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Graham, Huntington, King, Linn, Alcßdberts, Mangun, Miller, MoreheaJ, Mouton, Nichol son, Phelps, Pierce, Porter, Prentiss, Sevier, Simmons, Smith, of Connecticut, Smith, of Indiana, Sturgeor, Tallmadge, Tappan, Wal ker, White, Woedbridge, Yvoodbury, Wright, and Young—39. Nays—Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Berrien, Clay, of Kentucky, Henderson, Ker, Merrick, Preston, Rives, and Southard—lo. THE TIMES. The union of the elates an.’ the sovereignty of the states COLUMBUSTSEPTSMBER ]6j 1941. TEM OCR AT I C ‘ll C RET. FOR GOVERNOR, charles j. McDonald. For Senate, Col. A. McDOUGALD, Representatives, Maj. JOHN H. HOWARD, Hon. YV. T. COLQUITT, Hon. MARK A. COOPER, Col. JOHN H. WATSON. Randolph County. Senate, Col. ALLEN MOYE. Representatives. Col. A. M. HUGHES, Col. S, A. SMITH. Stewart County.* Spnutp NEIL ROBINSON. Representatives. JOHN D. PITTS, D. G. ROGERS, JAMES M. MITCHELL. For Sheriff M. M. FLEMING. Report of Deaths in the City of Columbus, for the week ending September 13 : Dysentary—l male. W. S.CHIPLEY, Presi lent Board of Health. MiasioiCTo England. We are enabled to present to-day, to our readers, the evidence of the abolitionism of Mr. Everett, whose nomination for the Mis sion to England is yet unacted on by the Sen ate—for reasons, it is said, connected with his opinions on this very subject Various South ern prints, professing entire ignorance of the • s ws of Mr. Everett regarding slavery, other ,n as they were developed in Congress, .any years since, are disposed to think that the rumored opposition to his confirmation is improper and unwise—that he entertains sentiments on abolition which do not impugn his integrity as a politician, but are held by every individual north of the Potomac. The opinions of Mr. Everett are now presented to the public, and not a press south of the Potomac will publish those opinions, and maintain by their side that they do not affect his integrity as a Statesman, or that they are held by every northern man. It is surprising to witness the lengths to which party adhesion, and ad ‘sire for party supremacy, hurry its more ardent votaries.— Here is an individual openly avowing opinions which the South declares to be fatal to her prosperity—to her very existence—and in fa vor of the immediate exercise of those opin ions—and yet the violence of party attach ment, and the bitterness of party hatred, cause them to be disregarded, if not received with some degree of allowance. Much as Tappan and Smith, and other men equally as violent against slavery, are condemned and execrated by the whole South, they have not, bo far a6 our recollection goes, spoken in stronger or more objectionable terms than Mr. Everett— or openly proclaimed any farther interference with the rights of the South as justifiable, than is boldly set forth in the letter of that gentleman. In speaking of the sentiments of the whole North regarding slavery, it ought to be re membered that, independent of the public e xpressions of opinion from legislative bodies, and public meetings of citizens, adverse to the doctrines endorsed by Mr. Everett, the Su preme Court of the L. States (Jour of the Judges of which are inhabitants of non-slave holding States,) decided unanimously last winter that Congress had no right, under the Constitution, to prohibit the traffic in slaves between the slave States. And yet the Rich, nond Whig, and other Southern prints ask, in the most emphatic manner, if Mr. Everett is to be condemned for opinions held by every Northern man 1 We may be mistaken pos sibly—we shall not credit it certainly until the fact is presented to us—yet we do not believe since the evidence of the abolition ism of Mr. Everett is obtained, that any South era print will publish that evidence, and, at the sime time, advocate the confirma‘ion of Hie appointment as Minister to England. He is said, however, to be the “fittest” man in the Nation to represent our interests at the British Court. So say the Columbus En quirer, and other prints. How so 1 It is true as a literary man, as a merely polished writer, Mr. Everett has, probably, few supe riors. Where, however, has he given evidence of remarkable statesmanship—of p eculiar tact and judgment in political affairs ! Not cer tainly during his service in Congress. Not in the Executive Chair of Massachusetts, if we may judge by the means he employed to attain that station. We recollect well noti cing the remark in some leading Journal, at the period of the retirement of Mr. Everett from Congress, that, although eminent as a scholar, he had not secured an enviable repu tation as a statesman—and the fact will be admitted, on reflection and enquiry, that rarely does the merely literal/ man run a successful career in politics. N\ e presume, therefore, that, if Mr. Everett be rejected, some man equally competent may be found to represent the complicated and delicate interests of the United States at an important European Court Presentments of the Grand Jury of Meriwether. —We regret our inability to publish this week the Presentments of the Grand Jury of Meriwether county, Ga. Au gust Term, 1841. They shall appear in our next The reception of the Veto Message, and other important intelligence from Wash ington, at a late hour, have necessarily exclu ded them to-day. Hon Thomas F. Foster.