it stated that the Governor proposed to sell bonds of the State to relieve the people, on which bonds the State would have to lose some 40 or 50 per cent. The facts which these records show, prove first, that the Governor made no such recoin-. mendation, hut requested the legislature to suggest some measure for the relief of the people. To this they replied, and instead of acting, desired the Governor to propose, a plan, which being done with the averment that if his plan was not aceptable lie would co-operate I with them in any other constitutional measure whic they might propose. They, in place of endeavoring to amend his plan, or of proposing a different one. for the purpose of carrying out their feelings and objections to furnishing the relief requested by the Governor, set a bout to abuse his recommendation, to present j the awful condition in which it would involve ! the State, and the utter impossibility of dispo i sing of the bonds without great sacrifice, with as many other raw heads and bloody bones as could be conjured up to alarm the people and prejudice them against the Governor and h;s proposition to iliein to do something to relieve ,heir constituents, they finally wind up by a j plain declaration that “they would not if they con Id.” Our opponents exhibit great uneasiness when this subject is discussed. They have for several months endeavored to lead off the mind of the community from the true facts in which they are enveloped. They talk of a great desire to relieve the people, but McDon ald’s robot they do not like says some, it is a State i-e ling, State But and system, by whichtl e Slate would borrow money at 49 to 50 cents loss on the dollar, to lend to the people at 6 per cent. These arc all subterfuges ; a weak and evasive detence to a plain case, ’tis done to draw the attention from the facts, and ade ! fenceless po.-itioo to something ever which I I they hope to produce discussion aud excite | men! while the matter in issue shall be over i looked. Did they propose any measure i better calculated to answer than the Gover i nor offered ! Did lie not lirst ask them to j suggest and enact something to meet the case ’ and when lie was called on to propose a plan, | did lie not do so saying to them, if this does not suit suggest one yourselves, and I- will j give it my concurrence, ‘flic-re was no bond j or State selling proposition made by him ; they I torture it into that to screen themselves from j their positive refusal to do any thing—from ! their affirmation and decided avowal that j “ They wotXD xct if they covLD ” relieve ; | the people. i t they desiro the sins of these cold-hearted 1 proceedings—this regardless, rigid inuifier i once to the wants of their constituents forgiv en and forgotten, they should make full con ! session—avow their repentance of their past • transgressions, ami openly renounce the per ! nicious principles upon which they acted.— I They say they are for relief, and ready to do any thing but what McDonald proposed.— Most true. And for a very sufficient reason — ! because they cannot defend their own course | and desire to shift the odium on his head who ! merely asked them to lend their aid. Their | leaders have seen that it is impossible to con vince the people of their willingness to re ; lieve them, and therefore they assail the plan i proposed by the Governor, which they solici ;ed merely to obtain a charge against him, and not for the good of the country. They have not renounced their doctrine “They would not if they couid,” and their remaining ! quiet in defence of their position, arise not j from their innocence, or their virtue but from I tlioir objections to note being charged with the COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, AUGUST 5, 1841. offence contained in their proceedings, re minds us of the culprit arraigned before a court of just ice, who endeavored to escape punishment under the novel plea, that he is not now engaged in committing the crime for which he is indicted. He has made as wick ed an aßempt illegally, to take the life of his ’ neighbor, but the man whose life he sought proved too fetrong, for tiie aggressor succee ded in defending himself against the injury that was attempted, and now brings the cul prit to-anewer the charge of assault, with the intent lo murder. The prisoner declares that the act was committed sometime ago, that he was com pelled then to do so to sustain his particular! rights, and the principles npen vvhch his edu-i cation and habits were formed; and broadly j insinuates that, the proceedings against him savor of malice and are only designed to in jure his standing in society. In like manner our opponents declare the set for which they are censured, was justifiable and they.com plain of the measure of'the Governor, while they assert that to censure them although they refused to do any thing whatever, is il liberal and designed to injure their popularity. They have not confessed tlieir faults; re nounced their position, or promised amend ment. Why then, should a patriotic people that they