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PUBLISHED
E V r E li y THURSDAY MORNING,
T JAMES VAN NKSS,
la Uie “Granite Building,” on tle corner of
Oglethorpe and Randolph Streets.
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Vexulv Auvek tisfment*. —For over 24 anr
n itexceeling 3o lines, fifty dollars per annum ; fo
over 1 1 and o,t exceeding 24 lines, thirty-five dol
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2. All rule an 1 figure work double the above prices.
Leoai, Advertisements published at the usual
rates, and with strict attention to the reqnisltions|of
the law.
-Af.Li3it.Es regulated by law, must be made before
the court house door, between the hours of 10 in the
morning and four in the evening—those of land in
the county where it is situate ; those of personal
property, where the letters teitamentary, of admin
istra'ion or of guarJiassqip were ob'ained—and arc
requue l to be previously advertised m some public
gazette, as follows:
•Sheriffs’ Sales uu ler regular executions for thir
ty duv-s ; under mortgage fi fas sUty days, before
the dav of sale.
Sales of ianl and negroes, by Rxecutor, Adminis
trators or Guardians, for sixty days before the day
of sale.
Sales of personal property (except Negroes) forty
days.
Citations bv Clerks of the Courts o( Ordinary, upon
application for letters of administration, must he pub
lished sot thirty days.
Citations upon apoheation for dismission, by Exec
utors, Administrators or Guardians, monthly for six
months.
Orders of Courts of Ordinary, (accompanied wiih a
copy of the bond or agreement) to make titles to
land, must be published three months.
Notices by Executors, Administrators or Guardians,
of anplica'ion to the Court of Ordinary for leave to
sell the land or negroes of ari estate, f >ur months.
Notices by Executors or Administrators, to the
debtors and creditors of an estate, for six weeks.
Sheriffs’, Clerks of Court &c. will be allowed the
usual deduction.
O’ Letters on business, must be post paid, to
entitle them to attention.
TAV O P L A N T A T IONS
FOR SALE.
TIdE subscriber others for sale, on very liberal
terms, two excellent settlements of laud, lying
in the county of Stewart, both of which contain first
rate improvements.
One plantation contains nine hundred and forty acres
of land, 500 of it open land, of a superior quality, en
closed with good fences, mid in an excellent stale of
cultivation. On the premises, ate a good log dwelling
house, negro cabins, a*bla<ksmfih shop, a good gin
with screw and running gear, and a large peach and
anple orchard. This place is on the- road leading f-oni
Florence to Marion county, and is 10 miles from
Florence, 8 from Lumpkin, and 6 from a landing on
the Chattahoochee liiver.
The other place contains 700 acres of land. 300 of
which are cleared, and in excellent order for planting.
The uncleared portion is well timbered with oak and
h ckorv. On this plantation are a good dwelling
house, negro cabins and gin complete. It is on tin
road leading from Florence to Marion county, 12
mil's from Flnrence and 7 from Lumpkin. A more
minute description of these plantations is deemed un
necessary, as any one desirous of purchasing, will of
course, examine them. They are. however, desit able
places, and will lie sold on very liberal terms. Both
plantations are occupied, and will be shown at any
time, to any one who wishes to examine either, or
both of them. LEWIS DUPREK.
June 17 19 ts
w a k m s i‘ it iln <T s
Meriwether County, Ga.
¥H 11E subscriber having purchased this well
JL known establishment, will open lus hou.se early
jn. tune,for the reception of visitors. He d<-el ne giv
ing many details of fair promises, of what he intends to
do for those who may call upon him. but simply adds—
call! and if you are no. pleased, it shall be no fault o
Ins.
i To those who are in pursuit of PLEASURE, call
His B II liuoni will be lighted up every evening, and
good musicians will al all limes he in attendance.
To those who are in pursuit of HEALTH, call
likewise; good rooms rod cabins s ail l.c in abun
dance, ami ihe invalid can he as retired as necessary,
l deem it entirely unnecessary to sav any thing in ro
tation to the Bath, suffice it to sav.there is none equal
io it m the (Jolted States. 1 shall nt enumerate my
charges here, but will be as reasonable as possible, at
the same time they will he sufficiently high to ensure
y good table and good at tent io*>. In short every at
tention that is necessary, anil < veiv comfort that can
lie rendered to his visitors shall be Ids, const nil en
deavor. SEYMORE R. BONNER.
.P. S. f intend inlay off a few lots and dispose of
/hem to such as will improve them in twelve months.
To those who may wi-h to purchase, call on me or inv
ageip, Mr. Jonati an Niles ; one or the otlu-r will at
all limes be at the Springs to point out the lots and
SiictS. ~ S.R. R.
April 22 11 IA
, Tlie Macon Messenger,Southern Record* r. Stan
dard of Union, and Alabama Journal, will publish this
weekly I't'lil the Ist of August, and forward ilieir ac
counts to me at Columbus, Georgia. S. R. B.
. , NOTICE.
THE Planters’ Buttla of the State of Georgia,hav
ing immediately after the robbery of it*! vault,
adapted means t > take up from all honest holders the
notes slgrieitby J. Marshall, Cashier, and Georye W.
Aulerson, President, lie-eby gives notice that almost
the entire amount of that issue, now unredeemed, con
sists of the notes stolen from the Bank. The public is
warned against receiving any note signed by J. Mar
shall, Cashier, and Geo. \V. Anderson. President, as
payment will he refused, unless the most satisfactory
explanation of the mannnt ot its being received, a?
well as the person from whom root* ved. t
Anew issue has been made, signed by H W. Mer
cer, Cashier, and George VV. Anderson, President,
which will be redeemed as heretofore.
