Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

THE TIMES. ‘V?- Tile union of the states a-. ;hc ■‘oTereigntyofthe states COLUMBUS, AUGUST 5, 1841. FOR GOVERNOR, Charles j. McDonald. GEORGIA—A NATIONAL BANK. Having observed a remark of tbe Hon. Mr. Alford that his “constituents sent him to Congress to make a Bank,” and not having seen any thing in the progress of the canvass, or in the plan of operations, to authorise a de claration so specific and unqualified in refer ence to the establishment of a National Bank, we ventured so to say in our paper of the 22d 1 nit, enumerating some of the reasons which ! brought us to a different conclusion from that i adopted by the honorable member of Congress. We did not design to state, nor did we state that Mr. Alford “misrepresented the opinions and feelings of his constituents” in reference to the Bank question, as is alleged by the Co lumbus Enquirer of last week—but simply that the incidents of the last political campaign were differently estimated by the honorable member and ourself, and that we thought it altogether probable Mr. Alford would, on an impartial review of all the circumstances con nected with tbe late Presidential election, and that induced a change of government, per ceive that he had stated the case too strongly. We did not charge wilful perversion on the part of the honorable member. The Columbus Enquirer of last week re plied to our observations and declared, and in deed endeavored to show, that we had shame fully perverted the facts of the case ; or, in its own peculiar and elegant phraseology, tiiat “there was not one word of truth in the whole of our presy and digressive article.” We replied in our last paper to the comments of the Enquirer, and distinguished wherein it had evaded the strong grounds assumed by us in support of our opinion, leaving each one of those grounds not only unassailed but even unmentioned. We promised, however, to re cur to the subject again, and briefly to exam-* ine that portion of our first article, which spoke of the points on which the Whig party of Georgia was unanimous—and of the action of the last Legislature respecting the establish ment of a National Bank. As we conceive that the material and substantial reasons en tertained and expressed by us, in our paper of the 22d ult., to show that Mr. Alford had stated the case too strongly, are unanswered and un answerable, we shall condense into a limited space our remaining comments on this sub ject. The Enquirer remarks that as our “argu ment is based upon premises utterly false-the deductions are of course equally as unfair as they are superficial.” Those premises are thus expressed—That “ the only two points on which the Whig party of Georgia was unan imous'’ were “the desire to prostrate Mr. Van Buren, and the more prominent statesmen identified with his Administration, and grat ification at its successful accomplishment.” We beg it to be recollected that vve remarked in connection with tbe above that By these declarations toe do not wish or in tend to be understood as saying or implying that, most, if not all of the members of the \Vhig party did not entertain distinctive opinions on the leading subjects of national policy, but so entirely dissimilar were these opinions, so to tally and radically variant, that it was early foreseen that any attempt to harmonize and reconcile them, would only be “making war with bedlam”—and that the contest, to ensure union without which success would be unat tainable, must be waged on one ground, and one alone, opposition to the late President, and the eminent men connected with him in the Administration of the Government. In this particular, the universal Whig party could agree, and in this particular, very much to the detriment, as we believe, of correct principles of Government, they did agree. The Enquirer in its wholesale denial of our premises seems to have overlooked cr forgotten the above remarks; and to have proceeded on the assumption that the mem bers of the Whig party, individually, were characterized by us as entertaining no dis tinctive opinions on the leading political ques tions of tl 1 3 day. We neither meant nor said any such thing. We designed to convey sim ply the idea that the “party of allies” was not thoroughly united in all its parts and branches, upon any of the prominen* political topics o ! the day, not even tin repeal of the Sub- Treasury; or to repeat our own language that “ the only two points on which the Whig party of Geor gia was unanimous, was the desire to pros trate Mr. Van Huron, and gratification at its successful accomplishment.” Nor did we say, or intend to be understood ass lying that no arguments, assuming to deal with abstract principles, were employed to effect the pro posed object Sadi arguments were put forth in the greatest profusion, which, at any other period than in the heat of an excited political canvass, would have been expelled from public notice as utterly unworthy of a moment’s consideration—arguments wholly personal in their inception and design, aiming at nothing more than the production of personal odium and the prostration of personal charac ter. In what light would the Columbus En quirer view the efforts made to corrupt public opinion by means of the miserable fanfaronade of Ogle, which was glitteringly paraded in its own columns—the attempts made, even by itself, to turn to political purposes the instruc tions issued to persons taking the census to ascertain, with a view merely to information and improvement, the value and amount of the various productions of the Country! If the editors of the Enquirer will refer to their own paper of September 2, 1810, they will there find a labored editorial endeavoring to prove that some awful plot to force direct tax ation was concealed in the instructions to as certain the resources of the Union. Os a like character were the efforts to produce odium j by means of the Army Bill—the Hooe case, and various other acts misrepresented and perverted to inflame the minds of the people. YV hat candid man, conversant with the facts, believed then, or believes now in thi truth of the statements ot Ogle—.a the imputed cor rupt