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About The Columbus times. (Columbus, Ga.) 1841-185? | View Entire Issue (Sept. 9, 1841)
PUBLISHED E V r E li y THURSDAY MORNING, T JAMES VAN NKSS, la Uie “Granite Building,” on tle corner of Oglethorpe and Randolph Streets. TERMS: Subscription —three dollars per annum, payable in advance, three doliais and a half at the end of six months, or four dollars, (in all cases) where pay ment is not ina le before tne expiration of the year. No subscription received for less than twelve months without payment in advance, and no paper discon tinued, except at the option of the Editor, until all arrearages are paid. ADTEHTlsFMENTsconspicuouslypnserled st <re dol lar per one hundred words, or iess, for the first In sertion and tifiv cents fur every subsequent contin uance. Those sent without a specification of the niiaih'jr ofiasertion*. will be published until ordered coir and charged accordingly. Vexulv Auvek tisfment*. —For over 24 anr n itexceeling 3o lines, fifty dollars per annum ; fo over 1 1 and o,t exceeding 24 lines, thirty-five dol lars per a-innin ; lor less than 12 fines, twenty dot lars per annum. 2. All rule an 1 figure work double the above prices. Leoai, Advertisements published at the usual rates, and with strict attention to the reqnisltions|of the law. -Af.Li3it.Es regulated by law, must be made before the court house door, between the hours of 10 in the morning and four in the evening—those of land in the county where it is situate ; those of personal property, where the letters teitamentary, of admin istra'ion or of guarJiassqip were ob'ained—and arc requue l to be previously advertised m some public gazette, as follows: •Sheriffs’ Sales uu ler regular executions for thir ty duv-s ; under mortgage fi fas sUty days, before the dav of sale. Sales of ianl and negroes, by Rxecutor, Adminis trators or Guardians, for sixty days before the day of sale. Sales of personal property (except Negroes) forty days. Citations bv Clerks of the Courts o( Ordinary, upon application for letters of administration, must he pub lished sot thirty days. Citations upon apoheation for dismission, by Exec utors, Administrators or Guardians, monthly for six months. Orders of Courts of Ordinary, (accompanied wiih a copy of the bond or agreement) to make titles to land, must be published three months. Notices by Executors, Administrators or Guardians, of anplica'ion to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell the land or negroes of ari estate, f >ur months. Notices by Executors or Administrators, to the debtors and creditors of an estate, for six weeks. Sheriffs’, Clerks of Court &c. will be allowed the usual deduction. O’ Letters on business, must be post paid, to entitle them to attention. TAV O P L A N T A T IONS FOR SALE. TIdE subscriber others for sale, on very liberal terms, two excellent settlements of laud, lying in the county of Stewart, both of which contain first rate improvements. One plantation contains nine hundred and forty acres of land, 500 of it open land, of a superior quality, en closed with good fences, mid in an excellent stale of cultivation. On the premises, ate a good log dwelling house, negro cabins, a*bla<ksmfih shop, a good gin with screw and running gear, and a large peach and anple orchard. This place is on the- road leading f-oni Florence to Marion county, and is 10 miles from Florence, 8 from Lumpkin, and 6 from a landing on the Chattahoochee liiver. The other place contains 700 acres of land. 300 of which are cleared, and in excellent order for planting. The uncleared portion is well timbered with oak and h ckorv. On this plantation are a good dwelling house, negro cabins and gin complete. It is on tin road leading from Florence to Marion county, 12 mil's from Flnrence and 7 from Lumpkin. A more minute description of these plantations is deemed un necessary, as any one desirous of purchasing, will of course, examine them. They are. however, desit able places, and will lie sold on very liberal terms. Both plantations are occupied, and will be shown at any time, to any one who wishes to examine either, or both of them. LEWIS DUPREK. June 17 19 ts w a k m s i‘ it iln <T s Meriwether County, Ga. ¥H 11E subscriber having purchased this well JL known establishment, will open lus hou.se early jn. tune,for the reception of visitors. He d<-el ne giv ing many details of fair promises, of what he intends to do for those who may call upon him. but simply adds— call! and if you are no. pleased, it shall be no fault o Ins. i To those who are in pursuit of PLEASURE, call His B II liuoni will be lighted up every evening, and good musicians will al all limes he in attendance. To those who are in pursuit of HEALTH, call likewise; good rooms rod cabins s ail l.c in abun dance, ami ihe invalid can he as retired as necessary, l deem it entirely unnecessary to sav any thing in ro tation to the Bath, suffice it to sav.there is none equal io it m the (Jolted States. 1 shall nt enumerate my charges here, but will be as reasonable as possible, at the same time they will he sufficiently high to ensure y good table and good at tent io*>. In short every at tention that is necessary, anil < veiv comfort that can lie rendered to his visitors shall be Ids, const nil en deavor. SEYMORE R. BONNER. .P. S. f intend inlay off a few lots and dispose of /hem to such as will improve them in twelve months. To those who may wi-h to purchase, call on me or inv ageip, Mr. Jonati an Niles ; one or the otlu-r will at all limes be at the Springs to point out the lots and SiictS. ~ S.R. R. April 22 11 IA , Tlie Macon Messenger,Southern Record* r. Stan dard of Union, and Alabama Journal, will publish this weekly I't'lil the Ist of August, and forward ilieir ac counts to me at Columbus, Georgia. S. R. B. . , NOTICE. THE Planters’ Buttla of the State of Georgia,hav ing immediately after the robbery of it*! vault, adapted means t > take up from all honest holders the notes slgrieitby J. Marshall, Cashier, and Georye W. Aulerson, President, lie-eby gives notice that almost the entire amount of that issue, now unredeemed, con sists of the notes stolen from the Bank. The public is warned against receiving any note signed by J. Mar shall, Cashier, and Geo. \V. Anderson. President, as payment will he refused, unless the most satisfactory explanation of the mannnt ot its being received, a? well as the person from whom root* ved. t Anew issue has been made, signed by H W. Mer cer, Cashier, and George VV. Anderson, President, which will be redeemed as heretofore. H. W. MERCER, Cashier. Savannah, Juy 8 22 6t THE C E I*E B IIA ‘l’ El> HO RSE, ROBIN HOOD, WILL stand the ensuing season, one half of his lime at my stable, nineteen miles above Coltini bus, in Russell county, Ala., and the other part of his 4, trie at Lafayette, Chambers county. Ala., and will be let to mares at the reduced price ot Fifty Dollars, due •23 h of December next. Mares sent over thirty miles will be fed two months grans. Person* failin to get a cult in the Spring, will lie allowed the Fa\ season gratis, if the mares an sent to my stable. All <-.are will be taken to prevent accidents and escapes but no liabii.Jes for either. A* to Robin’s performances on the turf, a ref rence to ihe Stud Book or the Spirit of the Times, will give entire satisfaction. It is also due him to sav. that his colts, so far as trials have been made, have been sur passed bv none in the United States. The season wdl commence the first o- March,-an end the first of Julv. /.. W IIITK & JNO. CROWELL. Jan. 27,1841. 