H. W. MERCER, Cashier.
Savannah, Juy 8 22 6t
THE C E I*E B IIA ‘l’ El> HO RSE,
ROBIN HOOD,
WILL stand the ensuing season, one half of his
lime at my stable, nineteen miles above Coltini
bus, in Russell county, Ala., and the other part of his
4, trie at Lafayette, Chambers county. Ala., and will be
let to mares at the reduced price ot Fifty Dollars, due
•23 h of December next. Mares sent over thirty
miles will be fed two months grans. Person* failin
to get a cult in the Spring, will lie allowed the Fa\
season gratis, if the mares an sent to my stable. All
<-.are will be taken to prevent accidents and escapes
but no liabii.Jes for either.
A* to Robin’s performances on the turf, a ref rence
to ihe Stud Book or the Spirit of the Times, will give
entire satisfaction. It is also due him to sav. that his
colts, so far as trials have been made, have been sur
passed bv none in the United States.
The season wdl commence the first o- March,-an
end the first of Julv. /.. W IIITK &
JNO. CROWELL.
Jan. 27,1841. 49 ts
COTTON B A G G I NG .
Direct Importations!.
subscribers have just c<>iiij>)eted their sea
fi son’s import of Cotton Magging, consisting of
Dundee 44 inch, weighing CJ lbs. per vard.
4i “ 2 “ “
“ 44 “ “ “ “
“ 44 i i’ “
“ 43 “ li “
“ 4 -> . .< li “ ‘
Inverness 44 “ 11 1* “ “
p.viblo E. I. Gunny 44 “ “ 2 “ “
Single “ ** 44 “ “ . H “
Also, Scotch Twine, superior 3 strand.
Bile Rope, India and English.
Which are offered to the planters and merchants of
Georgia, at such prices and on such credits, for city j
acceptance. as will render a home purchase more ad
vantageous than one in a northern nuiket, and enable
supplies to be sent immediately into the interior, cu
ring the existence of goad liver navigation, and at the
prevailing very low rates of freight.
1 ANDREW LOW & Cos.
Savannah, May 13
LIBERAL ADVANCES
APE on g tods consigned to SM IT 11. BE AT
j■ TIE & Cos. Auction and Commission Mer
chan s, Columbus, Georgia.
Novemoer 13 39 ts
The Commercial Advertiser, Apalachicola, Klor
di, will insert the preceding, three months, and
ansinit the account as above.
r I'>ROUGHT TO JAIL
ON’ the 17 h mst. a negro man who calls himself
An Irew, a i.i says he belongs to Nathaniel Do
auuev. of ilusse'l eo inty. Alabama. The owner is
desire 4 to c me f • >v ir.f. comply with the law, pay cx
neuscs an 1 take him apvav.
1 WILLIAM BROWN, Jailore
May *f 15 ts
REMOVAL
Do, JNO. .1. M XE V. ’ns removed his of
lice to the roo u over the slote of T. A. Bran
„ ,n. a few dons ahov- Tavtor Tvi Walker’s, and
nearlx opruisite Cos.. John Ba>:K’ I ’rug Store.
Jan. U. 47tf
THE COLUMBUS TIMES.
VOLUME I.]
SPEECH.
Os Mr. PICKENS, of South Carolina, on the Dis
tributiou aud pre-EinpUon Bill—delivered in the
House of Representatives, July 2, 1841.
Mr- Pickens said he did not rise to tres
pass upon the time of the committee by any
lengthy discussion as to the mere details of
‘he hili. Contradictory arid unsound as many
ol tiiose details were, he left them to be ad
justed and modified by the friends of the
measure. It would be bis purpose to speak
lo the great principles and viial poiuts in
volved in it, and connect it with the other sis
cal measures, which constitute one system
as a Wi.ole to he presented by the dominant
party at present, lor ibe adopiion of ibis
Congress and the sanction of the country. —
YY’e were induced to believe that Congress
fl as called together at this extraordinary ses
sion for ibe purpose of relieving what were
I said to he the necessities of the Treasury—
to relieve the wants of the ‘Treasury, be
cause the means would be short of the de
mands. And the Secretary ol’ the Treasury
had laid belore us a report, winch Mr. P.
could not defend, but the statements of which
he would avail himself of in the remarks he
would make. The Secretary had called the
attention ol Congress to the fact that there
would be, at the end of this year, a deficit in
the Treasury of six millions of dollars ; and
that, in the course ol 1842, there would also
he a deficiency of six millions more. And,
instead of preparing to meet this supposed
exigency by prudence and wise means, we
propose, first, to divide out annually three
millions of revenue that has been received
in common for forty years, so as to make
this supposed deficit still greater. Instead of
relieving the Tresaury by supplying it with
means, for which purpose we were called to
gether, you propose first to withhold from it
one of iis largest and most just sources of
supply. The next greal proposition we have
made t<> us is, lo borrow twelve millions of
dollars for eight years. Connect thhs with the
oilier, and it is nothing more nor less than a
proposition to borrow money, that von may
distribute. You propose to raise taxes with
one hand, that you may distribute wuh the
other.