intention, of tha census instructions—in tlie correctness cf tbe charges that, by sub mitting the Army Bill, admitting its objection ablo character, any designs against the liber ties of the people were even thought of, much less seriously contemplated—or that, in the Hooe case, precedent or previous practice were overlooked or violated? And yet these were among the principal weapons employed to crush the last Administration. But it is use less to multiply instances. We could go on until doomsday, and enumerate examples of like kind, which, properly interpreted have no bearing oh principle—were used, in the warmth of political exasperation, to create personal odium—and are now thrown aside and ridiculed by the Whigs themselves. We have said that the Whigs were not united even on the repeal of the Sub-Treasu ry, at least vve have the authority of one of their leading men in so stating. In a speech of the lion. Mr. Alford, delivered in the House of Representatives of the U. S., in June 164.0, and published in the Columbus Enquirer of Sept. 23d, 1310, in referring to the course of Messrs. Colquitt, Cooper and Black, Mr. Al ford employs the following language : “ They allege they have been “ proscribed” by the State Rights party, on account of this measure. I answer, not so. The people elected them with a full knowledge of their friendship for th is system if finance; in fact, ice agreed ; that a difference of opinion on this question | should not separate us as a party. Acer riing ly the people elected us; we came here—six of us “are as we were;” you are in a new “position” easily “defined.” You are Van Burenized in full; gone over, “ horse, foot and dragoons.,’ You have not been “ proscribed ” because you support the measure. No such thing. You are rejected because you support the man —the head of the party.” Here is evidence, at least so far as the de liberate and voluntary declaration of an influ ential and prominent member of his party, and honored with its confidence—is entitled to weight—of the truth of our two propositions, that opposition to Mr. Van Buren and a desire for his defeat, were the only two points on which the Whig party of Georgia was unan imous—and that Mr. Alford had stated the case too strongly when he said his constitu ents sent him to Congress to make a Bank. Believing that our positions and proof on this subject are impregnable, as the Enquirer of yesterday has failed even to allude to them, much less to controvert them, we shall close this branch of the enquiry by bringing in aid of our position tho opinions of Gen. Harrison as quoted in the articles written a year since, and published in the Columbus Enquirer, by One of the People,” or, as is well knowrn by the distinguished leader of the Whig party of Muscogee county; as also the individual opinions of the writer himself, previous to the election, on the subject of a Bank. In the Columbus Enquirer of the 17th of June, 1840, in an article by “ One of the People,” num bered five, the following are quoted as the sen timents of Gen. Harrison. lie is speaking of a Bank: “ If it is not necessary for that purpose, it does not appear to me that one can be consti tutionally chartered, There is no construc tion which I can give the constitution which would authorize it, on the ground of affording faciiit ies to commerce. The measure, if adop ted, must have for its object the carrying into effect (facilitating at least the exercise of) someone of the powers positively granted to the General Government. If others flow from it, producing equal or greater advantages to the nation, so much the better; but these cannot be made the ground fur justifying are course to it.” What rational construction will tho above extract bear than that General Harrison was disinclined to sanction a Bank—that lie be lieved it was possible for the Government to do without one —in fine that his election by no means secured the establishment of a National Bank ? In the same article “ One of the People,” in introducing the opinions of the late William 11. Crawford respecting a Banlo thus conveys his own sentiments : “ I am opposed to a United States Bank , and yet 1 trust I may be pardoned for asking the attention of the People of Georgia to the following extract.” And yet the Enquirer has the folly and tho temerity to state that our “premises” and “de ductions” are “false,” “ that there is not one word of truth in the whole of our article.”— We leave it to reconcile its unqualified con tradictions with the facts we have presented in this, and the two preceding numbers of our paper. We come now to the action of the Legisla ture on the subject of a National Bank, in sta ting which, it appears from the Enquirer, wo have committed so many “blunders.” To be brief—we stated in our paper of the 22d ult. that, on the 27th of November, resolutions ad verse to a .Bank were adopted in the Senate, and that, on the 28 h of November, the Senate refused to reconsider those resolutions. What is the rep’y of the Enquirer! “ Why, simp]}’ (to quote its words) that the vote was taken in the absence of ten Whig Senators. Had a “full Senate” been present, it is plain that the resolutions would have been negatived, and others of an opposite character adopted.” Is not this begging the question ? How does the Enquirer know that resolutions of an op posite character would have been adopted, if the Whig Senators had been present l Does it know the individual opinions of those Sena tors 1 Is it altogether certain, even admitting the individual opinions of the absent, members to be as stated, that they would have felt themselves authorized, according to their es timate of public opinion respecting a Bank, to sustain Bank resolutions 1 But the Enquirer says, that the Senators who voted for Bank resolutions “actually represented a majority of the people of Georgia.” To render tins ar gument available, the Enquirer must show that the S3 Senators who recommended a Bank were known to their constituents res pectively, to be Bank men previous to the elec tion. In one instance, it is within our own knowledge, and that of the Enquirer, that a Senator who voted for Bank resolutions had avowed himsell an