49 ts COTTON B A G G I NG . Direct Importations!. subscribers have just c<>iiij>)eted their sea fi son’s import of Cotton Magging, consisting of Dundee 44 inch, weighing CJ lbs. per vard. 4i “ 2 “ “ “ 44 “ “ “ “ “ 44 i i’ “ “ 43 “ li “ “ 4 -> . .< li “ ‘ Inverness 44 “ 11 1* “ “ p.viblo E. I. Gunny 44 “ “ 2 “ “ Single “ ** 44 “ “ . H “ Also, Scotch Twine, superior 3 strand. Bile Rope, India and English. Which are offered to the planters and merchants of Georgia, at such prices and on such credits, for city j acceptance. as will render a home purchase more ad vantageous than one in a northern nuiket, and enable supplies to be sent immediately into the interior, cu ring the existence of goad liver navigation, and at the prevailing very low rates of freight. 1 ANDREW LOW & Cos. Savannah, May 13 LIBERAL ADVANCES APE on g tods consigned to SM IT 11. BE AT j■ TIE & Cos. Auction and Commission Mer chan s, Columbus, Georgia. Novemoer 13 39 ts The Commercial Advertiser, Apalachicola, Klor di, will insert the preceding, three months, and ansinit the account as above. r I'>ROUGHT TO JAIL ON’ the 17 h mst. a negro man who calls himself An Irew, a i.i says he belongs to Nathaniel Do auuev. of ilusse'l eo inty. Alabama. The owner is desire 4 to c me f • >v ir.f. comply with the law, pay cx neuscs an 1 take him apvav. 1 WILLIAM BROWN, Jailore May *f 15 ts REMOVAL Do, JNO. .1. M XE V. ’ns removed his of lice to the roo u over the slote of T. A. Bran „ ,n. a few dons ahov- Tavtor Tvi Walker’s, and nearlx opruisite Cos.. John Ba>:K’ I ’rug Store. Jan. U. 47tf THE COLUMBUS TIMES. VOLUME I.] SPEECH. Os Mr. PICKENS, of South Carolina, on the Dis tributiou aud pre-EinpUon Bill—delivered in the House of Representatives, July 2, 1841. Mr- Pickens said he did not rise to tres pass upon the time of the committee by any lengthy discussion as to the mere details of ‘he hili. Contradictory arid unsound as many ol tiiose details were, he left them to be ad justed and modified by the friends of the measure. It would be bis purpose to speak lo the great principles and viial poiuts in volved in it, and connect it with the other sis cal measures, which constitute one system as a Wi.ole to he presented by the dominant party at present, lor ibe adopiion of ibis Congress and the sanction of the country. — YY’e were induced to believe that Congress fl as called together at this extraordinary ses sion for ibe purpose of relieving what were I said to he the necessities of the Treasury— to relieve the wants of the ‘Treasury, be cause the means would be short of the de mands. And the Secretary ol’ the Treasury had laid belore us a report, winch Mr. P. could not defend, but the statements of which he would avail himself of in the remarks he would make. The Secretary had called the attention ol Congress to the fact that there would be, at the end of this year, a deficit in the Treasury of six millions of dollars ; and that, in the course ol 1842, there would also he a deficiency of six millions more. And, instead of preparing to meet this supposed exigency by prudence and wise means, we propose, first, to divide out annually three millions of revenue that has been received in common for forty years, so as to make this supposed deficit still greater. Instead of relieving the Tresaury by supplying it with means, for which purpose we were called to gether, you propose first to withhold from it one of iis largest and most just sources of supply. The next greal proposition we have made t<> us is, lo borrow twelve millions of dollars for eight years. Connect thhs with the oilier, and it is nothing more nor less than a proposition to borrow money, that von may distribute. You propose to raise taxes with one hand, that you may distribute wuh the other. Again : to meet all these arrangements, we have the proposition to taise the taxes, so as to increase the revenue from customs at least twelve millions of dollars over what it would he under existing laws Mr. P. said he would not say what had taken place in com mittee; hut the Secretary of the Treasury, in presenting his whole system of measures had recommended an increase of the tanlli so that every article now under 20 per cent, duty shall be increased up to 20 per cent.; except such as were intended to be a benefit to the manufacturing interest; and those things that they specially consumed were still lo be duly free. The compromise was so framed that the first half of its operation was intended to benefit investments in manufac- Itires, and lLe lust La ‘I operated to the bene fit of the exporting or free trade interest, and now the proposition was to deprive us of this benefit. It was well known that next year duties would commence to he paid in cash; and if the home valuation were lo be paid in cash; and if the home valuation were lo he executed, (which Ido not believe can he done, as it is impracticable.) that with Ji duties, would he equal at least to 10 pet t ent. The whole amount of the proposition teas, in effect, (!<>r the last biennial operation of the compromise went into operation 81st December next,! to increase our taxes to 20 per cent, upon ;ol importations, except such as were consumed especially by the manufactu rers. -Conside'ing the vast and increasing resources of the country, it would not be dif ficult to show that this would give us a reve nue from customs, in eighteen months from this time, of at least twenty-six millions of dollars. In twoveais, n all human probabil itv, our importations will be one hundred and filly millions; say that twenty millions are ex cepted, and then yon wilt have, at any rate, tWeniy-six millions from imports at 20 per cent, ad valorem. This will be at least twelve millions mote than we would have this vear tinder the present system. It is then a proposition to increase the taxes at least twelve millions of dollars. Y\ e then have a proposition pending (which he feared would become a law) to create a United States Bank and for this Government to subscribe to it ten millions of dollars, vvi.h thejcondiiiontotake near seven millions more. Take the ten mil lions, however, and that is to be done by cre ating Government stock at