have attempted or countenanced this utter sacrifice of tlieir best interest, when their attention was thus expressly called to the subject. It is not safe to trust them with political power. Their opposition to this mea sure of relief is not eradicated ; the fire is smothered, not extinguished. It is at the polls that democrats, relief men, can maintain their principles. We know that of the State Right party, there are hundreds perhaps thousands, who had not sanctioned the proceedings of the last Legislature in relation to the relief. Have they net adhered to such associates long enough to prove the constancy of the attach ment f Why should they no longer lie down under an opprobium that does not properly be long to their own doctrines ? Why not break the evil connection, and associate themselves with men whose principles harmonize with their own on this vital and absorbing topic, and on many other important questions. Read their proceedings and judge them as they are. Vou liavetlipm spread beioreyou. Let them speak for themselves why “they would uot if they could.” From the Journal of the Senate of the ‘ast Legisla ture of the Slate of Georgia, page 250. The following messase was received from his Ex cellency tiie Governor, by Mr. Glascock, ins Secreta ry. Executive Department, Milledgcville, 12ib December, 184(1. Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Repre sentatives: Since your assemblage on the second ulti mo, the cotton crop of the present year has been generally gathered, and tiie quantity raised lias fallen so far below the most rea sonable calculation, that without a forbear ance on (be part of creditors, not to be ex pected, the pecuniary distress of the people for the next year, will be unprecedented and ruinous. I feel it my duty, therefore, to cal! vour attention to this subject, before your ad journment, that you may adopt such constitu tional measures for the telief ol the people as vour wisdom may euggest as expedient and proper. The Central Bank, burthened as it is and necessarily must be by appropriations for the support of Government; cannot, extend further accommodations; and if you concur with me in the opinion that the exigency de mands at your hands some effort lor the aid of the people through the difficulties of the ensuing year, disappointed as they are in the usual means of meeting their engagements, bv the almost totai failure of the coiton crop in some places, and its great diminution eve ry where, you cannot turn your attention too soon to the suhjer*. BeitH’ unapprised of any measure proposed hv von for this object; and not being willing to incur the expenses incident to an extraor dinary session of tiie Legislature, when it is as well known now as it can be some months hence, that the necessities of the people will certainly requite relief, which none but the supreme auiuority can afford, l venture to place tiie matter before you, not doubling that all will be done by you, that can be, to avert the consequences of a calamity that could not have been forseen, and that no prudence could have guarded against. Charles j- McDonald. From die same, 252. Mr. Calhoun laid the following resolution on the table. Resolved, That his Excellency the Gover nor, be and he is hereby respectfully request ed to recommend to this branch ol the Legis lature, such specific measure or measures as; he may deem necessary and expedient to pro- j vent the pecuniary distress of the people fivj the next year, referred to in his message ot u 1 day. . j On the question to agree to the resolution, the veas and nays were required 10 be record ed, and ate yeas 45, nays 39. From the same, panes “259, 26'). Ti c following message was received from Ids Excellency, the Governor, by Mr. Harris, his Secretsiy : Mr. President—l am directed by his Ex cellency the Governor to la v define this branch of the General Assembly iris communication. On motion of Mr. Calhoun. The following communication from his Ex- j cellenc.v, the Governor, was taken up, read, and referred to a se'ect committee, consisting of Messrs. Echols, of Walton, Miller, Spen cer, Bishop, Calhoun, Cox, and Beall, viz: Kxecttivb Pf.PAKTMTXT, lotli Dec. 1840. I had the honor yesterday, of asking the! attention of the General Assembly to such j constitutional measure of relief to the people,! from the calamitous consequences of an un precedented failure of the cotton crop, as their i wisdom might suggest as expedient and pro-’ per. leaving the selection ot'the means by winch so desirable an end could be acconi-j pliohed, unembarrassed by airy specific recom mendation from me. But as each House ot ; General Assembly passed a resolution or die I same day, requesting rue to suggest to ..