anti-Bank man previous to October last We allude to the honorable Senator from Muscogee. We are not im pugning his motive?, or censuring the course he thought proper to pursue in the Legisla ture—but are simply detailing facts. This honorable Senator had voted in 1838 against Bank resolutions in every shape and form ; and as late as June 13 10, had said, in so many words, (as we have already shown by the article signed “One of the People” and writ ten bv that Senator) that lie was opposed to a Bank—and yet he voted for Bank resolu tions in the last Legislature. Now how will the Enquire* determine the political ooinplox ion of Muscogee county respecting a Bank, by the vote of its honorable Senator ! In reference to our detail of the proceedings of the House which is represented by the En quirer to be so incorrec + , what are the facts | is stated by that print ? That of the 88 yeas in the House voting far the indefinite post ponement of Bank resolutions, 11 afterwards voted for the amendment of Dr. Chipley.— Admit if, and what does it show ? Clearly that the 11 who voted for postponement, al though Bank men, uninformed and uncertain a, to the real sentiments of their constituents, \ desired, if possible, to avoid a direct vote on the subject, but that the resolutions from the Senate, and the amendment of Dr. Chipley, came up in such form that the question could not Le avoided, and the convictions of their judgment were pursued, regardless of the opinions of their constituents, whatever those opinions might be. The Enquirer says far ther, that if the members who voted on the postponement had all been present when the vote was taken on the amendment of Dr. Chipley, the yeas would have swelled to 99, majority for a Bank 28. Admit all this, and is there yet a majority of the whole number of which the House of Representatives is com posed 1 In conclusion, are not the main points of our argument unrefuted, both -as it respects the opinions of the people, and the vascillating course of the majority in the Legislature as to the establishmentrmf a National Bank l If no doubt were entertained as to the senti ments of a majority of the people respecting a Bank, would there have been any uncer tainty in the Legislature, or any hesitancy in adopting, at once and unreservedly, Bank resolutions 1 THE ENQUIRER AND OtfRSELE. The Enquirer of yesterday, in an article headed the “Times and Ourselves,” says that we seem to be “bent on having a regular built war” with it—that we have “been throwing out our banters for a long time past.” We have desired no war with the Enquirer ex cept the war of argument —and to this end we have “been throwing out our banters”—not because vve had any special confidence in our ability to cope with the Enquirer ; but vve had such undoubting faith in the rectitude of cur principles, that we were desirous to see how they would stand the guerilla warfare practis ed by our neighbour. The Enquirer undertakes to settle the char acter of our paper—the dignity of its articles —the spirit in which they are written—and the degree of respect to which the Times is entitled. We beg to object to the Umpire, We are perfectly willing for the community to judge—indeed any disinterested person of either party. There are few things said by us respecting the Enquirer which vve cannot sustain by its own files—and now because we are bringing them in judgment against that print—at a season suitable for calm reflection and unbiassed discussion—it is attempting to avoid the issue by charging us with employ ing billings gate and virulence, and a desire to relieve ourself of “ accumulated bile. ” Why, if the writer of the article in tbe En quirer knew us well he would soon discover that we cherished as little ill-will to men and parties, for a difference of political opinion merely, as any man with whom he ever met. But the Enquirer is exceedingly enraged because we thought that the finger of a “vigo rous and talented writer” of its party was to be seen in its last number. Why, is such an intimation any reflection on the ability of the regular conductors of the Enquirer? For our part, if an individual possessing a more minute knowledge of facts, from his connec tion with them, than ourself, would embody those facts with suitable comments, vve would very cheerfully publish them editorially, pro vided they expressed our sentiments, and thank him for the act—and vve should not, in consequence, think any the less of our ability to manage our paper. So far as any inference prejudicial to the ability of the editors of the Enquirer may be drawn from our remark vve beg them to allay their anger, as that inter pretation of the matter never once entered our mind. The truth is vve had a desire to invite the late honorable member of the Legislature to a discussion of the prominent incidents of the last political campaign, with which he was identified, and in which lie so intimately min gled. We begjthe Enquirer, therefore, to ac quit us of any intentional wrong in this in stance. As the Enquirer has expressed its willing ness “to measure lances with us,” and “to give us the benefit of a few passes,” vve shall endeavor to engage it, speedily, in the war of argument. “ Giovanni” is mistaken. We ‘ : 1 not “vauntingly throw down the gauntlet.” We were amazed to see the statement so unqual ifiedly made, that the tendency “of the schools and literary and scientific associations of the age is to infidelity,” and we simply observed that it was a “ sweeping charge,” and we wished “to understand distinctly the meaning of the writer.” There was surely no “vaun ting” in this. Oar question whether “Giovanni” in men tioning “ tlio tendencies to Jacobinism and civil misrule, that so fearfully characterize the age,” had any allusion to either of the po litical parties existing in the country, was prompted by the fact that, during the last po litical campaign, such views were upheld by the Whig presses, as justly chargeable to the Democratic part}', and we simply wished to know if “ Giovanni” used them in the same connection. There was surely no “vaunting” in this. “Giovanni” stated in his first communica tion that “ the great tendency of the age, its schools, literary and scientific associations, is to Infidelity.” This was the issue first made and to this we intend to hold “Giovanni.”