five per cent ; which is the same thing as to borrow it. V\ e then have the twelve million loan bill, the proposition to increase the taxes twelve mil lions, and the ten millions stock in a bank; making in all thirty-four millions of dollars, in Ituuls proposed to he raised immediately by the dominant party of this country. But, sir, in addition to all this, we now have the jrres eni bii! before us, which is to distribute annu ally three millions of our revenues. It would not be at all difficult to show that, with our increasing population and returning prosper ity, we will have, in eighteen months from this, not only three millions from the public lands, in revenue, but at least five millions annually. However, assume for the present 1 the sum to be three millions; and to distrib | u'e that amount annually is the same thing i in effect as to fund the public lands, or, in ! other words, to create Government stock ai | six per cent, inletest, the amount of fifty mil lions of dollars. \\ Lat is the difference ? Suppose you were to say that you will create Government stock forjfifty millions of dollars and that you would divide or pay over the itift*rest annually amongst the Stales; is il not plain that, as far as money is concerned, it is identically the same proposition as to divide three millions of dollars annually front our rev- : enue ? If the amount should be more, of course the stock would he greater. The; proposition, then, as far as operation in fi nance is involved, is to fund the public lands at fifty millions of dollars. You propose to set aside that great and permanent source of revenue, for the benefit of others. The wit of man cannot show the difference, as far as the fiscal action of the Government is con- j jcerned.between this proposition to divide the; lland revenue, and a proposition to create! Government stock at six per cent, to the a-; mount of fifty millions of dollars ; for it is an-! annual division or and vidend. Stripped of its disguises and flimsy pretexts, this is its mean ing, its spirit and substance, or it lias none.— Add this fifty millions of public stock thus to be created to the other thirty-four millions, j and we have an aggregate of eighty-four j millions of funds now pro;K'.sed to be raised j bv this Government. These are the naked propositions made, not to relieve the wants of your Treasury, but to relieve tiie speculating j and spendthrift race, bv fixing them, through J this Government, upon the tax-paving people i of this confederacy. So far as the peennia- 1 rv operation was involved —so far as the na tional finances were concerned—the effect oi j this and the other measures now proposed] would be to create eightv-four millions of public funds, over and above the ordinary sources of revenue and the ordinary wants of the Government. Such were the naked undisguised propositions before the country. This bill is only part and parcel of the same stupendous system. He had thought that COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 9, 1841. Congress was called together to relieve the wants of the T. reasury ; but now the argument was to relieve the country—to relieve The States. Did I say to relieve the States 1 No; the practical operation of the bill was to re lieve, not the States, but the debtor class of the States—those corporations for turnpikes, railroads, canals, and banks, that had plduged the Slates into debt for their purposes. Its final operation would be to fill with delusive hope all those classes of society who had at tempted to tax posterity for their extravagance and profligacy. Connecting all these measures together as one system, it did not surprise me that the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Johnson) haJ brought forward this bill as the first to be acted on. It Congress had been called together really for the purpose of relieving the wants of the Treasury, would not the loan bill be taken up first] YY 7 ould we not take up the question of the additional revenue, which was called for by the Secretary of the Treasury ? And then, after these measures for the relief of the Treasury had been disposed of, we could take up any secondary measure following them. But the object, in truth, was not to relieve the Treasury or the people, but to re lieve and assist the great stock interest, which had become identified with the States, and had p! tinged them for ten years past into debts be yond the resources, beyond the immediate abilities of their own people to meet without difficulty. And now they called upon us— upon those States and sections that had kept out of debt—to pledge the land of the country, the great public domain, for the purpose of sustaining all their interests. It was a na ked and undisguished issue between the spec ulating and stock interest on the one side, and the great labeli ig and landed interest of this confederacy on the other. Brought down to a proper analysis, this was the sum aud sub stance of the whole matter. You could not have an enlightened view by looking at these propositions separately; they must be viewed together, as branches of the same general system, relying on each other as fostering and sustaining certain great interests. For instance: the public stock to be subscribed in a bank, was intended to ben efit those immediately identified with the banking interest; the increase of taxes for the benefit of those who received incidental protection and got the disbursements; the loan biil would stimulate the money market; and the distribution bill was intended to ben efit the foreign fund-holder. It was nominal ly to relieve Maryland, which was in debt fif teen millions; Pennsylvania, said to be more than twee that amount; New York, also in debt to a large amount; Illinois, Indiana, Al abama, Mississippi, and all those States which were in debt. Suppose the debts of the states and their corporations to equal one hundred and eighty millions of dollars; then the dis tribution under this bill would not pay half the interest. Those whj are now interested in urging it will finally urge this government to create immediately government stock equal to the value of the public lands funded, and transfer that to the foreign fundholder, and take in lieu of it state stocks now held by them. Then, in administering (lie proceeds of the lands, according to this bill, the govern ment will concentrate the whole operation within itself, and retain (at first, but will final ly yield that) the distributive share of each Stale as an indemnity for the United States stock transferred in lieu of State stock. Thus, the linal operation will be to assume, in this indirect mode, the debts of the States. The whole amount is, to mortgage the land and la bor of the country for the benefit of ihose who desire to live by taxing others ; and thus, by legislative legerdemain, to enable the swindling