-— We regret our inability to copy to-day the remarks of the Georgia Argus of yesterday, respecting the course of the gentleman whose name heads this article—on the Bank question. Is there man of the Whig party who heard Col. Foster express his sentiments on this subject previous to the election, and they were publicly declared wherever he went, who expected him to do otherwise than he has done in this particular instance 7 Or was it assumed, as is now done in the case of Mr. Tyler, that constitutional scruples must be thrown aside, and the views of the Whig party as indicated by Mr. Clay, be sustained by each member of that party, nolens volens. Several editorial articles touching State politics, are crowded oft to-day by the inser tion of more important matter. Washington.—Congress. —We have w> room for comment cn the important intelli gence received by the mail of yesterday. Our readers will find all the information we have in another part of this paper. The Veto Message Number Two, will be gratifying to all who have resisted the power of Congress to incorporate a National Bank. The extraordinary occurrences in the House on the reception of the Message are detailed in the letter of the correspondent of the Charleston Courier, under date of September 10, which we publish to-day. We have also extracted the account given by the Globe of the same occurrences. THE VE IO POWER. The Columbus Enquirer is trying its strength upon the Veto Power. YVitb. ut at tacking Mr. Tyler directly, it is making furi ous assaults upon one of the constitutional prerogatives of his office which the President has seen fi to exercise. Without the action of the man, the thing would be harmless. Why not at once arraign the mover, and not the motion ? The veto power can do no mis chief, if it be used only on proper occasions. The blame, therefore, belongs to the man, and ‘why not hold him responsible for it ? The Enquirer enumerates thirteen instan ces in which the veto power has been exer cised since the formation of the Government— and draws comparisons respecting its use in England and the United States, very unfavor able to the latter. YVhile stronger reasons, says the Enquirer, exist for its use in England than in America, it is rarely or ever used there. Will the Enquirer be good enough to’state whether, in every instance of its use by a President of the United States, the people have not, at a period not remote, approved of this exercise of Executive power 7 We ask for information. It has been stated to us that such will be found to be the fact. THE TARIFF. The Savannah Republican of the 9th inst. says that “the Federal Union and Columbus Times are out upon us (it) for some remarks on this subject” (the tariff) The Republican continues and extends its former reasoning to show that, in consequence of the facilities af forded for manufacturing in different parts ol Georgia, and the low price of the products of the State, thereby inducing the employment of capital in some other mode, the odium heretofore existing against a protective tariff is diminishing, and will ere long be entirely es. faced. In its reasoning on this subject, the Republican assumes that a protective tariff is constitutional—and that opposition to it here tofore has arisen not from any fault in the principle, but solely from interested consider ations—from the fact that Georgia was not in a condition to be benefitted by the protection. YVe ask the Republican if this has been the ground upon which opposition to the tariff has been heretofore based—if any southern State sman has resisted the imposition of a tariff - for a similar reason 1 We had supposed that en mity tothe tariff had its orig n in the conviction that the constitution authorized duties on im ports only to defray the expenses of the Gov ernment—and that a single step farther was a violation of that instrument Yet the Re publican waives this question altogether, and proceeds to argue as if interest, and interest alone had heretofore regulated public opinion on this subject. Is this actually the case? Have Southern Legislatures, and Southern Statesmen, and the Southern people en masse, resolved over and over again, from the founda tion of the Government, that a tariff for pro tection was a flagrant violation of the consti tution, and an outrage upon the rights of the South, without a conscientious conviction of the