— From a hasty glance at his article of yester day, we perceive that he is disposed to qualify and mitigate the severity of the declaration quoted above. We shall endeavor to distin guish, next week, the points of difference in the two articles, and also to question the correctness of some of the opinions advanced by “ Giovanni.” As, in all probability, we have to deal with a man of God, whose voca tion it is “to allure to brighter worlds and lead the way,” we shall not rush biiiidv into a discussion with one who aspires to that criti cism which illustrates religion by all the re sources of human learning, and who is fa miliar with the persuasive language “ of Him who poured out hie bleesinge on the Mount and of Illm at wliose impress, ve appeal Felix trembled.” . POST OFFICE. John Schley, Esquire Post Master of this City, has been superseded by George W. E. Bedell, Esq. This change was not unexpec ted, as it lias been known here for some time that the removal of Mr. Schley was settled’ and that the delay in appointing his successor | arose Irom the conflicting claims of applicants, j This difficulty was at last reconciled, and the Congressional Delegation united in favor of Mr. Bedell, anj secured his appointment. The address of Mr. Schley, with the evi dence of his fidelity and impartiality in the ; discharge of his ofiicial duties, will be found in another part of this paper. We had all along supposed that if an3- officer were guilt less of “active partisanship,” or of bringing the influence of his office in conflict with the free dom of elections, cr who was wholly free from any participation in conduct which the pres ent Executive solemnly declared should alone constitute sufficient ground for removal, Mr Fciiley was that officer. Either incorrect representations in this respect have been made to the President, or he has chosen to disre gard his public and solemn pledges. / W hat says the Enquirer of the act of the late members of the Legislature from this county, in abolishing two precincts, and con-, solidating them at an inconvenient place ? j What prompted this movement on the part of j the honorable Mr. Sapp who, vve believe, in troduced the 1311 ? How happened it that the j two democratic precincts were molested, and ’ the Harrison precinct (Upatoie) entirely es caped notice ? The same course vve learn was pursued in Stewart, Talbot, Bibb and oth er counties, abolishing or removing democratic precincts, and thus subjecting political ad versaries to trouble and inconvenience. If the Harrison majority in the Legislature were opposed, on principle, to precincts, why not say so and abolish all precincts, and hold the election in each county at the court house ? But to searcli out, and abolish wherever it would affect injuriously their political oppo neuts, are acts of petty legislation to which vve did not suppose Statesmen would resort. A correspondent from Stewart, for whose communication we have not room this week, desires to know if an act were not before the last Legislature giving to certain Indians in the Cherokee Country all the rights of citizen ship—to sue and be sued, to be witnesses in Courts , SfC. And whether also the members from Stewart,, and a portion of the Muscogee delegation, did not sustain this obnoxious law, which was crushed in the Senate? We will refer to the Journals, and publish next week the action of the Legislature on this subject. The Columbus Enquirer has wholly omit ted to make “ the curious developemenls ” it promised last week, attending the passage of the Tax Law. Neither has the Enquirer of yesterday attempted to show the necessity for the adoption of the present odious tax act. It. speaks of the Loco Foco misrule—of Loco Foco extravagance, &c. &.c.—but it gives no particulars. If the amount to be raised by the existing tax law is indispensably required to defray current expenses, certainly these ex penses can be shown and enumerated. The appropriation act will show tbe amounts to be expended, and the objects of expenditure, and if further sums were applied by the Le gislature, the acts will clearly explain their amounts, and the objects to which they were applied. There is no difficulty in ascertain ing the various sums (o be paid—and by re ference to tbe laws, the Enquirer can show its readers the necessity of extracting so large an amount in the shape of taxes, if such necessity really existed. Why has it omitted to do this? We certainly hope that in a mat ter as important as this the Enquirer will not hesilate to enlighten its pairons, and enable them to judge understand ingly of the wisdom and kindness of their Representatives. CONGRESS. The Bankrupt Bill has passed the Se nate, and is now before the House. Its fate is doubtful. The Bill establishing a Bank of the United States has passed the Senate. The following is the provision in the Bill respecting the pow er to establish Branches. “ And the said directors may also establish one or more competent offices of discount and deposite in any territory or district of the United States, and in any State, with the as sent of such State; and when established, the said office or offices shall not be removed or withdrawn by the said directors prior to the expiration of tile charter, without the previ ous assent of Congress: Provided, in re spect to any State which shall not, at the first session of the Legislature thereof held after the passage of this act, by resolution or other usual legislative proceeding, unconditionally assent or dissent to the establishment of such office or offices within it, the assent of the said State shall thereafter be presumed; and provided, nevertheless, that when it shall be come necessary and proper lor curving into execution anv of the powers granted in the Constitution, to establish an office or offices in any of the States whatever, and the establish ment whereof shall be directed by law, it shall be the duly of the said directors to establish such office or offices accordingly.” This provision was adopted by the following vole: Yeas—Messrs. Barrow, Bates, Bayard, Ber rien, Choate, Clay, of Kentucky, Dixon, E vaus. Graham, Henderson, Huntington, Kerr Mangum, Merrick, Miller, More head, Phelps, Porter, Prentiss, Preston, Simmons, Smith, of indinaa, Southard, Talitaadge, White, Wood bridge—26. Nays—Messrs. Allen, Archer, Benton. Buc hanan, Calhoun, Clay, of Alabama, Fulton, King, Linn, Me Robe red. Mouton, Nicholson, Pierce, Rives, Sevier, Wraith, of Connecticut, Surgeon, Tappan, Waiter, Williams, Wood bury, Wright, Young —23. Two Senators were absent—Mr. Clayton, Whig—aid Mr. Cuthbert, Democrat. LATE FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE TEN DAYS LA TER. The Great Western arrived at New York on the 20lh of July, Sheen days from Bristol, ! England. In politics'—the Tories have been success tul, and Sir Robert Peel will become Prime Minister. Daniel O’Connell, the Irish Liber ator, has been defeated—as also Joseph Hume, the celebrated advocate of Free Trade. ‘Pile New Yon: Herald, Extra, of the 29th ult. remarks of tip foreign news by the Great Western, that “ the crops are good—money scarce—cotton in—and failures plenty.”— We have fooili to-day for the following ex-, tracts only: The prospect of the Americans corning! into ihe London market once more as birr- j rowers, a prospect with which we we.e: threatened hy a paper of the last arrival has: created a strong leeiing of the propriety of resisting every attempt to send money to a I country where the legal and moral obligation 1 |of paying slate debts is still an unsettled , question, rather calculated to elicit the ingen i uity ol the disputant than likely to be solved jto the satisfaction of the lender. A cot res 'pondent suggests that the first effort of the j kind should be met by the publication of a j resolution by the committee of the Stock ; Exchange against the introduction of any ! fresh American loans unfit all the slates hav - paid up their arrears of dividends and have Driven security fur future payment. This ! measure, throwing obstacles in the way of i every state, rat account of the defalcations of | a few of them, would be somewhat severe, i but the unsafe appearance of affairs generai ! Iv is such, that the people of the United States ; must not be surprised if the resolutions adop ted here are more than ordinarily stringent. Liverpool Cotton Makset, July 0. — Business commenced rather briskly lies week, and a tolerably extensive business was done, in some instances at a slight improvement on the quotations of this day se’nnight ; latteily, however, the demand became less animated, and we close with a somewhat languid tone, at prices nearly equal to those o! Friday last. The entire quantify disposed of this week comprised 2b,270 bales, 3000 American ; 200 ■Surat were taken on speculation, and ex porters purchased 200 Americans and 500 Pernam. Ihe whole of the West India and Peruvian offered by auction today, was with drawn Tor want of buyers. Saturday, July 10. —No alteration has ta ken place in our market since yesterday; pri ces are unvaried, and the demand has been limited. 2500 bags were sold; 300 Surat, 4 1-4 and a sd ; so Egyptian, 9 l-2d; 2120 American, 5 1-4 and a 7 i-4d. From the Savannah Georgian, July 23: FROM FLORIDA, We learn from an officer of the Army tliat an Indian called Sulamico, who had been sent out by Col. Worth, came in at Tampa, about six or seven days since with a party of about fifteen Indians from the Big Cypress Swamp. Sulamico stated that about sixty others would be in soon, supposed to be the same that promised to come in to Col. Davenport at Sar- j assola, but were prevented by the influence of others. From the last advices a few of Wild cat or Coacooehee’s people had come in at Tampa, and others were expected, in number from eighty to a hundred. Our informant ex presses it as his opinion that they will be in. By the Steamer Gen. Clinch, Capt. Barden, we have received tiie St. Augustine News of Friday last. We extract the following : Lieut. Judd, of the 3d Artillery, who ac companied Coacoochee and his band to New Orleans, returned about ten days ago to Tam pa with his charge, by order of Col. Worth. The Colonel expects to accomplish more by keeping Coacoochee a prisoner at Tampa, than hy sending him West at the present Lieut. Judd arrived here a few days ago with one of Coacooehee’s warriors, who promises to guide him to the camp of Short-Grass, somewhere in the neighborhood of Tomoka, Lieut. J. with Lieut. Giham, and the Indian guide left here last Monday in the steamer Cincinnati for New Smyrna, where, hy order of Col. Worth, they are to get 40 men for the expedition. Every thing may be expected, that can be accomplished, from the spirit and enterprise of these young officers. We like the disposition manifested by Col. Worth to stimulate the ambition and enter prise of our young officers, by giving them re sponsible commands. It is no disparagement to the elder officers to say that they carmot oe as efficient in this kind of warfare as their young brethren. The Colonel, therefore, very judiciously leaves them to take care of the Posts, and send our young warriors into the field. This system will put a different face on the war. We heartily wish Lieut. Judd success —we know he will descrce it. A tremendous fall of rain occurred on Tuesday afternoon, accompanied by vivid lightning. An examination ©f the everglades is or dered by Col. Worth, on the 271 h. The sail ors and marines attached to the armed vessels lon the Southern coast as well as troops ol 3d Artillery, are detailed for this duty. Major Childs in command. There is a good deal of sickness at the Post at Smyrna. The disease is however, not of a fatal character. Lieut. Judd was only able to obtain 20 men, and proceeded immediately up the Hillsboro’. Private Jacob Seigle, Company G. 2d In fantry, was killed by the accidental discharge of a musket, on the 29th ulc. in the vicinity of With'acoochee, Private Eeasle, same com pany, severely wounded by the discharge. The following article from the Richmond Enquirer of the 27th of July, is worthy the serious attention of every Georgian* The Tariff Resolution. —The vote in the House of Representatives on Friday, in relation to the