Again : to meet all these arrangements, we
have the proposition to taise the taxes, so as
to increase the revenue from customs at least
twelve millions of dollars over what it would
he under existing laws Mr. P. said he
would not say what had taken place in com
mittee; hut the Secretary of the Treasury,
in presenting his whole system of measures
had recommended an increase of the tanlli
so that every article now under 20 per cent,
duty shall be increased up to 20 per cent.;
except such as were intended to be a benefit
to the manufacturing interest; and those
things that they specially consumed were still
lo be duly free. The compromise was so
framed that the first half of its operation was
intended to benefit investments in manufac-
Itires, and lLe lust La ‘I operated to the bene
fit of the exporting or free trade interest,
and now the proposition was to deprive us of
this benefit. It was well known that next
year duties would commence to he paid in
cash; and if the home valuation were lo be
paid in cash; and if the home valuation were
lo he executed, (which Ido not believe can
he done, as it is impracticable.) that with
Ji duties, would he equal at least to 10 pet
t ent. The whole amount of the proposition
teas, in effect, (!<>r the last biennial operation
of the compromise went into operation 81st
December next,! to increase our taxes to 20
per cent, upon ;ol importations, except such as
were consumed especially by the manufactu
rers. -Conside'ing the vast and increasing
resources of the country, it would not be dif
ficult to show that this would give us a reve
nue from customs, in eighteen months from
this time, of at least twenty-six millions of
dollars. In twoveais, n all human probabil
itv, our importations will be one hundred and
filly millions; say that twenty millions are ex
cepted, and then yon wilt have, at any rate,
tWeniy-six millions from imports at 20 per
cent, ad valorem. This will be at least
twelve millions mote than we would have this
vear tinder the present system. It is then a
proposition to increase the taxes at least
twelve millions of dollars. Y\ e then have a
proposition pending (which he feared would
become a law) to create a United States Bank
and for this Government to subscribe to it
ten millions of dollars, vvi.h thejcondiiiontotake
near seven millions more. Take the ten mil
lions, however, and that is to be done by cre
ating Government stock at five per cent ;
which is the same thing as to borrow it. V\ e
then have the twelve million loan bill, the
proposition to increase the taxes twelve mil
lions, and the ten millions stock in a bank;
making in all thirty-four millions of dollars, in
Ituuls proposed to he raised immediately by
the dominant party of this country. But, sir,
in addition to all this, we now have the jrres
eni bii! before us, which is to distribute annu
ally three millions of our revenues. It would
not be at all difficult to show that, with our
increasing population and returning prosper
ity, we will have, in eighteen months from
this, not only three millions from the public
lands, in revenue, but at least five millions
annually. However, assume for the present
1 the sum to be three millions; and to distrib
| u'e that amount annually is the same thing
i in effect as to fund the public lands, or, in
! other words, to create Government stock ai
| six per cent, inletest, the amount of fifty mil
lions of dollars. \\ Lat is the difference ?
Suppose you were to say that you will create
Government stock forjfifty millions of dollars
and that you would divide or pay over the
itift*rest annually amongst the Stales; is il not
plain that, as far as money is concerned, it is
identically the same proposition as to divide
three millions of dollars annually front our rev- :
enue ? If the amount should be more, of
course the stock would he greater. The;
proposition, then, as far as operation in fi
nance is involved, is to fund the public lands
at fifty millions of dollars. You propose to
set aside that great and permanent source of
revenue, for the benefit of others. The wit
of man cannot show the difference, as far as
the fiscal action of the Government is con- j
jcerned.between this proposition to divide the;
lland revenue, and a proposition to create!
Government stock at six per cent, to the a-;
mount of fifty millions of dollars ; for it is an-!
annual division or and vidend. Stripped of its
disguises and flimsy pretexts, this is its mean
ing, its spirit and substance, or it lias none.—
Add this fifty millions of public stock thus to
be created to the other thirty-four millions, j
and we have an aggregate of eighty-four j
millions of funds now pro;K'.sed to be raised j
bv this Government. These are the naked
propositions made, not to relieve the wants of
your Treasury, but to relieve tiie speculating j
and spendthrift race, bv fixing them, through J
this Government, upon the tax-paving people i
of this confederacy. So far as the peennia- 1
rv operation was involved —so far as the na
tional finances were concerned—the effect oi j
this and the other measures now proposed]
would be to create eightv-four millions of
public funds, over and above the ordinary
sources of revenue and the ordinary wants
of the Government. Such were the naked
undisguised propositions before the country.
This bill is only part and parcel of the same
stupendous system. He had thought that
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 9, 1841.
Congress was called together to relieve the
wants of the T. reasury ; but now the argument
was to relieve the country—to relieve The
States. Did I say to relieve the States 1 No;
the practical operation of the bill was to re
lieve, not the States, but the debtor class of
the States—those corporations for turnpikes,
railroads, canals, and banks, that had plduged
the Slates into debt for their purposes. Its
final operation would be to fill with delusive
hope all those classes of society who had at
tempted to tax posterity for their extravagance
and profligacy.
Connecting all these measures together as
one system, it did not surprise me that the
gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Johnson) haJ
brought forward this bill as the first to be acted
on. It Congress had been called together
really for the purpose of relieving the wants
of the Treasury, would not the loan bill be
taken up first] YY 7 ould we not take up the
question of the additional revenue, which was
called for by the Secretary of the Treasury ?
And then, after these measures for the relief
of the Treasury had been disposed of, we could
take up any secondary measure following
them. But the object, in truth, was not to
relieve the Treasury or the people, but to re
lieve and assist the great stock interest, which
had become identified with the States, and had
p! tinged them for ten years past into debts be
yond the resources, beyond the immediate
abilities of their own people to meet without
difficulty. And now they called upon us—
upon those States and sections that had kept
out of debt—to pledge the land of the country,
the great public domain, for the purpose of
sustaining all their interests. It was a na
ked and undisguished issue between the spec
ulating and stock interest on the one side, and
the great labeli ig and landed interest of this
confederacy on the other. Brought down to
a proper analysis, this was the sum aud sub
stance of the whole matter.