correctness of what they asserted, and an anxious desire to maintain the true principles of the constitution, regardless of its bearing upon sectional and individual interests 7 If the Republican gainsays this interpretation of the matter, its reasoning of the effects of the tariff upon the people of Georgia may, per haps, be applicable. The whole drift of the article in the Republican is to show that the results of a protective tariff upon the South will not be so disastrous as has generally been supposed, excluding altogether the constitution al object von. YVe ask the Republican to state distinctly whether it believes a tariff so arranged as to afford protection to the home manufactures farther than it is created incidentally by the exercise of the revenue power—to be consti tutional 7 If it answer in the negative, there is of course an end of the question. If other wise, its opinion on this subject is in direct op position to the publicly and repeatedly express ed views of the whole South. PRECEPT AND PRACTICE—TAX LAW. At the very moment that YY r hig Journals in this State are laboring to prove the veto pow er to be the monarchical feature ’,r. rnr system of Government—both General anti State—for the same reasoning applies to both—and that it ought to be abolished—we are gravely ask ed by j urnals of the same political stamp, if the tax law passed by the last Legislature be so unjust aud oppressive, why did not the Gov ernor exercise (lie veto power, and kill it? Al though we are not disposed to condemn this po-.ver until we become better convinced, than from any thing we have yet seen, of its inju rious character—we should like to know how Governor McDonald could veto a bill, entirely constitutional, and passed agreeably to the usual forms of Legislation. If the tax law be constitutional, as of course it is, the taxing power being expressly given to the Legislature by the constitution, how could Governor Mc- Donald, with any sense of propriety, interfere with ’.he action of the Legislative Body, acting \ within its appropriate and constitutional sphere? Would he not be making himself “a compo nent part of the Legislative power”—a doc trine improperly attributed to Mr. Van Buren during the last Presidential campaign, and that was condemned by the Whigs as so revolting and untenable 7 MISSION TO ENGLAND—AGAIN. The following article is from the Richmond Whig. It looks upon the rejection of Mr. Everett as a most frightful affair—the evil consequences of which no one can foresee.— It says it is “the almost unanimous opinion of the Whig party” that Mr. Everett should be confirmed. We venture the declaration that no Whig paper in Georgia will publish the opinions of Air. Everett, in full, upon the sub ject of slavery, as they are to be found in this paper, and, by their side, endorse his fitness to represent the interests of the whole country at a Foreign Court Thrusting aside altogether the abstract question of the right of Congress to meddle with slavery in the District of Columbia —and also the point as to the admission of new States and Territories tolerating slavery, two questions had enough—how much farther does Mr. Everett go 7 If he had stopped here, there might be a shadow of excuse for him, although we do not see how Southern men, properly alive to their valuable interests, could pardon thus much—but he goes far be yond—into the Tappan and Garrison school. He is in favor of the immediate abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and the immediate interdiction of the traffic in slaves between the Southern States—the latter of which the Supreme Court of the U. States has decided unanimously that Congress has no right to do. It is pretended, however, that the rejection of Air. Everett for the grounds alledged, is a disfranchisement of every individual North of the Potomac—that he but speaks the senti ments of the entire North. This statement is not true. On the contrary, there is ample tes timony that, whatever may be the opinions of the North regarding slavery in the abstract, interference with it in the form proposed by Air. Everett, or in any form not warranted by the constitution, or what is due to the rights, interests and safety of the South, is repudia ted by no inconsiderable portion of the people of that section. It is said likewise that it is wrong to con sider at all, in judging of his fitness for a pub lic station, the peculiar opinion of Mr. Everett respecting slavery. This reasoning might an swer if this opinion did not express and con template an infringement of the Constitution, and a course of proceeding violative of the rights, and hazardous to the safety of a sec tion of the Union. In this ease it is not merely the possession of an opinion, which ought not to influence legislative action respecting the individual entertaining it, but it is the exercise of that opinion, the indication of the necessity and propriety of acting upon it, of achieving what it maintains—which, in our view, ren der its examination by the Senate perfectly just and proper. Air. Everett not only enter tains certain opinions, but he has also said that he wishes those opinions adopted and enforced. Has the Senate, in passing upon nomina tions, no right to examine the political opinions of the individuals before them for confirma tion? Is it restricted ta a simple ir> tiga tion of the moral and personal char; ers of nominees? Has this been the uniform course of the Senate 7 By no mean.