raising of a Select Committee to collect information tor the readjustment of the Tariff, is very important as a sign of the times, in its bearings upon this great question. We believe that most of the Georgia delega tion voted on that question with the great manufacturing interests of the North, and a gainst the South generally. The vote was close, 104 to 100—so that if the Georgia tie le gation had voted with the South, and the true interests of their country, they could have changed the result. The issue made from the debate and the speeches on the occasion, ‘ was important, as it relates to the future ad-1 justment of a great and exciting question, it ; will be seen that the 1 democratic party gener-! ally of the North voted with the South on this I occasion. There is ho doubt but what our I friends there are, in the main, sound on this question. But Messrs. Dawson, Nesbit, Hab ersham and most of the gentleman from Geor- j gia, voted against us. This looks strange ! Is it true, that Georgia and Kentucky have | an understanding as to the adjustment to he forced upon the country 1 Ilumcr says t hat j Mr. Dawson is to be put upon Mr. Clays ticket as Vice President. This may not be j so; yet if it is so, then we can see how ar rangeraents in oolitics are to control the great j audvitalinterests of the exporting States up-. on a great question. We hope that our friends in Georgia will look to these matters! and see that their Delegation do not bind them | hand and foot to the car of the distinguished j Kentuckian, in order to gain his triumphal en try into power upon the prostrate interests o 1 a “betrayed country* Look at the debate be tween Mr. Wise and Mr. Nesbit—Does this j mean nothing 1 Mr. Wise sees and knows well who is about to desert, and is determined to shoot down in advance. As to the disclaimer which was made in the course of the debate, that Georgia had once united with Virginia o:i great principles we leave that question also to be settled by tbe citizens of Georgia. \ irgima stood by Georgia in relation to the Indian land question —she stood by Georgia in support of Mr. Crawford—Mr. Cobb and others stood by us in relation to the great fundamental principle of strictly construing the Constitution—And if the Representatives of Georg ia now declare that she differs with Virginia on that qae.s-j tion; if they choose to unite with the Federal party ; and disclaim the great principles ol i Madison’s Report and the Virginia School, 1 why, be it so ! They may write themselves as friends of a Bank ; friends of an enlarged Tariff; friends of a latitudinous Construc tion—And again wo say, let the good people of Georgia judge ! From tin: RiclintoiHl Enquirer, July 13. . Tali. HYBRID MONSTER. rtnVTTNISCEXCES FOR THE BENEFIT OF Mr- Rives & Co.—ln the Winter Session of 1810 -’ll, a small number of the Republicans of the General Assembly met for the purpose of considering the best means to oppose the re charter of the first Bank of the linked States. They met at the House of the editor of this paper, and ho distinctly remembers, for reas ons which it is unnecessary to specify, the following scene. Mr. Johnson, a staunch and able Republican, afterwards a rnqmber of Congress, and subsequently Collector of the Port of Norfolk, was present. The meeting was not fully organized, when the subject of the constitutionality of incorporating a Bank of the United Slates was introduced. Mr. J. asked whether Congress could not establish a Bank in the District? The reply was a.‘ once made, admit such a power, what then ? Can they establish a National Bank in the District 1 And if they were to endow it v. it!) a large capital, it cannot be employed in the District. Its commerce is too small. How can it get on without the establishment of branches in the States ? You surely do not admit that power ! Mr. Johnson, with that frankness which characterised the mar. at [ once replied, that certainly lie did not—that j Congress could not. constitutionally establish | a Bank in the States, directly or indirectly, ; and he abandoned the suggestion as idle and worse. No man was more opposed *.rough- I out, than this abie and amiable man. Such i was the course of our enlightened Statesmen in the palmy days of the Republic. Why is ■ this monstrous hybrid scheme now sought to ibe palmed upon us by Air. Rives ‘? No man : was apparently more opposed to a National I Bank, under all circumstances, than Mr. Rives even when he was making war upon the Sub- Treasury ; and yet, Ire too, is now attempting to establish a National Bank indirectly, while he disclaims the power to establish it directly. He is splitting hairs “ ’twixt North and North Vv est side.” The suggestion of establishing a Bank in the District, and to branch it into the States, was not, however, confined to private circles. It was thrown out in t lie public prints; and in that shape, we had the honor of encountering it. \\ hat we then said, we say now ; and by a curious coincidence, we then cited t he same proverb, which so many apply to it at this time, it *is indeed “whipping the devii round the stump.” It is an attempt in Congress to au thorize the District to do that which Congress have no authority to do themselves. It is an insidious attempt to assume a power indirectly, which had never been directly given. Given ! Why, who docs not know that the power of incorporation was asked for in the Federal Convention, and it was positively refused? We republish this reminiscence, which con tained at that time the States’ Right, doctrine of Republican Virginia—and we ask Messrs. Rives and Company what would have been thought of his scheme, at that time, by Jeffer son, and Macon, and Roane, and other States Right men I Would they have not declared it to be an “encroachment” which the States might at any moment arrest? Tliat. if Con gress were to authorise branches to be estab lished beyond the District, “their charters would lose their constitutionality the moment they leaped the (District line I” The idea of asking the consent of the States is now thrown in, only to lull the understanding, and to cheat the Constitution. Such assein can not remove the error. The taint of uncon