You could not have an enlightened view
by looking at these propositions separately;
they must be viewed together, as branches of
the same general system, relying on each
other as fostering and sustaining certain great
interests. For instance: the public stock to
be subscribed in a bank, was intended to ben
efit those immediately identified with the
banking interest; the increase of taxes for
the benefit of those who received incidental
protection and got the disbursements; the
loan biil would stimulate the money market;
and the distribution bill was intended to ben
efit the foreign fund-holder. It was nominal
ly to relieve Maryland, which was in debt fif
teen millions; Pennsylvania, said to be more
than twee that amount; New York, also in
debt to a large amount; Illinois, Indiana, Al
abama, Mississippi, and all those States which
were in debt. Suppose the debts of the states
and their corporations to equal one hundred
and eighty millions of dollars; then the dis
tribution under this bill would not pay half the
interest. Those whj are now interested in
urging it will finally urge this government to
create immediately government stock equal to
the value of the public lands funded, and
transfer that to the foreign fundholder, and
take in lieu of it state stocks now held by
them. Then, in administering (lie proceeds of
the lands, according to this bill, the govern
ment will concentrate the whole operation
within itself, and retain (at first, but will final
ly yield that) the distributive share of each
Stale as an indemnity for the United States
stock transferred in lieu of State stock. Thus,
the linal operation will be to assume, in this
indirect mode, the debts of the States. The
whole amount is, to mortgage the land and la
bor of the country for the benefit of ihose
who desire to live by taxing others ; and thus,
by legislative legerdemain, to enable the
swindling speculator and spendthrift, to trans
fer his debts to the honest and industrious, to
be collected by government, under such forms
and delusions as almost to defy scrutiny.
If there be any in the community who have
husbanded their resources and abstained from
speculation, it is but due that they should have
the full benefit of their situation in times of
reverses and depression. It is not right that
they should be put under contributions to re
lieve their more adventurous neighbors. Per
haps, in former times of speculating mania,
they were ridiculed for their parsimony and
want of foresight by those “who are wise in
their own conceit.” I am for just protection
to property. I think one of the first objects
of a civilized government is not only to protect
property, but never te tax it unnecessarily for
any object, much less for the benefit of any
particular classes in the community.
Sir, there is no inagic power in government
to create money. Whenever government at
tempts to relieve the debtor class, they must
do so by using the credit or resources of tiiose
who have kept debt, or by losses made
to fall upon the creditor class.
I abhor that modern that
would relieve one portion of the community
by taxing another portion. The honest pro
ceeds of labor, in all its branches, ought nev
er to be touched, except from necessity.—
Whenever a man has accumulated property
by fair enterprise and industry,Jet government
; protect him in the full enjoyment of it for
himself and his heirs. I respect that property
I which has thus been acquired, and its posses
j sor, as well as the property that lias been in
i herited from an honest ancestry. I respect it
i as the exponent of industry, frugality, enter
prise, and worth. But. I have no feeling for
; that artificial wealth which has been fostered
by incorporated credit, with all its arrogance
I and conventional habits. Those who have
acquired property by grindingthe face of the
j poor, and by unhallowed schemes of swindling
speculation—l care-not with what superciii
j oils air or upstart pretension they may claim
rank, yet I feel, and have ever felt towards all
such, the most profound contempt. Let Gov
ernment be impartial—exactly just to all in
| terests, from the peasant who dwells in his
; mountain cottage, up to the man of princely
; fortune, who spreads his palace upon the sea
i shore.
Mr. Chairman, this bill is calculated to be
one of the most important in its future opera
tions that has ever been presented to the adop
tion of a deliberative assembly. There is no
thing like it in the annals of legislation, ex
cept, perhaps, Mr. Fox’s great East India bill.
That bill was calculated to affect deeply
the extensive India possessions of Great
Britain, and the fate of millions of human be
ings ; making them not only vassals of the
British crown, hut dependants upon the Brit
ish ministry. True, its effects were to be felt
principally by an ignorant and semi-barbarous
race, who had slumbered forages in enervated
indolence. But this bill was to operate upon
an enterprising and spirited people; it was to
embrace in its provisions an empire as vast and
expensive in its as the Indies. Cast
your eyes over the map of that mighty country,
laved as it is by the Pacific on one side, and
that stretches itself to the gulf of Mexico in
the south, and your great inland seas in the
north, aiul you will see that it embraces a re
gion from which empires may he carved.
Where is the American heart that does not
exult with pride to trace the Missouri and
Mississippi as they roll through that noble
valley destined to be an inheritance for millions
of freemen ! Let us rejoice in its hills and
plains, its rivers, and mountains, and lakes, ra
ther than look upon them with the miser’s eye,
as sources from whence we are to draw future
“ THE UNION OF THE STATES, AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE STATES.”
contributions, to be divided amongst the needy
and the avaricious. You propose- by this bili,
to lay that great and growing region under
annual e actirnE, collected, rot for the com
mon support and common defence of a united
country, but to be distributed among those
who will be pensioned as sturdy beggars a
round your plundered Treasury. Why are
we now called upon to change your present
land system, which has been adopted almost
from the commencement of your government,
and under which such great results have been
produced ! Look back only thirty years ago,
(a very short time in national existence,) and
has the world ever seen such a change in a
country] Your present system has in that
period brought into existence nine States ot
this confederacy. Forty years age, and we
had but a handful of daring, enterprising citi
zens, who had sought a home in the wilder
ness of the west; but now they hold a popu
lation equal to that which achieved our inde
pendence in the war of the Revolution. Peace,
and happiness; and power, and civilization,
have been the fruits of your present system;
and why now make this great and vital change!
Are we prepared to act on this vast and com
prehensive subject at this extra session ? You
tread upon unknown ground. Other govern
ments have, by fatal legislation, losttlipir finest
possessions ; and we,” tod. by liastyand unwise
legislation now, may lose our control, and
finally our power, over the noblst country
that ever expanded its bosom tc the sun of
heaven.
The gentleman from Maryland (Mr. John
son) rests this bill, and the right of this gov
ernment to make the distribution, under liie
Virginia ordinance of 1784, and ot.ier grants
from the States, making a transfer of these
lauds to the Federal Government. He con
tended that w r e were bound to make this dis
tribution. Mr. P. said he would notfollow the
gentleman (Mr. Johnson) throughout his in
genious and eloquent argument upon the con
struction of these deeds of cession. I will
not stop to chop logic upon words with that
gentleman. The argument upon that point
had last winter been exhausted in the other
end of this capitol, and logo into it would he
but to tread upon the same ground. Neither
will J, Mr. Chairman, appeal to the abracada
bra of the constitution, that has long since
ceased to have its cjiartn upon this committee.