<• con sideration some definite measure fur this pur pose, 1 accordingly proceed to state the result of my reflections, as to the m >st appropriate method of effecting it. The Central Batik having exhausted its means, and new demands being about to be ; made upon it to pay the appropriations of the j present session, which must be met with its; own bills, tor tiie redemption of which, there j is no fund, except the notes due that Institu- j tion by individuals, cannot be relied on in its niesent condition, for the purpose. The suspension of the operations of the law j would infringe a wholesome provision of - the Constitution, and violate the morality of pri vate contracts. The safe ot State Bonds to an amount adequate to the purpose, and the; deposile of the proceeds in tl eCentral Bank.’ hv which that Institution would be enabled toj afford the necessary relief, under such restric tions as the Legislature may prescribe,seems! to be liable to fewer objections, t tan any i which suggests itseif to me, as practical)!*-. As the measure proposed, is one of relief, “THE union of tiie states, and tiie sovereignty OF the states.” I and not intended to afford lacilities for specn | lation, the funds should be distributed to those alone, whose embartsssmenfs require it—they paying an interest equal to that paid on the bonds, giving unquestionable security to save the Slate from the possibility of loss. The i money used for this p irpuse being raised upon j the credit of ihe Slate, to supply (he deficien- j cy of ihe cotton crop, t he borrower should be j required to repay it within such reasonable | time as the Legislature may prescribe; as this j is a temporary expedient to meet the present j [ emergency, tne measure should be confined i to the contemplated object, and the borrowers | should not be encouraged to hope that the ! proceeds of their industry might he applied ■ to new engagements, unnecessarily cor.tract j ed. If the plan now proposed ior giving ef fect to the measure, be deemed bv me gener al Assembly objectionable, l would earnestly recommend to them, to devise some othei more faultless, in support of which, they will have my co operation. The people of an adjoining Stale have de rived immense benefit horn a similar measure. By laboring industriously, and observing a rigid economy, they have been enabled to dis charge debts without a sacrifice of property, which, if prtssed, would have brought ruin upon them. The mailer is again referred to you, with these suggest ions, which should i have accompanied inv former communication, but for an apprehension that it might have been construed into an indelicate intrusion ol the opinion of the Executive, as to the details of a measure which he had submitted in ihe usual manner to tfe Representatives of the people. If I he correct, in supposing the condition of the country is such as to demand some act of relief, I think it important, and required by the public interest, that you should provide for it before vour adjournment, rather than draw upon a treasury already exhausted, for the enormous expenses of an extra ses sion ; but if yon shall determine against it, I shall have the expression of ihe Legislative opinion, that no measure of tfie soil is de manded bv our constituents, which will ren der superfluous your special assemblage for this purpose. ciiarles j. McDonald. From the Journal of the H. of Representatives of the Hst Legislature of the State of Georgia, pages 424 ’5, ’6, ’7, ’B. Mr. Toombs, from the committee to whom was referred the message of his Excellency the Governor, in relation to the pecuniary em barrassments of the country, made the fol lowing report, to-wit : The special committee to whom were re ferre I the communication of lus Excellency the Governor, upon the subject of Legislative relief lo the good people of this State from their pecuniary embarrassments, consequent upon the unprecedented failure of their cot ton crop, beg leave to. REPORT: That your committee have given the sub ject all that earnest and considerate attention which its importance demands consistent with the brief space of time allotted them ior that purpose, and the nature of their other public duties, and their deliberations have resulted in the conviction, that the measure suggested by his Excellency, ought not to be adopted. While we are duly sensible of, and deeply regret the pecuniary embarrassments of ma ny of our feilow-ciuzens, we feel constrained by a sense of public duly to declare, that we deem it unwise, impolitic, and unjust, to use the credit, and pledge the property & labor of the whole people, to raise money to supply the private wants of a portion only of tiie peo ple. The use cf public credit is one of the most important and delicate powers, which a free people confide in tiienr representatives — it should be jealousy guarded, sacredly protec ted, and cautiously used, even for the attain ment of the noblest public euds, and never for the benefit of one class of the community, to the exclusion or injury of the rest, whether the demand for it grows out of their cupidity, or real or supposed private pecuniary difficul ties. The improvident or unfortunate use of pri vate credit, (by what means stimulated, or fostered, or thwarted, in the consummation of its proposed objects, we will not slop to en quire,) is undoubtedly, the immediate cause of the present pecuniary embarrassments of our