slitutionality still adheres to it. Congress can not assume the power of establishing a Na tional Bank, toba branched into the States, by the consent of two or three, or more States, short of the constitutional quorum. George Clinton has laid down the true law upon this subject. Certain powers have been given to the Federal Government by the part ies to the Compact. If these should be insufficient, you must not usurp them ; but ask for them, by amendment, according to the forms of the Constitution—that is, by the assent of three fourths of the Slates. This is now and at all times the true doctrine. How then can the assent of Pennsylvania, and Rhode Island, and Massachusetts, arid any number of States short of three foart fig, now make a power con ! stitutioUal, which the fathers of the Republic solemnly determined to refuse the Federal Government? Such would have been the answer given in 1811; such was the answer which we gave in 1810 on the bonus bill, when Timothy Pickering proposed to whip round the Constitution, by stipulating for roads and canals to be established in the several States, with their assent. We so contended then— and we contend now—and as we would have contended in 1811, had this insidious feature of assent been thrown in to sweeten the bit ter dose of “encroachment” and total want of “constitutionality,” which will mark the estab lishment of a District Bank and Stale Bran ches : MR. E VEitKT'f’eS APPUJiS i MEN f. The Globe makes the subjoined just and serious objections to the appointment of one of Mr. Adam’s clique as Minister to England, while controversies of vital importance to the South are pending. New Minister to England. —“Mr. Web ster’s hand is seen in Mr. Everett s appoiiu* meat. We have some doubts whether, in some important questions affecting tno South, he will be found the best appointment for the South.” —Rich. Enq. Mr. Ritchie is right. Mi. Everett’s appoint ment is the very worst for the South, i nis is Mr. Webster’s second great blunder. Mr. Everett who is an ex-Unitarian parson, what the French cai! unprelredefroquc, (an unfrock ed priest,) was for some time a member oi the House of Representatives, and, lor-h 13 pre tensions, a very insignificant one. 1,0 there evinced no faculties of statesmansnip. He had, however,one merit, ile acted invariably with the South on the Abolition question. He proved him. ‘hi devoted to tire rights and in terests of the whole Union. But alas ! for the fraillv of human nature i When opposed by .Judge Morton, in the election for Governor of Massachusetts, hi meanly recanted his former sentiments, and, in a published letter, declared himself an out and out Abolitionist. No one believed that he was a sincere con vert, but all regarded this change as one of selfish calculation. He was defeated, never . by a single vote. He experienced the deepest of all mortifications ; the con sciousness of having disgraced himself in vain. VVe submit, therefore, that Mr. Everett is the last man to bo sent to the court of Ft. James. He may preach there as lie did before, in the Old Jewry, but lie is not Ik to be the represen tative of the United States —especially at this time. I A political revolution has just taken place iin England. The Tories - have regained pow ! er. They have succeeded by an alliance with the abolitionists on the West India question. | This turned the scale in their favor. The new Minister for the colonies will doubtless be Lord Stanley, by whose exertions mainly West India emancipation was carried. These circumstances give a graver aspect to our re lations with England. Most of the questions under discussion are connected with that of slavery ; for examples, the illegal search oi our vessels on the coast of Africa; the liber ation of our slaves cast upon the Bermuda coasts ; the congregation of black troops in the West Indies ; the British designs and in trigues upon Cuba, &c. Sic. Is it proper, is it fa r to tae South, to send an avowed Aboli tiomst, and one, too, who is so by recanting, which J no Randolph used to say was the worst sort oi canting, to settle these great and deli cate questions ? This is a great blunder. Mr. Vv ebster has, doubtless,great talent; bat he lacks what is more important, in public as well as private conduct, we mean common sense.—Globe. The Augusta Constitutionalist says: 1 aking in consideration the questions which continue to agitate the public mind 4t Europe, ■ especially In France ami England, and v. me ft have been taken up as of paramount import j once in European policy, towards the NV est j India colonies, Mr. Ev erett entertains opin ions til regard to slavery which must create in the southern section of the Union, appre i!tensions of a serious character. This vital | and important question to the south, might, in iau indirect or even direct manner, become a I subject of diplomatic negotiations between j the two governmets. It will be recollected i that difficulties already exist between this j country and Great Britain, for the detention of (slaves in some of the VV est India islands, and there declared free. Moreover, it will be : recollected ihat John Quincy Adams, in one ol | h:s late speeches in Congress made the dec ! Dration, that if the Constitution prohibited | the federal legislature to interfere with some i of the institutions of ‘die south, (he friends of |emancipation could attain their object by i means of the treaty making power. This ihreat has not attracted sufficient attention, i By the constitution of the United Elates, the j President has power, by and with the advice ! and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, 1 provided two thirds of the senators present (concur. The same instrument, declares, that i all treaties made or which shall be made, wi lder the authority of the United States, shall , be the supreme law of the land, and the judges :in every state shall be bound thereby,any tiling ! In the constitution or laws of any State to tho j contrary notwithstanding. When Ai r. Adams made his threat there is no doubt that lie had lin his eye these clauses of the constitution.