1 fear that consecrated parchment is hereafter
to become, in the future struggles of tiie re
public, any thing that power may choose to
make it. But, sir, if I were to dwell upon the
construction of those deeds of cession, I should
be totally at a loss to know how the words
“common fund,” which were used in all these
grants, could be construed to mean a separate
fund belonging to the States separately. Di
vide this “common fund,” and give it to the
States separately, and what is the result!
Hou distribute it to the States; and by the
very act of distribution you will destroy the
very language of the grants. That which is
declared to be “common” becomes separate.
‘The language is, “common fund for the use
and benefit of all the States.” By distribu
tion, you make it a separate fund for the use
and benefit of each State, instead of “ail the
States.” It is a gross and palpable solecism.
The language is so plain that, it can hardly
bear comment. Again: we see the language
is, “according to their respective proportions
in the general charge and expenditure.” Now,
if gentlemen claimed distribution to the States
under these grants, they must make it upon
the rule which the grants lay down, according
to their doctrines :—“according to their re
respective proportions in the general charge
and expenditure.” What was the meaning
of that! Couid we understand it under our
present system ! No! we must go back to
the period of adoption of those gran's. They
were made under the articles of confederation,
Congress had no power to tax directly. But
each state had its quota of taxes to raise, lo
bear its “proportion in the general charge and
expenditure.” Congress fixed the ratio or
proportion for each State, and each State rais
ed that by taxation to suit itself. What reve
nue was raised, was from the States as States.
Now, under this system, we can understand
the terms used in the grants. They meant
that whatever might come in from the lands,
might be a “common fund” for the ‘ use and
benefit of all the S.ates,” “according to their
respective proportions in the general charge
and expenditure.” That is, that their respec
tive proportions in the general charge should
be diminished by the same ratio applied to the
calculation of the amount put into the “com
mon fund” from the lands. For instance, if
that “common fund” was three millions annu
ally, then the Stales were to have that amount,
passed to their credit, “in the general charge,”
in the same proportion that their quota of tax
es had been estimated by the Federal Govern
ment.
There is no other meaning to it. And I de
fy any man to understand it, without taking
into consideration the manner in which the
Federal Government apportioned out taxes
among the States under the articles of con
federation. The adoption of the present con
stitution had changed the whole power of tax
ation. Congress was now enabled to raise
taxes directly from the people instead of the
States. As far as the power of taxation was
involved by this Government, we were now
made one people. Revenue was collected
from the people instead of the States. Audi
defy you, under the present system, to tell
what is the “respective proportion in the gen
eral charge” to any Slate in the Union. It
cannot be done. If it be true that these words
justify distribution to the States 1 then the rule
laid down by the grant itself cannot be exe
cuted. No, sir ; it is all a fallacy. ‘1 he sub
stance of the grants was to make it a “com
mon fund.” And if the rule laid down in the
grants has been changed, it has been done by
the adoption of the federal constitution, and
Virginia herself has assented to that change
by agreeing to the constitution. That instru
ment now makes a common Treasury, and
gives power to the Federal Government to fill
it by collecting taxes from the people instead
of the States, as formerly ; and you have no
right tomake that a separate fund which comes
into the common Treasury as a ‘common fund.’
There is neither logic nor justice in the con
struction that assumes distribution asaconse
quence from the grants. If you assume to
distribute under the grants, you must be con
trolled by tiie rule they lay down. It you go
according to “ their respective proportions m
the general charge,” what right have you, in
equity, toj livide among the new States first ten
per cent, from the proceeds over and above
their common share in this “common fund?”
Vet this bill proposes to give them that much,
besides their general dividend, and also a
large amount of lands over and above. You
claim in one line to be governed by the grants
and yet, in the next, ycu utterly disregard
them. The truth is, the constitution has
made a common Treasury,and ail iunds com
ing into it are common funds, applicable to
the specific objects granted in that instru
ment ; and whenever you seek out other ob
jects not defined, you travel into a wide field
of uncertainty,- where construction becomes
law, and power executes whatever may be
j dictated bv interest. Since the adoption of
j the constitution, there cannot be, in tfce nature
: of things, separate funds in the revenue ; and
j to divide the Treasury, or any part of jt an cf
1 right to the separate State, is to denationalize
the Union.
But, independent of this, where is your
right to go beyond the Mississippi, and seize
upon the Jands purchased by treaty * The
grants to the States were confined to lands
this side of that river. We purchased Flori
da also by treaty ; and, besides, we paid Geor
gia for what we got from her, embracing
Alabama and Mississippi, except a narrow
strip of land south of the 35th degree of lati
tude, running due west to the Mississippi,
which South Carolina granted. The grants
from Connecticut and New York embraced
lands lying in the Canadas, and were, to a
great extent, of no avail. Tennessee was
carved from North Carolina, and Kentucky
from Virginia- So that the grants, in reality,
are applicable to no part except that rich
and beautiful country that lies between the
Ohio and Mississippi, embracing what was
called the Northwestern Territory. Exten
sive, rich, and valuable as it is, —embracing,
as it does, four powerful States, with the pro
bability of another very soon, yet, as compared
with all that vast region that stretches itself
from the Mississppi to the rocky mountains and
to the Pacific, where nature revels in her
loveliest and most favorite retreats, it is set
tled up, and then compare the lands that are
now to be sold there with those that are to be
brought into market in the Territories, that
have been purchased by treaty, and it is “as
a drop in the bucket, and dust in the balance.”