-;—else why re ject Air. Van Buren as Alinister to England. Suppose Air. YVebster were to be nominated for the English Mission—would the Senate be unauthorised to judge him by the opinions put forth in the McLeod case 7 And if those opinions were condemned by a majority of the Senate, would Senators act improperly to re fuse his confirmation 7 Peter V. Daniel, of Virginia, now a Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States, is known to be a strict constructionist of the straightest sect—“ a Virginia abstractionist” if you please. YVhen Air. Van Buren nominated him last winter to the Senate for his present station, if a majority in that body had supposed him to entertain opinions on constitutional questions, adverse to what it believed to be the just and true interpretation of the constitution, and the laws arising under it, would not the opposition of that majority to his appointment have been entirely justifiable 7 YVould censure have properly attached to it in a case of that kind, any more than pursuing its honest convictions of duty in any matter of ordinary legislation 7 In appointments, other than those immediately connected with the Executive in the discharge of his official duties, we cannot see how it is indispensable to obey the wishes of the Pres ident as indicated by his nominations. It is true we admit the right of the President to appoint his political friends, *and it is improper in Senators to refuse to confirm be cause the individuals nominated and they be long to different parties. Nevertheless, these admissions do not restrict the right of the Senate, where highly important and responsi ble appointments are concerned, where great principles are invoked and considered in the discharge of the duties of those appointments, to examine into the political, as well as per sonal qualifications of the nominees—and see whether they be compatible with the duties of the office conferred, and consistent with the honor and safety of the Republic. This it ap pears to us is precisely what the Senate is now doing, and very properly, in the case of Air. Everett, and if the opinions he entertains aryj promulge’ regarding slavery be not onfv treasonable in themselves, but are calculated to interlere, from the character of the questions which are to be the subjects of negotiation, with the proper and energetic discharge of the duties of the English Mission, ought the Sen ate to confirm his nomination 7 Indeed, ought it not, by all means, to be rejected 7 Fiom the Richmond Whig. Mission to England. —YVe cannot but hope that the Whigs in the U. S. Sei.ite wit* avert from the Whig parly and the country at large, the evil consequences that must en sue on the rejection of Mr Everett as Minis ter to England. Something certainly is due to the ahnosi unanimous opinion of the Whig party. The rank and file of that noble band who served through the campaign of ’4l, and achieved the glorious victory of November—-freed from ail impulses save those which common sense and patriotism prompt—see in this mat ter the fingers of our wiley foes. Nothing could give them more pleasure than the re jecti u of this gentleman—for nothing would to certainly produce a schism that all our fu ture efforts would avail but little in healing YVe speak warmly upon this subject, because we feel warmly, and are not afraid that emr zeal can be misunderstood. We have strong hopes that prudent counsels will- prevail. — We have no doubt of the purity of the mo tives of any of our friends in the elevated body to whose decision the constitution refers strch matters, but purity of motive will be but a poor recompense to the Whig party for the sectional jealousies that will be engendered— the dangers of which have been delineated with a pencil of light by the Father of his country. THE UNITED STATES INSURANCE COMPANY. This company established in the city of New York, with a capital of one million of dollars, is about commencing operafons. The whole capital has been subscribed, and ten per cent of the amount paid. The remaining ninety per cent is required to be paid before the com pany commences business. John E. Davis, Esq., is the Agent selected : or Columbus, Georgia, as will be seen by his notice in ano ther part of this paper. We have seen the papers transmitted