speculator and spendthrift, to trans fer his debts to the honest and industrious, to be collected by government, under such forms and delusions as almost to defy scrutiny. If there be any in the community who have husbanded their resources and abstained from speculation, it is but due that they should have the full benefit of their situation in times of reverses and depression. It is not right that they should be put under contributions to re lieve their more adventurous neighbors. Per haps, in former times of speculating mania, they were ridiculed for their parsimony and want of foresight by those “who are wise in their own conceit.” I am for just protection to property. I think one of the first objects of a civilized government is not only to protect property, but never te tax it unnecessarily for any object, much less for the benefit of any particular classes in the community. Sir, there is no inagic power in government to create money. Whenever government at tempts to relieve the debtor class, they must do so by using the credit or resources of tiiose who have kept debt, or by losses made to fall upon the creditor class. I abhor that modern that would relieve one portion of the community by taxing another portion. The honest pro ceeds of labor, in all its branches, ought nev er to be touched, except from necessity.— Whenever a man has accumulated property by fair enterprise and industry,Jet government ; protect him in the full enjoyment of it for himself and his heirs. I respect that property I which has thus been acquired, and its posses j sor, as well as the property that lias been in i herited from an honest ancestry. I respect it i as the exponent of industry, frugality, enter prise, and worth. But. I have no feeling for ; that artificial wealth which has been fostered by incorporated credit, with all its arrogance I and conventional habits. Those who have acquired property by grindingthe face of the j poor, and by unhallowed schemes of swindling speculation—l care-not with what superciii j oils air or upstart pretension they may claim rank, yet I feel, and have ever felt towards all such, the most profound contempt. Let Gov ernment be impartial—exactly just to all in | terests, from the peasant who dwells in his ; mountain cottage, up to the man of princely ; fortune, who spreads his palace upon the sea i shore. Mr. Chairman, this bill is calculated to be one of the most important in its future opera tions that has ever been presented to the adop tion of a deliberative assembly. There is no thing like it in the annals of legislation, ex cept, perhaps, Mr. Fox’s great East India bill. That bill was calculated to affect deeply the extensive India possessions of Great Britain, and the fate of millions of human be ings ; making them not only vassals of the British crown, hut dependants upon the Brit ish ministry. True, its effects were to be felt principally by an ignorant and semi-barbarous race, who had slumbered forages in enervated indolence. But this bill was to operate upon an enterprising and spirited people; it was to embrace in its provisions an empire as vast and expensive in its as the Indies. Cast your eyes over the map of that mighty country, laved as it is by the Pacific on one side, and that stretches itself to the gulf of Mexico in the south, and your great inland seas in the north, aiul you will see that it embraces a re gion from which empires may he carved. Where is the American heart that does not exult with pride to trace the Missouri and Mississippi as they roll through that noble valley destined to be an inheritance for millions of freemen ! Let us rejoice in its hills and plains, its rivers, and mountains, and lakes, ra ther than look upon them with the miser’s eye, as sources from whence we are to draw future “ THE UNION OF THE STATES, AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE STATES.” contributions, to be divided amongst the needy and the avaricious. You propose- by this bili, to lay that great and growing region under annual e actirnE, collected, rot for the com mon support and common defence of a united country, but to be distributed among those who will be pensioned as sturdy beggars a round your plundered Treasury. Why are we now called upon to change your present land system, which has been adopted almost from the commencement of your government, and under which such great results have been produced ! Look back only thirty years ago, (a very short time in national existence,) and has the world ever seen such a change in a country] Your present system has in that period brought into existence nine States ot this confederacy. Forty years age, and we had but a handful of daring, enterprising citi zens, who had sought a home in the wilder ness of the west; but now they hold a popu lation equal to that which achieved our inde pendence in the war of the Revolution. Peace, and happiness; and power, and civilization, have been the fruits of your present system; and why now make this great and vital change! Are we prepared to act on this vast and com prehensive subject at this extra session ? You tread upon unknown ground. Other govern ments have, by fatal legislation, losttlipir finest possessions ; and we,” tod. by liastyand unwise legislation now, may lose our control, and finally our power, over the noblst country that ever expanded its bosom tc the sun of heaven. The gentleman from Maryland (Mr. John son) rests this bill, and the right of this gov ernment to make the distribution, under liie Virginia ordinance of 1784, and ot.ier grants from the States, making a transfer of these lauds to the Federal Government. He con tended that w r e were bound to make this dis tribution. Mr. P. said he would notfollow the gentleman (Mr. Johnson) throughout his in genious and eloquent argument upon the con struction of these deeds of cession. I will not stop to chop logic upon words with that gentleman. The argument upon that point had last winter been exhausted in the other end of this capitol, and logo into it would he but to tread upon the same ground. Neither will J, Mr. Chairman, appeal to the abracada bra of the constitution, that has long since ceased to have its cjiartn upon this committee. 