The lands purchased by treaty, with the inci
dental expenses, have cost $40,000,000. —
This was paid for, out of the common Treas
ury, by taxes raised from every portion of the
Union. This land was paid for by the old
States ; and where is the principle, or where
is the justice, that puts their proceeds up for
division upon the same grounds that you
claim under the grant from Virginia, which
you say created a specific trust fund 1 There
must be something understood in this, more
than would strike the superficial observer.
If you give back to each State precisely what
it has contributed or paid, it would be useless;
for it would then be immaterial whether you
gave it back or whether you applied it honest
ly to the common purposes of the Union, and
then diminished the taxes by the same amount.
But if you gave to one State more than it
contributed, then it would lie a fraud ; and if
you gave to one less, it would be gross injus
tice. And if you finally imposed taxes to
supply the vacuum created in the revenue,
which operated unequally, it would theu be
adding to fraud and injustice, undisguised and
bast; oppression. Sir, it is not intended that
this system shall be equal. To talk of d.stri
buting the proceeds of Jands acquired by pur
chase, and paid for out of the common revenue
of this Government, and to pretend to equality
and justice in it, is an outrage upon common
sense. To attempt such a thing is ridiculous;
it is worse than ridiculous—it is wantonly
sporting with the resources of the republic.
1 know of no ground upon which this bill
can rest, so far as relates to the lands pur
chased, except the one openly assumed every
where—to relieve the sufferings of the com
munity; that is, f the fundholder and stockjob
ber—to relieve the credit of the States, &c.
The amount to be distributed would not pay
half the interest on the debts due, and its re
lief would be mockery and delusion, and those
who rely on it will be fatally deceived* The
whole profit and benefit will be divided among
the money-changers who may happen to be
moat, in favor; for the time being, with the do
minant interests that will sway your State
Legislatures! for selfish purposes. These
will be the men who will receive the money.
The gentleman from Maryland [Mr. John
son,} had attempted to identify this distribution
amongst the States, with the assumption of
what was called the State debts by the Gene
ral Government after the Revolution. The
genlleman had classified the two together.—
Was the gentleman serious in attempting to
rest these two cases upon the same ground !
What was the assumption of State debts at
that time! What was the situation of the
country ! There was, in fact, no central go
vernment, or, at all events, it was impotent so
far as taxation was concerned. We were in
the midst of a revolution. Immediately after
the Declaration of Independence, active, effi
cient governments were organized in our
States, with the power to tax and raise reve
nue. From their superior organization at the
time, they were enabled to raise funds to pay
your armies, to advance the means by which
they were enabled to fight the battles of inde
pendence, for the general defence and welfare
of the whole country. The States came for
ward to advance funds in a noble cause; where
they had plighted to each other their faith—a
cause which secured American Indepen
dence, and finally sent our stars and stripes
streaming in triumph and in glory through
every quarter of the habitable globe. It was
in this cause that Massachusetts and South
Carolina had advanced about four millions of
dollars each for the deience of the whole.—
The rest of the States advanced also; but
this was more than was advanced by any
other State in the Union. The State debts
of the present day were contracted in pro
found peace —they were contracted for the
benefit of the local interests of each State in
pursuing their various schemes of aggran
dizement and wealth. And did the gentle
man seriously put this distribution upon the
same grounds with the assumption of the
State debts of the Revolution ! A distribution
to be made, not to them who had encountered
perils and advanced their means for the pur
pose of defending the States, or sustaining the
common honor of a united country; but to
sustain corporations and speculators, who, like
leeches, had fastened themselves upon the
State Treasuries, —who, by their active exer
tions—by means of forced majorities in the
Legislatures, had combined together to plunge
the country in debt beyond its immediate re
sources or present means of payment. Sir,
were the two cases parallel 1 Were they to
be put upon the same ground ? Feeling a
just pride in the unstained honor of the Revo
lution, and the noble cause of the States in
those days, I indignantly repel the idea. You
cannot put the two cases together, nor was
the matter worthy of consideration in that
point of view.
There has recently sprung up in the coun
try a class of men who desired to get rid of
that everlasting curse placed upon man in the
first ages of society, that he should “eat his
bread by the sweat of his brow.” They were
attempting to live by their wits instead ot their
labor. I am against raising funds through
Government to feed these drones in society,
who are too proud t<s work. They are the
legitimate descendants of those money-chang
ers whom Christ kicked from the Temple as
hypocrites and swindlers. These are the
men who hang around your public Treasury
here; and in tiie States, always pressing for
taxes, and eager for a division of the public
spoils.
But the gentleman [Mr. Johnson] has
placed this distribution upon State Rights
grounds. He complains of the absorbing in
fiuenceofthis centralizing Government, and
presses this bill because it will have a con
trary tendency. Let us examines into this
The seat of vitality in our system is the taxing
power of this Government. This was a great
step towards a stronger and more consolida
ted Government than the old confederation.
It added vastly to its centralizing power. But
[NUMBER 31.
add now the power not only to collect taxes
directly, but also the power to distribute back
again amongst the States the revenue collect
ed, and you make it then work boths ways
towards centralization. Collect money to
distribute habitually, and yoq create a party
in every State who will organize and act to
gether to receive that distribution. It will be
a moneyed party, looking up to the action of
this Government, and forming combinations
with parties of like kind in every State, all
moving together with eagerness and concert,
stimulated by one feeling; and moved by one
power. You link them all together around
the Federal car—you make the meanest and
lowest of all consolidation—a consolidation of
moneyed interest and moneyed power. With
such a sytem, every noble and elevated feel
ing of patriotism would wither and die away
under the absorbing and base passion of ava
rice. A republic is either the noblest and
purest of all governments, or it is the most
corrupt and profligate. I can scarcely retain
a middle position. So long as it is kept free,
it nurtures simplicity, manliness, and valor ;
but when it degenerates, it becomes the hot
bed of cunning, treachery, cowardxe, and
selfishness.