to Air. Davis, containing an outline of the plan on which this company is organized—of its mode of transacting- business—of its arrange ments respecting the distribution of stock— and of the probable value of the capital thus invested—and it is highly favorable to the successful and profitable prosecution of the business for which this company is formed. The Commissioners who have the matter in charge are men of the highest respectability, and express their intention to place at the head of the company some distinguished citi zen of New York whose integrity and talents are known to the country. So far as can be judged from the papers transmitted here, (through the hands of an honorable member of Congress from Georgia,) and from the known and established character of those who are entrusted with the organiza tion of the company,, its affairs will be man aged with integrity and ability, and the stock be rendered extremely valuable. Bank of Columbus, Georgia. —A gen tleman showed us a letter yesterday from the Cashier of this bank, asserting that no defalca tion had taken place in that institution. Very well, be it so. In matters of bank frauds, there is no necessity to invent—there are plenty ripening every 6 week for the public uses. The Western Bank of Rome, Georgia, lias finally stopped payment under singularcircum stances. At the same moment the cashier, Gibson, is in this city, driving “four in hand,” like a successful financier. How can this be accounted for 7 The above articles are from the New York Herald of the 9th of this month. The first, respecting the Bank of Columbus, is of course correct, as it is verified by the statement of the Cashier of that Institution. We see it confirmed also by a communication in the En quirer of yesterday, written by “one who knows.” As to the lattsr statement, we understand a private letter has been received here cor roboiating its truth. YVe hope the President of the Rome Bank, whose integrity is in no wise impugned by the recent disaster; but who suffered himself, it is said, to be over reached by others more dei .mg, will as certain something about the reported doings of Air. Gibson in New York, and see if there is no mode of converting the “four in hand” to the use and benefit of the creditors of the Rome Bank. THE REVENUE BILL. Next week we design to give an outline of the proceedings respecting this bill, in the va rious stages of its passage, through both Hou ses of Congress. By the way, although hav ing received, in a different form, the sanction of both branches, it is by no means certain that it will become a law. On its introduction into the Senate, Mr. Woodbury moved to exempt Tea and Coffee. This amendment was agreed to by the follow ing vote— Yeas —Alessrs. Allen, Bates, Benton, Buc hanan, Calhoun, Choate, Clay of Alabama, Clayton, Cuthbert, Dixon, Evans, Fulton, Graham, Huntington, King, Linn, Mcßoberts, Alangum, Miller, Aloreliead, Monton, Nichol son, Phelps, Pierce, Porter, Prentiss, Sevier, Simmons, Smith of t Connecticut, Smith of In diana, Sturgeon, Tallmadge, Tappan, YValker, White,Woodbridge, YYToodbury, YVright, and Young—39. Nays—Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Berrien, Clay of Kentucky, Henderson, Ker, Merrick, Preston, Rives, and Southard—lo. Among the ten nays not a Democrat is to be found. So objectionable was the feature taxing tea and coffee that a majority of the YVhig Senators united with the Democrats in exempting those articles from duty. Amotion was made by Mr. Allen, a Demo cratic Senator from Ohio, to exclude salt from taxation, and it was rejected by the following vote— Yeas—Messrs. Allen, Benton,’ Buchanan, Clay of Alabama, Cuthbert, Fulton, King, Linn, Alcßoberts, Alouton, Nicholson, Pierce, Prentiss, Preston, Sevier, Smith ot Connecti cut, Tappan, YValker, YVoodbury, Wright, and Young—2l. Nays—Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Bates, Bayard, Berrien, Calhoun, Choate, Clay ol Kentucky, Clayton, Dixon, Evans, Graham, Henderson, Huntington, Ker, Alangum, Mer rick, Miller, Porter, Simmons, Snntn of Indi ana, Southard, Sturgeon, 1 allmadge, and W ood bridge —25. By an examination of this vote, it will be seen that every Democratic Senator voted to exempt salt, excepting Air. Calhoun—and that every whig Senator voted to include it, ex cepting Alessrs. Prentiss and Preston. On its return to the House, the amendment to exempt tea and coffee was concurred in. The vote we have not yet seen. How we would ask was this exemption obtained except by the firmness of Democratic members in both branches of Congress, and the alarm sounded by the Democratic press throughout the coun try 7 Amendments were also moved in the House to exempt salt, sugar and other articles of ge neral use. Most of these amendments, in cluding the one exempting salt, were adopted by the House—although we perceive by the last