fellow-citizens. To relieve those difficul ties by the use of public credit, would he to substitute a public calamity (for such we deem a public debt,) for private misfortune, and would end in the certain necessity ot im posing grievous burthens in the way of taxes, upon the many, for the benefit of the few. All experience admonishes us to expect, such resuits from the proposed measure; to adopt which, would he to violate some of the most sacred principles of the social compact. All free governments deriving their just pow ers from, and being established for the bene fit of the governed, must necessarily have power over tiie properly, and consequently die credit of the governed, to the extent ne cessary lor public use, and no farther. And whenever government assumes the right to use the property or credit of the people for any other purpose, it abuses a power essen tial for the performance of its legitimate du ties, in a manner destructive of the rights and interests of tlio governed, and ought to be sternly resisted by a free people. Tiie proposed measure violates th?~e truths, asseif s the untenable principles, that ; governments should protect a portion of toe ! people, in violation of the rights of the ro | iiinitider, from the calamitous consequences of unpropitious seasons their private misfor tunes, and, perchance, of their indiscretions and lollies—that the pecuniary wants of the people, by whatever cause produce'!, should be supplied with funds borrowed upon public credit, and that in the distribution of the funds | so raised, a discrimination should be made, j based upon the necessities ot the applicant— I the right to judge of whose necessities inns’ j be confided to public agents, who will thereby | be entrusted with a dangerous, as well as odi- J ous power, and which will be liable to great j abuses, lie must hare been an indifferent or ! careless spectator of similar financial opera tions, who can persuade himself, that this scheme of borrowing money to lend again at the same rate of inrerest, can be performed without loss to the State; that toss must be supplied by taxation, and to that extent, a*, least, it will operate so as to legislate money from one citizen’s pocket to those of another. But if it is even deemed expedient and proper to adopt the proper measure upon prin ciple, it i*j at this time, utterly impracticable. This branch of th° General Assembly here at this session, put the seal of their condemna tion when a measure so similar ir. its charac ter, as to interfere q constitutional barrier a ga'mst its further ccpsideration, without a de gree of unanimity Aot to be anticipated, if dc- I sit able, after so decided a vote of disapproval: for these, and other reasons, WE OUGHT NOT TO ADC PT THE MEASURE SUG GESTED, IF YfE COULD—WE COULD NOT, IF WE WOULD. Our bonds 1 have been upon the stock market for above j two years, to the amount of two millions of dollars. They have be£n carried across the I Atlantic iti search of a,market ; no advanta- J geous sale of them cjuld be made there— • where money is abundair, and cheap : They have been brought bacj for the same purpose among our own citizens, who are liable f<sr their payment. There they can only he ex ebafiged for labor at a rate greatly above cash prices, and we feel great confidence in thoo pinion, that the issuing of similar securities uy the State, to an amount necessary for car rying out the proposed measure, and, especi ally, to subserve tiie purpose intended, will noieuhsnce the value of such securities, or facilitate the operation of melting them into coin. The want of system and order in the man agement of our finance-, the indifference, at least manifested towards, if not disrega rd ] the right of our creditors, the injudicious use, loan improvident extent,of the public credit, in the snipe of Central Bank notes, has so impaired tne public, credit, that lie would be a very unsafe borrower for the State to trust, who could uot now raise money to the extent that his circumstances in life would warrant, as cheaply upon his private credit as we can, upon tue credit of the State. We are not, *amiliar with tiie minute operation of a similar system adopted in a neighboring sister Slate, alluded to, by his Excellency; but from the deranged and depreciated condition of the currency of that State, the financinl embar rassments of almost all classes of her people for several years past, and which still exist to an extent far greater than those of our otvn State which we are called onto relieve, we are well convinced that the road to financial prosperity must lie in a far different direction from any sfre has as yet taken. We deem it proper further to report, upon that portion of ins Excellency’s communica tion, which invitee us in tiie event of our dis approval of ihe system suggested by him, to devise “ some other more faultless” for the at tainment of the end proposed. That from the foregoing brief notice of the financial condi tion of the State, it seems that she cannot sup ply popular wants with money, because she has none ; that she ought not with her credit lor the reasons herein assigned; that we know of no other mode of Legislative relief, except the interposition of unconstitutional, unwise, unjust, and oppressive legislation be tween debtor and creditor, which, we presume needs not our condemnation. We therefore beg leave to be discharged from the further consideration of this subject. Robert A. Toombs, William H. Stiles, A. 11. Chappell, Geo. W. Crawford. Which was read, and upon motion to agree thereto, the yeas and nays were required to be recorded, and are yeas BH, nays 79. Those who voted in the affirmative are, Messrs. Alexander, Anderson, of Chatham, Anderson, of Warren, Ashley, Bighatn, Black, Boynton, Brown, of Bibb, Brown, of Houston, Bryan, of Houston, Chapman, Chappell, Ches ter, Chipley, Covenah, Craft, Crawford, of Oglethorpe, Crawford, Richmond, Crawford of Sumter, Cuthright, Daniel, of Greene, Daniel, of Thomas, Darden, of Troup, Darden, of Warren, Davenport, Delauney, Dickson, ot Talbot, Emanuel, Flournoy, of Muscogee, Foster, Green, of Macon, Hardeman, Hard man, Ifardy, Harrison, of Putnam, Hitchcock, Hubbard, Hudson, Johnson, of Heard, John son, Troup, Jones, of Columbia, Jones, of Harris, Jones, of Monroe, King, Long, I,owe, Loyall, Lynch, Mann, of Mogan, Martin; of Gwinnett, Maxwell, May, of Warren, McMil lian, of Thomas, Millen, Moore, Morris, of Cobb, Mulkey, Nash, O’Neal, Osborne, Parks, Preston; Pryor, Rea, Reynolds, Rhodes, Rich ardson, Sapp, Sermons, Shaw, Stephens, Stu art, of Ware, Stiles, Stone, Stround, ot Clark, Thomas, Toombs, Trayler, Waldhour, Wales, Warren, West, Whigharn, of Macon, White, r-f Jasper, Whitfield, Whitworth, Williams, of Harris. Those who voted in the negative .are, Messrs. Anderson of Frandlin, Barclay, Beavers, T3e 11, Bentley, Bethea, Brown, of Fayette, Carlton, Cannon, Carroll, Chandler, Collier, Dark, Davis, Dawson, Dixon, of Wal ker, Dodson, Dufour, Erwin, Fitzpatrick, Flourny, of Washington, Ford, of Cherokee, Franks, Gathright, Green, of Forsyth, Hall. Hammond, flardage, Harrison, of Randolph, Harris, Hatcher, Hendry, Hibberp Hines, Hotchkiss, Hudgins, Hunter, Johnson, of Ap pling, Jones, of Franklin. Keaton, Lawson, Lee, Mann, of Tatnall, Mays, of Cobb, Mc- Call, McCrimmon, McMath, McMillen, of Jackson, Meadows* Mitchell, Moon, Morris, of Murray, Murphey, of DeKalb, Murphey, of Wilkinson, Neal, Nixon, Palmer, Pettee, Pitts, Price, Read, Reeves, Roberts, Robinson, of Jasper, Robinson, of Laurens, Rodgers, Shrop shire, Smith, Stroud, of Walton, Sumner, Tanner, Tarver, Thompson, Towles, Turner, Welborne, White, of Pike, Williams, of Bul lock, Wilson- So the report was agreed to. From the Augusta (Ga.) Constitutionalist, July 31. THE RELIEF QUESTION, The great entrenchment of the majority in the last legislature, behind which they thought themselves secure from all attacks, was based on the impracticability at the time of the plan of relief proposed by the Governor. If they had not calculated on the strength of that en trenchment, they would not have ventured to be so bold in their denunciation of legislative relief, and in their renunciation beforehand of any plan that might be proposed, of a character less impracticable and less objectionable in its operation. But the people have sense and intelligence, and their vision is as keen as that of the members of the majority; the people can see through the veil with which that ma jorifv have attempted to cover their proceed ings'. The impracticability of the measure proposed by the Governor was not the basis of the rejection by the majority of that plan. The Governor had proposed the plan of relief and the policy of the majority was to reject it. It coni 1 not har e comported with the aspira tions of certain party leaders, that such a pop ular measure should have originated with a political opponent, and that the credit of it should be enjoyed by him. Hence the oppo sition it met at once by ttie majority in the le gislature, and the attempt to ridicule it, to misrepresent the motives of the Governor, and to show that it was oil done for popular effect. If the majority had anticipated such a movement on the part of the Governor, they would themselves have taken the lead ; but too late they repented of their neglect and su pineness, especially after the promises they had mad", and the pledges they had given, of reform and better time.