1 fear that consecrated parchment is hereafter to become, in the future struggles of tiie re public, any thing that power may choose to make it. But, sir, if I were to dwell upon the construction of those deeds of cession, I should be totally at a loss to know how the words “common fund,” which were used in all these grants, could be construed to mean a separate fund belonging to the States separately. Di vide this “common fund,” and give it to the States separately, and what is the result! Hou distribute it to the States; and by the very act of distribution you will destroy the very language of the grants. That which is declared to be “common” becomes separate. ‘The language is, “common fund for the use and benefit of all the States.” By distribu tion, you make it a separate fund for the use and benefit of each State, instead of “ail the States.” It is a gross and palpable solecism. The language is so plain that, it can hardly bear comment. Again: we see the language is, “according to their respective proportions in the general charge and expenditure.” Now, if gentlemen claimed distribution to the States under these grants, they must make it upon the rule which the grants lay down, according to their doctrines :—“according to their re respective proportions in the general charge and expenditure.” What was the meaning of that! Couid we understand it under our present system ! No! we must go back to the period of adoption of those gran's. They were made under the articles of confederation, Congress had no power to tax directly. But each state had its quota of taxes to raise, lo bear its “proportion in the general charge and expenditure.” Congress fixed the ratio or proportion for each State, and each State rais ed that by taxation to suit itself. What reve nue was raised, was from the States as States. Now, under this system, we can understand the terms used in the grants. They meant that whatever might come in from the lands, might be a “common fund” for the ‘ use and benefit of all the S.ates,” “according to their respective proportions in the general charge and expenditure.” That is, that their respec tive proportions in the general charge should be diminished by the same ratio applied to the calculation of the amount put into the “com mon fund” from the lands. For instance, if that “common fund” was three millions annu ally, then the Stales were to have that amount, passed to their credit, “in the general charge,” in the same proportion that their quota of tax es had been estimated by the Federal Govern ment. There is no other meaning to it. And I de fy any man to understand it, without taking into consideration the manner in which the Federal Government apportioned out taxes among the States under the articles of con federation. The adoption of the present con stitution had changed the whole power of tax ation. Congress was now enabled to raise taxes directly from the people instead of the States. As far as the power of taxation was involved by this Government, we were now made one people. Revenue was collected from the people instead of the States. Audi defy you, under the present system, to tell what is the “respective proportion in the gen eral charge” to any Slate in the Union. It cannot be done. If it be true that these words justify distribution to the States 1 then the rule laid down by the grant itself cannot be exe cuted. No, sir ; it is all a fallacy. ‘1 he sub stance of the grants was to make it a “com mon fund.” And if the rule laid down in the grants has been changed, it has been done by the adoption of the federal constitution, and Virginia herself has assented to that change by agreeing to the constitution. That instru ment now makes a common Treasury, and gives power to the Federal Government to fill it by collecting taxes from the people instead of the States, as formerly ; and you have no right tomake that a separate fund which comes into the common Treasury as a ‘common fund.’ There is neither logic nor justice in the con struction that assumes distribution asaconse quence from the grants. If you assume to distribute under the grants, you must be con trolled by tiie rule they lay down. It you go according to “ their respective proportions m the general charge,” what right have you, in equity, toj livide among the new States first ten per cent, from the proceeds over and above their common share in this “common fund?” Vet this bill proposes to give them that much, besides their general dividend, and also a large amount of lands over and above. You claim in one line to be governed by the grants and yet, in the next, ycu utterly disregard them. The truth is, the constitution has made a common Treasury,and ail iunds com ing into it are common funds, applicable to the specific objects granted in that instru ment ; and whenever you seek out other ob jects not defined, you travel into a wide field of uncertainty,- where construction becomes law, and power executes whatever may be j dictated bv interest. Since the adoption of j the constitution, there cannot be, in tfce nature : of things, separate funds in the revenue ; and j to divide the Treasury, or any part of jt an cf 1 right to the separate State, is to denationalize the Union. But, independent of this, where is your right to go beyond the Mississippi, and seize upon the Jands purchased by treaty * The grants to the States were confined to lands this side of that river. We purchased Flori da also by treaty ; and, besides, we paid Geor gia for what we got from her, embracing Alabama and Mississippi, except a narrow strip of land south of the 35th degree of lati tude, running due west to the Mississippi, which South Carolina granted. The grants from Connecticut and New York embraced lands lying in the Canadas, and were, to a great extent, of no avail. Tennessee was carved from North Carolina, and Kentucky from Virginia- So that the grants, in reality, are applicable to no part except that rich and beautiful country that lies between the Ohio and Mississippi, embracing what was called the Northwestern Territory. Exten sive, rich, and valuable as it is, —embracing, as it does, four powerful States, with the pro bability of another very soon, yet, as compared with all that vast region that stretches itself from the Mississppi to the rocky mountains and to the Pacific, where nature revels in her loveliest and most favorite retreats, it is set tled up, and then compare the lands that are now to be sold there with those that are to be brought into market in the Territories, that have been purchased by treaty, and it is “as a drop in the bucket, and dust in the balance.” The lands purchased by treaty, with the inci dental expenses, have cost $40,000,000. — This was paid for, out of the common Treas ury, by taxes raised from every portion of the Union. This land was paid for by the old States ; and where is the principle, or where is the justice, that puts their proceeds up for division upon the same grounds that you claim under the grant from Virginia, which you say created a specific trust fund 1 There must be something understood in this, more than would strike the superficial observer. If you give back to each State precisely what it has contributed or paid, it would be useless; for it would then be immaterial whether you gave it back or whether you applied it honest ly to the common purposes of the Union, and then diminished the taxes by the same amount. But if you gave to one State more than it contributed, then it would lie a fraud ; and if you gave to one less, it would be gross injus tice. And if you finally imposed taxes to supply the vacuum created in the revenue, which operated unequally, it would theu be adding to fraud and injustice, undisguised and bast; oppression. Sir, it is not intended that this system shall be equal. To talk of d.stri buting the proceeds of Jands acquired by pur chase, and paid for out of the common revenue of this Government, and to pretend to equality and justice in it, is an outrage upon common sense. To attempt such a thing is ridiculous; it is worse than ridiculous—it is wantonly sporting with the resources of the republic. 