Washington papers that the votes on ‘hem have been reconsidered, and appearan ces indicate that they will be included in the tax law, if the bill pass at all. An amendment passed the Senate to the effect that when it became necessary, for per posee of revenue, to raise duties higher lhan twenty per cent ad valorem, the distribution of the proceeds of the Public Lands should cease for the time being, & the fund derivable from them be turned into the National Trea” sury. In the House, on the return of the bill, it was moved to disagree to this amendment of the Senate, and it was disagreed to. Thus stand matters at present. The cor respondent of the Charleston Courier, under date of Sept. 9, intimates that possibly the whole Revenue bill may fail, in consequence o f the second veto, and the ill blood to which it has given rise. The Washington correspondent of the Charleston Courier, under date of September 9th, speaks thus of the rumored position of our relations with England. War rumors have again been rife, for a few days. Advices from England, and verbal re ports from gentlemen who have just returned thence, shew that the feeling there, among all classes is that ofdeadly hostility to this country; and that a war would be popular and strengt h en the Ministry. Mr. Fox received dispatch es by ihe last steamer, and immediately held a conference with the Secretary of State, since which several Cabinet councils have been held on the subject of his representa tions. Os course nothing has transpired in relation to the character of Mr. Fox’s instruc tions. The secret, but combined movements of the patriots in New York, and the encourage ment. which these “ respectable citizens’* re ceive, in their respectable occupation, from the more intelligent and responsible classes of society, shew very clearly that we are on on the eve of an outbreak, on the frontier, which must necessarily lead to jt war. Correspondence of the Charleston Courier. Washington, Sept. 10. The House was filled to overflowing at an earlv hour yesterday. The lobbies were crowded, and a vast amphitheatre of heads, rising one above another, appeared in the gal leries. Nearly every Senator was also pres ent-all were expecting, with great interest, the second veto. At 12 o’clock the Private Secretary of the President announced“a mes sage in ‘writing,” and handed it, together with the “Fiscal Corporation” bill, to the Speaker. The message was then read by tiie Clerk. At some passages a srnile of pleasure and triumph passed over the coun tenances of the opposition. The whigs look ed orave enough, and some could scarcely repress their feelings of disdain and resent ment. Suffice it to say, as to the reception ‘of the veto, that the loco focos are delighted with it. The message was ordered to be entered on the journals aiu- printed, and the bill to be “considered” at jl 2 o’clock this day. The House, [deeply agitated as it was, ought then to Have adjourned, in order that the excitement might abate a little, before they proceeded ,to bu iness; but they went on with the consideration of the amendment of the Senate striking out the appropriation for Naples. As it.was to be expected, a spark of fire, elicited ii the debate, ti.ll upon com busible materials. Mr. Wise and Mr. Stan ley quarrelled and fought on the floor, and a general riot and fight were the immediate consquence. Mr. Wise passed over to Mr. Stanley’s seat to remonstrate with him, as Mr. W. says, concerning his language, hut Mr, Stanley says he came to scold with an insolent air. VVords soon grew hot. Mr. Wise asked him to leave the Hall, and turned to go out. Go your own wav, said Mr. Stanley, you know what I have said, take your course, or words to that effect. Mr. Wise returned and said, “you are beneath my con tempt.” Mr. S. replied, “you are ad and liar.” Mr. W. then struck Mr. S, who re ceived the blow, not in the face, at which it was aimed, hut under the ear and jaw. Mr. Stanley ruck three or four violent blows ai Mr. W. before he could recover himself, and then seized him to throw him down and beat and stamp on him. Mr. Dawson and others got hold of Mr. S. and pulled him off. Half of the members were in an instant crowding aroudd the combatants, mounting upon the tables, and overturning each oilier, uttering the most vii leni exclamatious. At the same momenr, Mr. W. O. Puller, of’Ky., and Mr. Arnold,ofTtnn., were engaged in a close and apparently deadly conflict. Several ot-h ----er members had clinched. Meanwhile the Speaker had taken the chair,and began to shout “order, 5 ’ and several members inter posed to quell the riot. The combatants re laxed their hold, or were pulled apart, and, the next moment, Mr. Wise, who had re sumed his seat, was heard, in a perfectly composed tone, addressing the House, and representing that he had received a word from Mr. Stanley, which he would not brook, in any