-, of a restoration of a sound currency, and of entire relief from em barrassments and pecuniary pressure. On the other hand is it not reasonable to conclude, from the neglect and supiuene's of the ma jority in the legislature, that they had not the intention to fulfil their promises and redeem their pledges, made before the elections, ij they could! Why, when the Governor presented his plan, did it create such a bugbear, as the one we find described in the reports of the committees ? Before the elections, every thing was prac’icable, if power was placed in ‘he hands of the Harrison whigs: reform, re lief, a sound currency, a return to wealth ard ! prosperity, could easily be accomplished, if * the people confided to them the control of the 1 legislature. The people confided to them the control of the legislature, and from the first Monday in November, to the 14th of Decem ber, one week before the adjournment of the i legislature, they had entirely forgotten the i 1 promises they had made, and the pledges they [NUMBER 26. had given; and ihey recollected those prom ises and these pledges only when the G aver nor transmitted his message to both branches of the legislature. Then they awoke Irom j their oblivious apathy ; then they rubbed their eyes, and attempted to find out who had so j unceremoniously interrupted their slumber. They stared, and wondered, that the minority should have dared to take tiie initiation of a reliei measure, when it should have been done by them, if they thought proper. They then began to apprehend that they would have to account for their neglect and culpable apathv in a matter so deeply connected with the wel fare and future happiness of the people. \\ e have already shown how tho subject was treated by the Harrison whig party in the le gislature, and how the plan suggested by tiie Governor, for relief, was met and rejected. Tho majority in the legislature, and s'nro the whig pt nits, rely much as a defence for the violation oi’ their pledges, and the non-fulfil ment of the promises made to the people, on the impracticability of carrying into operation the plan proposed by the Governor. Admit ting that the plan was impracticable, why was not g practicable one proposed? Why declare that no plan could be adopted ? But was the plan of the Governor so impracticable, as it has been represented in the whig prints, and is represented in the reports of the special committees ? Let us examine this plan, and see how it would have worked had the state been in a position to carry it fully into opera tion. If the times had been propitious, the credit of the state good and undoubted, and confi dence in its recourees unimpaired, what evil consequences could have been apprehended in carrying the plan of the Governor into opera tion? The bill which was introduced in the Mouse of Representatives, in conformity to the plan suggested by the Governor, contem plated the issue of state bonds to the amount of two millions of dollars; the bonds to be sold at par, to bear an interest of not more than S per cent per annum, and be redeema ble in six years. The proceeds of those bonds were to be loaned to the people at the same interest, for a term not exceeding three years. These were the principal features of the bill • and certainly, it those features had been faithfully carried into operation, no possible loss could have been sustained by the s’ate. But let us proceed. If the bonds could have been sold in the north, two millions of dollars, in specie, or specie funds, would have been obtained for them and deposited in the Central Bank. And now we will ask those who ridi culed the plan of the Governor, would not tne Central Bank have been safe, when posessing in its vaults two millions in specie, or funds equivalent to specie, to issue two millions in Central Bank bills, for the purpose of meeting the loans to be made to the people ? Or could not the Central Bank have paid the discounted notes of the people in the same kind of currency that they received tor the sale of the state bonds? But by taking the position as sumed under another point of view, wc can show that the sale of the bonds, as just sup posed it could have been effected, would have placed the Central Bank on as good a footing as any specie paying bank in this State oreise where. The bank had in circulation in Dec.last, about one million of dollars of bank notes, and very little specie. The sale of tiie bonds would have produced two millions of dollars iu specie or funds equivalent to specie. The Bank would have had to issue two millions more of bank notes for the loans to the people. The circulation of the bank would have A mounted to three millions. And for these three millions of bank notes in Circulation, the institution would have had in its vaults two millions in specie, or specie funds, which, it not called for before six years, would have had to remain in its vaults. Furthermore-, it might have happened, if tiie loans had been made judiciously, and punctually returned to the bank, in its own notes, or notes of specie paying banks, that the bonds issued lor three millions, would have had to be redeemed with the very identical funds that the purchasers gave for them six years before. We will ask, what losses then would the state have had to sustain in all those various operations? Wiiat. grievous burthens would have had to be imposed upon the many for the benefit of the few ? If the above plan could have been carried into operation, and two millions of dollars ju diciously distributed among the several coun ties of the state, would it not have been ot material and immense relief to the people ? Would not our merchants, to whom the citizens in the interior of the state are so much indebted; have been