1 know of no ground upon which this bill can rest, so far as relates to the lands pur chased, except the one openly assumed every where—to relieve the sufferings of the com munity; that is, f the fundholder and stockjob ber—to relieve the credit of the States, &c. The amount to be distributed would not pay half the interest on the debts due, and its re lief would be mockery and delusion, and those who rely on it will be fatally deceived* The whole profit and benefit will be divided among the money-changers who may happen to be moat, in favor; for the time being, with the do minant interests that will sway your State Legislatures! for selfish purposes. These will be the men who will receive the money. The gentleman from Maryland [Mr. John son,} had attempted to identify this distribution amongst the States, with the assumption of what was called the State debts by the Gene ral Government after the Revolution. The genlleman had classified the two together.— Was the gentleman serious in attempting to rest these two cases upon the same ground ! What was the assumption of State debts at that time! What was the situation of the country ! There was, in fact, no central go vernment, or, at all events, it was impotent so far as taxation was concerned. We were in the midst of a revolution. Immediately after the Declaration of Independence, active, effi cient governments were organized in our States, with the power to tax and raise reve nue. From their superior organization at the time, they were enabled to raise funds to pay your armies, to advance the means by which they were enabled to fight the battles of inde pendence, for the general defence and welfare of the whole country. The States came for ward to advance funds in a noble cause; where they had plighted to each other their faith—a cause which secured American Indepen dence, and finally sent our stars and stripes streaming in triumph and in glory through every quarter of the habitable globe. It was in this cause that Massachusetts and South Carolina had advanced about four millions of dollars each for the deience of the whole.— The rest of the States advanced also; but this was more than was advanced by any other State in the Union. The State debts of the present day were contracted in pro found peace —they were contracted for the benefit of the local interests of each State in pursuing their various schemes of aggran dizement and wealth. And did the gentle man seriously put this distribution upon the same grounds with the assumption of the State debts of the Revolution ! A distribution to be made, not to them who had encountered perils and advanced their means for the pur pose of defending the States, or sustaining the common honor of a united country; but to sustain corporations and speculators, who, like leeches, had fastened themselves upon the State Treasuries, —who, by their active exer tions—by means of forced majorities in the Legislatures, had combined together to plunge the country in debt beyond its immediate re sources or present means of payment. Sir, were the two cases parallel 1 Were they to be put upon the same ground ? Feeling a just pride in the unstained honor of the Revo lution, and the noble cause of the States in those days, I indignantly repel the idea. You cannot put the two cases together, nor was the matter worthy of consideration in that point of view. There has recently sprung up in the coun try a class of men who desired to get rid of that everlasting curse placed upon man in the first ages of society, that he should “eat his bread by the sweat of his brow.” They were attempting to live by their wits instead ot their labor. I am against raising funds through Government to feed these drones in society, who are too proud t<s work. They are the legitimate descendants of those money-chang ers whom Christ kicked from the Temple as hypocrites and swindlers. These are the men who hang around your public Treasury here; and in tiie States, always pressing for taxes, and eager for a division of the public spoils. But the gentleman [Mr. Johnson] has placed this distribution upon State Rights grounds. He complains of the absorbing in fiuenceofthis centralizing Government, and presses this bill because it will have a con trary tendency. Let us examines into this The seat of vitality in our system is the taxing power of this Government. This was a great step towards a stronger and more consolida ted Government than the old confederation. It added vastly to its centralizing power. But [NUMBER 31. add now the power not only to collect taxes directly, but also the power to distribute back again amongst the States the revenue collect ed, and you make it then work boths ways towards centralization. Collect money to distribute habitually, and yoq create a party in every State who will organize and act to gether to receive that distribution. It will be a moneyed party, looking up to the action of this Government, and forming combinations with parties of like kind in every State, all moving together with eagerness and concert, stimulated by one feeling; and moved by one power. You link them all together around the Federal car—you make the meanest and lowest of all consolidation—a consolidation of moneyed interest and moneyed power. With such a sytem, every noble and elevated feel ing of patriotism would wither and die away under the absorbing and base passion of ava rice. A republic is either the noblest and purest of all governments, or it is the most corrupt and profligate. I can scarcely retain a middle position. So long as it is kept free, it nurtures simplicity, manliness, and valor ; but when it degenerates, it becomes the hot bed of cunning, treachery, cowardxe, and selfishness. The gentleman [Mr. Johnson] has himself given us a fearful picture of the centralizing influence at present of this Government; and has spoken of fifteen hundred applicants for one office, and the increasing corruptions of the P'ederal Government. Mr. P. said he had listened with interest to the gentleman on these points. [Mr. W. Cost Johnson said he did not speak of the corruption of the Federal Gov ernment. He spoke .of the power of the Gov ernment, and, among other tilings, illustrated it by the number of persons who looked to the