place. Mr. Stanley said he should not apologize to the House -he had done nothing in violation of its order. He reeited the facts, and added that if the House had not interfered, he would have punished the gentleman in the severe manner that his inso lence deserved. Mr. Andrews proposed to expel Mr. Wise, on the spot, and some cried, “agreed”—but a resolution had been previously offered by Mr. Ingersoll to appoint a committee to investi gate the circumstance, which was agreed to. The House reconsidered the votes exempt ing salt, sugar and cotton from the duty of twenty percent. The House amended ihe Senate amend ment limiting all duties to twenty per cent., by provid ng that this should not interfere with the distribution bill. When ihe bill weht back to theSenale, Mr. Clay, with his nobleness of character, himself moved to disa gree to this amendment of the House, and a Committee of Conference was ordered. The House disagreed to the Senate amend ment to the diplomatic bill, striking out the appropriation fora charge to Naples. From the Globe, September 9. The hour of twelve having come, the com mittee rose to receive ihe Veto Message oj y,e President upon the Fiscal Corporation. The veto was read by the Clerk in a loud tony; and when he had finished Aft. Morrow of Ohio moved to have it en tered upon the journal: and also that the House would proceed to-morrow, at ISo’cl’k, to reconsider the bill. The House resolved itself again into Com*- mitiee of lire Whole, and took up the Diplo matic hill. After a debate between Messrs. McKeon, Ingersoll, Adams, and others, in which the mission to Mexico and Naples were lullv discussed, Messrs. Wise and Stanley were observed in earnest and excited conversation together at Mr. Stanleys desk. Alter a few minutes Mr. Wise made a motion as il to invite Mr. Stanly out, to which Mr. Stanly made a ges ture of dissent. Mr. Wise then returned to Mr. Stanly and apparently as in answer to something said by Mr. Siatilv, he was ob served to slap Mr. Stanly in the free pretty severely with his open hand. A scuffle then ensued, a number ol members rushing to the scene of contest. The Speaker took the Chair and called repeatedlv to order. Mr. Dixon H. Lewis was the first who was observed to sepaiate ihe combatants, holding one at each arm’s length. After a good deal of uproar and confusion, Air. Wise having relumed to his seat, rose and expressed the hope that the House would come to order, and enable him to make to it • an apology. He rose, he said, perfectly cool and collected, to make an explanation The uproar continuing, Afr. Keim was heard to say that he object ed to the gentleman going on until order was restored, and the members took their seats. Order being restored, Mr. Wise proceeded to say that he wished, in the most humble manner, to ask pardon, as he sincerely did, of the House, lor having, in its presence, violated its order, ami that deco rum and respect which should be preserved towards it, under an excitement which he could not and would uot repress. The House had witnessed what had passed between the gentleman from North Carolina and himselt, and had heard the language used hy that gentleman, in debate, towards him, (Mr. W ) He should not recapitulate it, bui confine himself to what bad passed afterwards at the seat of the gentleman in private,and nut in the hearing of the House, and with that atone, he presumed, it will have any thing to do. He tiad visited the seat of the gentleman (Mr. S.) after he had concluded his remarks, for the purpose of remonstratingjwith him in a friend ly and private way for his language in debate, and without intending to manitesi any excite ment. Bui fie may have been, and perhaps bulb of them were, excited. His object was to preserve their friendly relations; but the gentleman (Mr. S.) chose to waive those rela • ioi>s, and to claim no protection under them. He would not undertake to inform the House circumstances of what took place. The gen tleman seemfd to adhere to what he had re plied to my explanation on the floor. I at tempted to give him a warning, and asked him to go with me out of the hall/ Here Mr. Andrews called Mr. W. to order’ and objected to his making a statement. Mr. Wise. I make my general statement in presence of the gentleman, Stanly) and no injustice cn be dune him. He refused to go out of the House wijtr me, and I applied to him very harsh and offensive terms. The gentleman rclorted a word which I never can, and never w’Hf brook, here in this House, or elsewhere. I struck him, and the assault en sued, lor which I again ask tire pardon of the House, and submit myself to the penalty it may choose to inflict. Mr. {Stanly. I, too, ask leave to make an explanation. I have no pardon to ask of the House, for if I had been guilty, I would resign or submit to the judgment of the House. The gentleman from Virginia came round