relieved from pecuniary pressure; at least to the amount of two mil lions of dollars ? Would not the whole state have been relieved from embarrassments near ly one half of the amount of the deficiency in the cotton crop, estimating tins deficiency at. from four to live millions of dollars ? Thus we sec that, if the plan suggested by the Go vernor could have been carried into effect, benefit would have resulted from the opera tion, and no loss could have been sustained by lhe many for the exclusive advantage of the lew. But the special committess alleged in their reports, as an objection to the plan of the Governor, that the Central Bank has been badly managed. Their own words are these : “And it the management which has charac terised that institution for some years past, with few exceptions,* be continued under the operation of the plan proposed by his Excel lency. ihey feel assured, tiiat tne faith and credit of the state can o :ily be fully sustained, if at all, by onerous taxation, for the purpose of meeting her engagements.” This is a poor and untenable objection. Admitting that the institution had been badly and unskilfully managed; admitting that the whig majority in the last legislature had no confidence in j the Executive; ior the exercise of the power j ho possesses to appoint, the directors of the j Central Bank ; and admitting that the Presi-J dent of the institution is the Mardochai o! | certain whig Amans, who can never be satis- | lie I, and think they can have nothing, no bank j salaries, so long as they see him sitting at the 1 gate of the bank : admitting all ;h ~ was there \ not a remedy to remove the objection, or the evil if one existed ? The whig parry had the complete control of the legislature; they could easny have changed tiie mode of appointing the directors of the Central Bank; they could nave elected those three honest, men from their own party, to manage the institution, and to carry | into eperation the plan of relief proposed by j the Governor. Tne absurdity of lire objection j is thus fully demonstrated, and we are sure i that the committees raised it without due con ! sideration. Vv r e may now allude to the two propositions of the majority in the legislature, which we stated in our last paper would have been just and proper under any other circumstances, but which were then imprudent and ill-timed. One of these propositions was the abolition of the Central Bank, and the winding up ot its concerns. We firmly believe that if the measure had been carried into effect, in the actual pecuniary distress of cur citizens, the most serious injury to the state would have oecn the inevitable consequence. Our hos tility to the institution is well known ; we are convinced that its operations, have been pro ductive of many ev.ls to the state and to our citizens; and we are also convinced that the sooner the people require the abolition of the institution, the better will it be for their in terest. But at the same time we are not so blinded by onr hostility to that institution as übt to perceive that there would have been danger to stop the operations of the bank, when embarrassments and distress were felt by all classes of tiie community, and when thousands of our citizens were indebted to the institution in sums, small it is true, but suffi ciently large for those who require indulgence and an extension of time to meet their en gagements. Well, the proposition to abolish the bank was made when the people called loudly for relief, and when those in distress called on the majority in tho legislature to re deem the pledges they had made to operate a radical reform in the operations of the state government. And how were the people an swered ! By a proposition to abolish the Central Bank : at a time too when lenity and forbearance on tiie part of creditors ceuld alone mitigate the disasters which would be produced by requiring the immediate pavments of deb's. At any other time tho proposition ! to abolish the Central Ban!; would have been prudent and proper, but it was unwise and un feeling to make such a propose ion when bank ruptcy was staring us in the face, and when mum ers of our citizens were iu dread of the sheriff's levy and public sale. The other measure protioeed, and which was carried into effect, is that which required the banks to resume specie payments on liie Ist of February last. We admit that the banks should never have been permitted to suspend the redemption of their notes in spe cie. We admit that when in the first instance they suspended specie payments,'heir char ters should have been forfeited, and their doors closed. And we admit also that the act re quiring those institutions to resume specie payments on the first of February last, wan just and in accordance with the spirit and fair construction of their charters. But however just and legal the act may he considered, we conscientiously believed at. the time, and be lieve so still, that it was imprudent and ili timed, and more calculated to increase the embarrassments and distress of our citizens, than to