central Government for patronage, but did not reflect upon the motives of the candidates for public favor, or debate their right or their jnotices. He spoke latogether of the vast power of the Executive head of this nation.] Yes, sir, it was melancholy to think of these things ; and yet the bill on your table is cal culated to increase this power and patronage ten fold. When I reflect on the great tide of office seekers who rushed here on the 4th of March last, like half-famished wolves on the great prairies of the west, I confess I tremble for the future, as to the increasing power of this Government However, this great herd —this mass, hungry and howling as they were, did not affect me as much as other things. When I turned my eyes from them, and saw those who occupied high places, who were considered amongst the distinguished of the land—when I saw them smelling their way into the greasy places of the “ Palace,” licking their chops, and, dog-like, wagging their tails for the bones that might be thrown them—l confess I felt every proud emotion and loftv aspiration sink and sicken with disgust. And now make an habitual distribution of money from this Government, and you increase all these disgusting scenes. You create dependants and expectants in eve ry State throughout this confederacy. The purple of Presidential power would be put up every four years, and bid for by the plunder ers of the republic. All heroism, and patriot ism, and valor would die away, and the lowest vices would reign triumphant. Avarice— keen, hungry, and lean—would be the god before which the nation would bow down and worship in base idolatry. Have we read the lessons of history to no advantage 1 Look at republican Rome — once a proud and heroic people. They were powerful and virtuous, until demagogues taught them to look to the public granaries for Corn. As soon as they began to divide the spoils, they becatne a nation of robbers and plunderers, and sunk into the deepest degeneracy and corhiption. And are we now to commence a system which will inevitably lead us through the same ca reer! Call up your hordes from this wide spread land; who will habitually receive mo ney that you may collect here for distribution, and you create a mighty system, which will finally prove the euthanasia of the republic. If the States should submit to it, (which I think probably would not be the case,) we vvonld then sink down quietly into the basest despotism—the pity and contempt of mankind. Where a Government is aristocratic in its form, those who wield its power may become enervated and corrupt for a time, and yet the nation may recover, because the great body of the people may still be virtuous and patriotic. But when a republic, where the power is in the people, becomes corrupt, then the whole body politic languishes and dies—there is no recuperative energy—the heart of the system is poisoned, and every pulse and muscle be comes feeble and languid. The gentleman speaks of this system as calculated to advance State rights. From what analogy does the gentleman draw his reasoning ! Sir, 1 consider the provisions of the constitution, strictly construed, not at all incompatible with State rights; and it is a great mistake to suppose that those with whom I act would take one particle from the just power of this Government. Engraft upon this Government this system Os distribution, j so alien to the Constitution, and you break j down all desire to keep up any general system i of defences calling for heavy expenditures. You would sacrifice tlie great objects and j ends of this Union. A distinguished Senator, now Secretary of State, has made an argu ment which indirectly intimates that it is the duty of this Government to assist the States,! (if not to pay their debts.) from the fact that j the States have surrendered the most impor- j taßt source of their revenue—the customs, j He says that on the part of the Atlantic States ! this is a great sacrifice. Follow this idea out, and apply it to this system of distribution. You propose to collect money from the new States, and divide it annually amongst the old Atlantic States; and the result will be that they will soon begin to turn their eyes to wards the customs. They will argue that by j consumption they pay as much of the imposts : as the Atlantic States do thiough which the importations are made , and that as you divide the money brought into the revenue from the new and interior States, it is your duty also to divide that coming from the customs. They wiil say that, as they pay by consumption as much of the taxes from customs as you do, and as they receive but little of it back, and as you take ail the land revenue collected from j them and divide it, that they must have some thing to equalize the moneyed action of the Government. They will demand it as right. And, sir, there will be some plausibility in it. And after the next census they will not stop to ask you if it be a sound argument; but they , will have the power to make it. law. You; tread on dangerous ground when you com ; mence this system —ground at war with the i high purposes of this Union. When you ask ’ money to defend your flag upon the ocean— when you ask for money to defend the land j at home and your honor abroad—you will, find ten thousand greedy interests springing j up throughout the S‘ates; demanding the last! dollar for division; while you will have to sub- j mit to insult and dishonor, and a deluded and betrayed people will sink down into drivelling imbecility. Sir, I love the war attributes of j this Government. I love its capacity as se-; cured by the Constitution, for a common de- j fence of our common rights and united honor. I love its power in war, and its forbearing’ principles in peace. j Let it be powerful in war from its command ing the undivided attachment and loyalty of a devoted people in peace. Let all local inter ests be strictly left to the States; let what is common to all—our independence, liberty,’ and union—be sacredly guarded and defended by a common Government. Mr. Chairman, 1 would not, if 1 could, take a single power from that sacred charter that binds these States together. Sir, I would not, if I could, pluck a single feather from the plumage of the American eagle. No; let him stand forth iu all his vigor, and power, and glory, but let him stand upon the scroll of the Constitution,’ and my heart shall always exult to see the bright constellation of American States lorev er glitter and glow around his brow. The Constitution, strictly construed, is aa it should be. There is no need of adding by. construction. It is a vast mistake to suppose that the strength of the Union or the Govern ment is increased by assuming power: it is the reverse. Formerly, usurpation added strength. But the world is now changed. Intelligence and information are spreading throughout all ranks. There