The gentleman [Mr. Johnson] has himself
given us a fearful picture of the centralizing
influence at present of this Government; and
has spoken of fifteen hundred applicants for
one office, and the increasing corruptions of
the P'ederal Government. Mr. P. said he had
listened with interest to the gentleman on
these points.
[Mr. W. Cost Johnson said he did not
speak of the corruption of the Federal Gov
ernment. He spoke .of the power of the Gov
ernment, and, among other tilings, illustrated
it by the number of persons who looked to
the central Government for patronage, but did
not reflect upon the motives of the candidates
for public favor, or debate their right or their
jnotices. He spoke latogether of the vast
power of the Executive head of this nation.]
Yes, sir, it was melancholy to think of these
things ; and yet the bill on your table is cal
culated to increase this power and patronage
ten fold. When I reflect on the great tide of
office seekers who rushed here on the 4th of
March last, like half-famished wolves on the
great prairies of the west, I confess I tremble
for the future, as to the increasing power of
this Government However, this great herd
—this mass, hungry and howling as they
were, did not affect me as much as other
things. When I turned my eyes from them,
and saw those who occupied high places, who
were considered amongst the distinguished of
the land—when I saw them smelling their
way into the greasy places of the “ Palace,”
licking their chops, and, dog-like, wagging
their tails for the bones that might be
thrown them—l confess I felt every proud
emotion and loftv aspiration sink and sicken
with disgust. And now make an habitual
distribution of money from this Government,
and you increase all these disgusting scenes.
You create dependants and expectants in eve
ry State throughout this confederacy. The
purple of Presidential power would be put up
every four years, and bid for by the plunder
ers of the republic. All heroism, and patriot
ism, and valor would die away, and the lowest
vices would reign triumphant. Avarice—
keen, hungry, and lean—would be the god
before which the nation would bow down and
worship in base idolatry. Have we read the
lessons of history to no advantage 1 Look at
republican Rome — once a proud and heroic
people. They were powerful and virtuous,
until demagogues taught them to look to the
public granaries for Corn. As soon as they
began to divide the spoils, they becatne a
nation of robbers and plunderers, and sunk
into the deepest degeneracy and corhiption.
And are we now to commence a system which
will inevitably lead us through the same ca
reer! Call up your hordes from this wide
spread land; who will habitually receive mo
ney that you may collect here for distribution,
and you create a mighty system, which will
finally prove the euthanasia of the republic.
If the States should submit to it, (which I
think probably would not be the case,) we
vvonld then sink down quietly into the basest
despotism—the pity and contempt of mankind.
Where a Government is aristocratic in its
form, those who wield its power may become
enervated and corrupt for a time, and yet the
nation may recover, because the great body of
the people may still be virtuous and patriotic.
But when a republic, where the power is in
the people, becomes corrupt, then the whole
body politic languishes and dies—there is no
recuperative energy—the heart of the system
is poisoned, and every pulse and muscle be
comes feeble and languid.
The gentleman speaks of this system as
calculated to advance State rights. From
what analogy does the gentleman draw his
reasoning ! Sir, 1 consider the provisions of
the constitution, strictly construed, not at all
incompatible with State rights; and it is a
great mistake to suppose that those with
whom I act would take one particle from the
just power of this Government. Engraft upon
this Government this system Os distribution, j
so alien to the Constitution, and you break j
down all desire to keep up any general system i
of defences calling for heavy expenditures.
You would sacrifice tlie great objects and j
ends of this Union. A distinguished Senator,
now Secretary of State, has made an argu
ment which indirectly intimates that it is the
duty of this Government to assist the States,!
(if not to pay their debts.) from the fact that j
the States have surrendered the most impor- j
taßt source of their revenue—the customs, j
He says that on the part of the Atlantic States !
this is a great sacrifice. Follow this idea out,
and apply it to this system of distribution.
You propose to collect money from the new
States, and divide it annually amongst the old
Atlantic States; and the result will be that
they will soon begin to turn their eyes to
wards the customs. They will argue that by j
consumption they pay as much of the imposts :
as the Atlantic States do thiough which the
importations are made , and that as you divide
the money brought into the revenue from the
new and interior States, it is your duty also to
divide that coming from the customs. They
wiil say that, as they pay by consumption as
much of the taxes from customs as you do,
and as they receive but little of it back, and as
you take ail the land revenue collected from j
them and divide it, that they must have some
thing to equalize the moneyed action of the
Government. They will demand it as right.
And, sir, there will be some plausibility in it.
And after the next census they will not stop
to ask you if it be a sound argument; but they ,
will have the power to make it. law. You;
tread on dangerous ground when you com ;
mence this system —ground at war with the i
high purposes of this Union. When you ask ’
money to defend your flag upon the ocean—
when you ask for money to defend the land j
at home and your honor abroad—you will,
find ten thousand greedy interests springing j
up throughout the S‘ates; demanding the last!
dollar for division; while you will have to sub- j
mit to insult and dishonor, and a deluded and
betrayed people will sink down into drivelling
imbecility. Sir, I love the war attributes of j
this Government. I love its capacity as se-;
cured by the Constitution, for a common de- j
fence of our common rights and united honor.
I love its power in war, and its forbearing’
principles in peace. j
Let it be powerful in war from its command
ing the undivided attachment and loyalty of a
devoted people in peace. Let all local inter
ests be strictly left to the States; let what is
common to all—our independence, liberty,’
and union—be sacredly guarded and defended
by a common Government. Mr. Chairman,
1 would not, if 1 could, take a single power
from that sacred charter that binds these
States together. Sir, I would not, if I could,
pluck a single feather from the plumage of
the American eagle. No; let him stand forth
iu all his vigor, and power, and glory, but let
him stand upon the scroll of the Constitution,’
and my heart shall always exult to see the
bright constellation of American States lorev
er glitter and glow around his brow.