restore a sound currency, lessen the rates of exchange, and give greater facili'ies *o our own citizens to meet their engagement ‘! A gradual resumption should have been the policy; and if adopted our merchants would have been less liable to sutler the immense and ruinous premium they have had to pay in order to meet their engagements abroad. We would not tiring the passage of this biil as a charge against tiie majority in the legislature under any other circumstance. But the ma jority had promised wonders; they had prom ised relief; they had promised reform ; and they had promised to show that their oppo nents, by improper and unwise measures, had plunged the state into inextricable difficulties and ruin, from which the state could be extri cated but by themselves. *Thesd few exceptions no doubt allude to the years 1838 and 1839, when the Central Bank was under the control of tho whig par ty. We should like to be informed of the better management of the institution during these two years, than during tho preceding and subsequent years. Cast Iron Buildings. St. George's Church, Liverpool, England, is mainly con structed of cast iron. The whole of the frame work of the windows, doors, roof, pul pit ornamental enrichments, are of cast iron. The length is 119 feet —breadth 47. Within two years past, several dwellings have been< rected near London which are ex clusively of cast iron structure —walls, doors; steps, chimneys, sashes, &c. A great many of the manufactories, built in England within ten years, are all of cass iron except the walls. The first cost of such buildings in England is said to be less than those of timber. The Philadelphia North American has the following paragraph: “ United States Bank. —It may be grat fying to the stockholders of tins institution here, as well as elsewhere, under the peculia ry disastrous state of their affairs, to learn that the officers are now devoting themselves unweariedly toward husbanding its assets and resuscitating its credit and character. Day and niitht they are employed in prohing every part of its resources, witk the rigid determi nation of testing the exact value oi the assets, and enforcing, judiciously tho pay ment of every dollar w.fich is honestiy due the institution.” Appointments ey the President. —By and with the advice and consent of the Sen ate. Peleg Sprague, Judge of the United States for the District of Massachusetts. DEPUTY POST MASTERS, Robert D. Riddle, at Pittsburg, Pennsyl vania. John C. Montgomery, a! Philadelphia. The season still continues very healthy; The principal cases which prove fatal in the Charity Hospital are ilmse of persons who are brought there dangerously ill, consequent on intemperance or exposire to tiie sun. Four teen persons have died in the hosptal from these causes during the present month. ‘Poo much strong sun and ton much strong alcohol are debilitating appliances.—N. O. Picayune) 18th inst. FROM FLORIDA. W e learn from Captain Goodwin, of she sc'ir. Joseph Crowell, arrived at this port last evening from St. Augustine, in the short space of 24 hours, that the Indian (one of Wild Cat’s party, alluded to in our [taper of I7ih nut.) had arrived at that place In m Picolaia, and was immediately sent South iri the steam er Cincinnati. This is the Indian who savs he can guide the troops to the camp of Biilv Bmv Legs. Capt. G. informs us there was no other news.—Savannah Republican, July 22. Judge Coaiter of Miss, nas raised quite an excitement by deciding tint a Sheriff’s return of payment on an account in nut is not legal and satisfactory, if made in tn.e irredeemable, depreciated Bank Notes of that S'.aie. The defendants or Sheriffs can only be credited with the Specie value of such notes. This may he hard, but could a Judge decide oth erwise?—Shv. Rep. French Fisheries. —The Boston Mercan tile Journal whose editor is “at home” among salt water craft, says that there are 400 ves sels employed in the cod fisheries of France, measuring 50,000 ions, and manned by 11,009 seamen. The whole number of seamen em ployed in the Mercantile marine of France, is now 98,000. In 1793, the seamen employed is stated in a Paris paper, at 100,000. Tlran Wages Administration. —The Bos ton Post says that at the U. S. Navy Yard, Charlestown, the laborers’ wages have been REDUCED PROM ONE DOLLAR AND SIXTEEN CENTS TO CNF. DOLLAR. The Confessional. —The Archibishop of Paris has jnst issued an order for the con struction of the confessionals in the churches of Paris in such a way that the priests shall no longer be concealed from public view.— They are to have open seats, but the peni tents are, as the present, to he entirely con cealed from the public gaze. It is stated that there are ctran at all times in the city of y ork ; there are upwards ot H'tfO fema!cs jn th t city; who obtain their Jiving by the needle. < i TTNUED : ‘HI!GRATION.-101.>passengers arm-ed at York, during the week ending .Saturday lpth, CgTD Advice.— Hate nothing but what is dishonest, fear nothing hut what is ignoble, and love nothing but what is just and honors-> ble.