— ! This threat may one day or another be carried I into effect; for wo cannot foretell into whose | hands the Executive Department and a ma jority of two thirds of the Senate may hereaf ter fall. Under the circumstances just stated, w e cannot approve the appointment of Mr- Everett. From the Savannah Georgian, July 23. Alu. Nesbit. —lias proved himself a true Georgian, while his patriotic bearing - has not quenched the Christian spirit which controls him, as a professor of sacred truths. Air. Wise was not content to speak of wail ing Georgia into obedience if she undertook to resist the authority of treaties, (a wise threat) but, it seems by the following letter, from a Whig paper, he forgot the respect due to the House and himself, and suffered his passion to overcome his discretion, Perhaps Mr. Nesbit’s size, or Ins connexion with the church caused Mr. Wise to enact in such bold relief the bully. We have recent ly wished to have a good opinion of the hot headed Virginian, but his “ volcanic galled bitterness, and fire, fury and ashes” are as destructive of such a wish, as tiie burning lava of Vesuvius is of human expectations.— Could we find space we would give a sketch; of their debate, but are prevented this mor ning. (Corrsspondeace of the Alexandria Gazuftc.) Wasmikbiox, July 22 1341. In the House of Representatives to day another of the scenes that bring so much dis credit. upon lire National Legislature, was a gain enacted. It seems that Mr. Wise, in rv speech, delivered a few days since on a ques tion involving the subject of the Tariff, made* some remarks which in the opinion of the del egation from Georgia, reflected with severity on that State. To day,.Mr. Nesbit undertook to reply to the gentleman from Virginia. In the course of his remarks, Air. N. alluded lo> the present position of Air. Wise, and ani madverted in mild, but emphatic language, upon his recent course in the House. There was a steady calmness—a dignified forbear ance in every word that Air. Nesbit uttered that, under the peculiar aggravation of the at tack made upon his State, would largely claim upon the respectful attention of tiie House. Perhaps, not half the members in the whole body thought Mr. Wise could or would sey a. single word in reply. Not so however. ‘1 he moment Air. Nesbit had concluded, Air. Wise most deliberately went to Ihe desk adjoinin'*’ that of the gentleman from Georgia, and there under an impetuosity of passion, to which even AI". Wise, amid all the storms he has encountered—when assailed by the most scurrilous opponent —under every incident of his Congressional career—was before a stran ger. It. is enough to say that the gentleman* from Georgia was, on this occasion, the best* abused man I ever saw. lie bore it mildly, and patiently. Even when the finger of Mr Wise was pointed quivering with rage, in his very face, if any thing could be discerned in his countenance, it was that of pity. The attack was concluded as it had commenced—severe —insulting—uncalled for. Mr. N.’s rejoinder was still mild—disclaiming all bad feeling to wards Mr. W ise—but expressing the deep compassion which ho felt for his opponent.— Mr. Nesbit is an Elder in the church : were it otherwise, a disgrace would have befallen our National Legislature that could never be wiped oil! 1 need not say to you that none can have a greater respect for tiie gallant member from Virginia than 1 feel—than 1 have ever felt for him. Your own columns can testify to the deep regard I have ever entertained for Mr. Wise, His noble defence of Whig principles —his tireless investigation of peculations and frauds—his whole career as a public man, have been the subjects of more than one let ter from your Washington correspondent; but he has forgotten at least, for nearly one hour to day, of his former greatness. The coun try would regret, deplore, any circumstances that would diminish their confidence in so noble a defender. May such a thing hereaf ter be among “ the things that were.” Yours, truly, From the Enquirer of Jan. 12, 1811. Wrap the Devil round the stump.— Pkovere.- -“The following sage idea is broach ed by that miracle of v, isdom, the Alexandria Gaze; o ; “ l’liere appear te be manj’ - members of the House of Representatives, who are desirous of renewing “the charter of the Bank of }*■“• United Elates, but who doubt the constitution-- al power of Congress to grant any charter, except in the District of Columbia. Mr. Ma con observed the other day, in the i louse, that no man could be more sensible than himself | of the injury that would result to the nationals j credit, and the ruin of individuals; that no? man could more fully than himself be sensi ble of the expediency of renewing the char ter; but he also was fully convinced of its uncons*itutiona'ity. Such are also the opin ions of many other members. Now to do away such scruples, let the Bank be estab lished in the District of Columbia, the sean of Government, where undoubtedly it ought to be. The Mother Bank, from this place, care 1 establish branches in the principal cities, in proportion to ilie commercial importance of such places, to be decided by the imports and exports of such places. A National Bank ought to be under the immediate inspection and control of the Government.” Chattahoochee R. R. & Banking Cos. of Ga. Columbus, July 17, 1841. IN pursuance of a recommendation of the Stock holders present at the Banking House on the lOih j July, instant, (he Directors, on the 15:h in-tant, ap pointed Van Leonard, John Bethune and Wm. P. | Yonge, Trustees, f>r the benefit of the creditors and Stockholders of said lustiiution ; and have this dav delivered into the hands of said Trustees the assets and liabilities of said institution. By order: July 21 24 *2t L. GAMBRILL, Cashier. TRUST SALE. BY virtue of a Deed of Trust, bearing da'e, 17 h July, inst. we will sell at private sale. Pi Bank ing House and Lot, with ail improved nis then-oil, situate o.u the corner of Randolph and (odet-.orpo stree's. The lot contains 66 fret >n Kauie .hand 1 117 feet 10 inches on Oglethorpe street, and . id 11- ceive in payment for the same, the Hi is ol im t hat, tahoochee Rail Road and Banking Company of Geor gia. The titles are indisputable JOHN BF.THITNE, WM. P. YONGE. Oolnsotwej July i” <