The Constitution, strictly construed, is aa
it should be. There is no need of adding by.
construction. It is a vast mistake to suppose
that the strength of the Union or the Govern
ment is increased by assuming power: it is
the reverse. Formerly, usurpation added
strength. But the world is now changed.
Intelligence and information are spreading
throughout all ranks. There is a keen jeal
ousy towards unnecessary power. An uned
ucated people may submit to the exercise of
strong and useless authority in Government ;
but exercise doubtful and needless power
amongst an intellectual people, who have been
educated to freedom under a Government;
limited by specific grants, and you create
murmurs, jealousies, and resistance, which
will make its habitual exercise * source of
weakness instead of strength. The strength
of our Government consists in its justice, and
in confining itself within proper limits. By
so doing, it will be able always to command
the united and devoted support, of all sections
and all interests. This is its strength.
If you pass such measures as this, and teach
the States to look here lor distribution, they
will make this Government the collector of
taxes for their entire support. They will
transfer the odious power of taxation from
themselves upon this Government, and the,
people will have little or no control over the
matter. The consequence will be, that the
large central States of the Union—New York,
Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Virginia—will over
shadow the Government,’ and, by concentra
tion of action, will control it entirely for their
benefit, without reference to the small and,
remote States of the Union'., And if war
should be forced upon us,’ these central States
will be the only ones capable of defence
whilst the extremities will be sacrificed, they
will hold the revenues of the General Govern
ment under their control, and use those reve
nues for themselves. This they will be ena
bled to do, from their location and concentra
ted action ; and this distribution once estab
lished, with its attendant consequences, will
always give them the most ample means of
control.
But, Mr. Chairman, (continued Mr. P.,) the
moneyed operation of this bill is not as impor-;
t-int as its political effects upon the union and
harmony of the States. It is from the new,
States alone that you will collect the money
which you propose to divide. This will force
them together in feeling and in action, anti
throw the old States on the antagonist grounds.’
Do you expect that this will produce the
kindest feelings! It will be the reverse.—-
Are we to legislate for the day or the year!
No, sir; look to the future. There is now
sufficient difference in interest between dif
ferent States of the Union, and do not increase
that difference by creating a system which
will make one portion in effect tributaries,
and the other portion recipients of bounties.
In twenty years from this, our population will
be about 32,000,000 ; in forty years,’ it will be
near 64,000,000 ; and in eighty years, it will
be near 130,000,000. And what are eighty
years in national existence! Literally no
thing. You will see in that time star after
star rising from your magnificent domain but
to add new lustre to your national banner.
And are you so vain as to believe that this
miserable and temporizing system which you
now propose to create will stand the test of
time! Will that spirited and noble popula
tion, which will roll, front the valley of the
Mississippi up the sidhs of the Rocky moun
tains, bear a system by which you will collect
annually millions upon millions from them,’
merely to be distributed amongst the fund
holders and stock interests of your Atlantic
cities! If you call from them their treasure
to defend our rights and honor, they will pour
it out without a murmur; but pervert it from
these high purposes to mere distribution of
money, and it is not nature to bear it.—
You may call it no tax, but a mere sale of
land. This will avail bitt little.’ They will
call it a collection of funds creating an annual
drain. They will look upon you as hard task
masters, and their feelings of attachment and
sympathy will give place to the worst, passions
of the human heart. Why; Mr. Chairman;
should we look upon that splendid country to
be settled with one particle of jealousy I—■
They are “ bone of our bone, and flesh of our
fish ” —we all have a common feeling and a
common destiny: Let them go on and devel
ope the resources of an unknown country.
Every settlement, every county; every State
adds to the national wealth and national pow
er. Every man tvho spreads his tent upon
the prairies of the tar West, is hut preparing
to open new fields of enterprise and wealth
for our common country. And, sir, if these
old Atlantic States should ever be invaded;
the great valleys of the West will be nurtur
ing up a daring and heroic race, who will corne
back to fight the battles of liberty over the
graves and tombs of their fathers. Do nothing;
1 entreat you, to alienate this great people
from the rest of the confederacy. Let us all
sleep in peace forever, under the broad folds
of one common banner. Let us rejoice in
their growth and their prosperity. Naturti
has placed their country there. We cannot
strike it from the map. It is vain to attempt
to check the swelling tide of emigration; You
might as well attempt to chain the wave of
the ocean. Let us not look upon them as
rich provinces, from whence we can collect
wealth to divide out and distribute amongst
an agrarian people. Pass the bill upon your
table, and you make them tributary vassals/
You lay the foundation for a separate and in
dependent empire in the West.
At one period of the world, the Roman ea
gles floated in ’riumph and in power from the
Euphrates to Gibraltar. But when her con
quering generals habitually brought back
spoils and wealth from devastated provinces;
to be divided at the centre amongst those
who were styled “ Roman citizens ,” the Gov
ernment sunk down in corruption and blood ;
and now, the scattered fragments of a broken
and dismembered empire exist here and there,
only to mark where the republic once was.
If the new States were peopled by an ignor
ant and half-barbarian race, you might then
calculate on their sinking peaceably into a
state of tributary vassalage. But as it is, pass
this system—-look upon them as future sour
ces of revenue for permanent distribution, not
to support the honor of the Union, but to feed
drones and speculators—and you will see the
beacon fires of art indignant people blaze over
a thousand hills from one end of the country
to the other.
Mr. Chairman, the management and settle
ment of our immense public domain is, to a
great extent, our colonial system. The man
agement and settlement of new states has al
ways been a delicate and important question
to every Government that has encountered
it.
lam one of those who believe we have
maJe no great improvement over the ancients
iri their khowleage of human nature, or of
those elements calculated to make a Stale
great. When they settled a colony, they nur
tured and cherished it with pride. They did
not lay ttieir colonies under tribute. r I hey
did not lo ik upon them as permanent sources
of revenue. No: they looktd upon them as