is a keen jeal ousy towards unnecessary power. An uned ucated people may submit to the exercise of strong and useless authority in Government ; but exercise doubtful and needless power amongst an intellectual people, who have been educated to freedom under a Government; limited by specific grants, and you create murmurs, jealousies, and resistance, which will make its habitual exercise * source of weakness instead of strength. The strength of our Government consists in its justice, and in confining itself within proper limits. By so doing, it will be able always to command the united and devoted support, of all sections and all interests. This is its strength. If you pass such measures as this, and teach the States to look here lor distribution, they will make this Government the collector of taxes for their entire support. They will transfer the odious power of taxation from themselves upon this Government, and the, people will have little or no control over the matter. The consequence will be, that the large central States of the Union—New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Virginia—will over shadow the Government,’ and, by concentra tion of action, will control it entirely for their benefit, without reference to the small and, remote States of the Union'., And if war should be forced upon us,’ these central States will be the only ones capable of defence whilst the extremities will be sacrificed, they will hold the revenues of the General Govern ment under their control, and use those reve nues for themselves. This they will be ena bled to do, from their location and concentra ted action ; and this distribution once estab lished, with its attendant consequences, will always give them the most ample means of control. But, Mr. Chairman, (continued Mr. P.,) the moneyed operation of this bill is not as impor-; t-int as its political effects upon the union and harmony of the States. It is from the new, States alone that you will collect the money which you propose to divide. This will force them together in feeling and in action, anti throw the old States on the antagonist grounds.’ Do you expect that this will produce the kindest feelings! It will be the reverse.—- Are we to legislate for the day or the year! No, sir; look to the future. There is now sufficient difference in interest between dif ferent States of the Union, and do not increase that difference by creating a system which will make one portion in effect tributaries, and the other portion recipients of bounties. In twenty years from this, our population will be about 32,000,000 ; in forty years,’ it will be near 64,000,000 ; and in eighty years, it will be near 130,000,000. And what are eighty years in national existence! Literally no thing. You will see in that time star after star rising from your magnificent domain but to add new lustre to your national banner. And are you so vain as to believe that this miserable and temporizing system which you now propose to create will stand the test of time! Will that spirited and noble popula tion, which will roll, front the valley of the Mississippi up the sidhs of the Rocky moun tains, bear a system by which you will collect annually millions upon millions from them,’ merely to be distributed amongst the fund holders and stock interests of your Atlantic cities! If you call from them their treasure to defend our rights and honor, they will pour it out without a murmur; but pervert it from these high purposes to mere distribution of money, and it is not nature to bear it.— You may call it no tax, but a mere sale of land. This will avail bitt little.’ They will call it a collection of funds creating an annual drain. They will look upon you as hard task masters, and their feelings of attachment and sympathy will give place to the worst, passions of the human heart. Why; Mr. Chairman; should we look upon that splendid country to be settled with one particle of jealousy I—■ They are “ bone of our bone, and flesh of our fish ” —we all have a common feeling and a common destiny: Let them go on and devel ope the resources of an unknown country. Every settlement, every county; every State adds to the national wealth and national pow er. Every man tvho spreads his tent upon the prairies of the tar West, is hut preparing to open new fields of enterprise and wealth for our common country. And, sir, if these old Atlantic States should ever be invaded; the great valleys of the West will be nurtur ing up a daring and heroic race, who will corne back to fight the battles of liberty over the graves and tombs of their fathers. Do nothing; 1 entreat you, to alienate this great people from the rest of the confederacy. Let us all sleep in peace forever, under the broad folds of one common banner. Let us rejoice in their growth and their prosperity. Naturti has placed their country there. We cannot strike it from the map. It is vain to attempt to check the swelling tide of emigration; You might as well attempt to chain the wave of the ocean. Let us not look upon them as rich provinces, from whence we can collect wealth to divide out and distribute amongst an agrarian people. Pass the bill upon your table, and you make them tributary vassals/ You lay the foundation for a separate and in dependent empire in the West. At one period of the world, the Roman ea gles floated in ’riumph and in power from the Euphrates to Gibraltar. But when her con quering generals habitually brought back spoils and wealth from devastated provinces; to be divided at the centre amongst those who were styled “ Roman citizens ,” the Gov ernment sunk down in corruption and blood ; and now, the scattered fragments of a broken and dismembered empire exist here and there, only to mark where the republic once was. If the new States were peopled by an ignor ant and half-barbarian race, you might then calculate on their sinking peaceably into a state of tributary vassalage. But as it is, pass this system—-look upon them as future sour ces of revenue for permanent distribution, not to support the honor of the Union, but to feed drones and speculators—and you will see the beacon fires of art indignant people blaze over a thousand hills from one end of the country to the other. Mr. Chairman, the management and settle ment of our immense public domain is, to a great extent, our colonial system. The man agement and settlement of new states has al ways been a delicate and important question to every Government that has encountered it. lam one of those who believe we have maJe no great improvement over the ancients iri their khowleage of human nature, or of those elements calculated to make a Stale great. When they settled a colony, they nur tured and cherished it with pride. They did not lay ttieir colonies under tribute. r I hey did not lo ik upon them as permanent sources of revenue. No: they looktd upon them as