to my seat not to remonstrate, as he says, but to scold me as ae has done every body who takes the liberty to differ with a bighminded Virginian. In the course of the conversation which took place between us, he said to me, “I warn you.” To which I replied “ I want none of your warning.” He then invited me to come with him to the door. I refused. He then said “you deserve ray contempt.” To which I replied “you area liar.” He tried to strike me, but was prevented from so doing; and if the House had not prevented me, I would have given him sucli punishment as he deserved. Mr. Wise said that the gentleman’s state ment was net true, Mr. Ingersoll said he was not much versed in parliamentary proceedings in relation to breaches of privilege, but it appeared to him that the best course for the House to pursue was to refdr the matter to a select committee. Mr. Andrews was opposed to the reference to any committee whatever. During the last session, an occurrence of the same kind too.< place. The House referred it to a select com mittee, where the matter ended. He thought that the best plan would be for the House to act at once lor itself, and to vindicate its own dignity. Mr. A. then moved to lay the reso lution on the table. Mr. Hopkins,after some remarks not heard in the noise that prevailed, said that no good could result from continued discussion ; and he would, therefore, move the previous ques tion. Mr. Win. W. Irwin of Pennsylvania asked his colleague to modify his resolution, so as to direct the committee to inquire how many as saults had taken place in the hall during the last thirty minu.es. He himself had seen more than one. Some gentleman was heard to say, “One is enough.” Mr. Andrews here moved that the House adjourn : rejected, yeas 5'2, nays 118. The question being on Mr. Andrews’s mo lion, Mr Andrews explained that if he succee ded in laying the motion on the table, he would then submit a resolution by which the House would best assert its own dignity, and preserve order and decorum in its “era tions. Mr. A. then handed up a resolution, which was read for the information of the House, to the effect that Mr. Wise be ex pelled. [Cries of “No ! no ! —not in order.”] iVJr. Ingersoll’s resolution was then adopted providing that a select committee of seven members be appointed to investigate the facts of the fracas that occurred on the floor of the House between Mr. Stanly and Mr. Wise. From the Free American, of Boston. EDWARD EVERETT. The suspense about Mr. Everett’s nomina tion has really excited quite a hurricane in the Northern press. They are even astonished at Southern arrogance and impudence. This is cheering, lor it shows that they have a little manly feelmgileft. Presses that are dumb to the unutterable cruelties daily perpetrated against the slave, are roused to furious indig. nation at the idea that slaveholders should assume a censorship over Northern opinions. But according to their old servility they are forswearing Mr. Everett’s Abohtioinsin!— They say he is not an Abolitionist at all, or not so in any “odious sense of the term.” In this they betray either utter ignorance or con summate meanness. If Edward Everett is not to all intents and purposes as much an immediate abolitionist as Gerrit Smith or Ar thur Tappan, he is a hypocrite. He was once an anti-abolitionist, but the proofs of his eon version are unequivocal and on record, and we nope, lor the credit of his State, he will not deny them. We shall give the documents. 1. His letter to Mr. tjuincy. 2. His letter to Mr, Borden previous to the last election at which he was a candidate. 3. The endorse ment of Win. L:oyd Garrison, etliior of the Liberator. All we ask in the case is, that alj parties will act in view of the facts as ihey are. I. GOVERNOR EVERETT’S I,ETTEK TO MR. Q-UINOY. This letter appeared in the Boston Daily Advertiser, “By his Excellency’s permission,” soon after its date. We copy it from the Lib erator ot May 4,1838. Boston, April 26, 18138. Dear Sir: —l have your favor of the 21st; accompanied with the volume containing the account of the tour of Messrs. Thome and Kimball in the West Indies, for which you will be pleased to accept my thanks. I have pe rused this highly interesting narrative with the greatest satisfaction. Front the moment ol I the passage of the law making provision lor | tiie iinmedia e or prospective abolition of sla- I very in the British colonial possessions, I have | looked with the deepest solicitude for tidings ]of its operation. The success of the rrif asure, | as it seemed to me, would afford a better hope i than had before existed, that a like blessing might be enjoyed by the portions of the Uni ted States, where slavery prevails. The only ground on which I had been accustomed to hear the continuance of slavery defended at the South, was that of necessity, and the im possibility of abolishing it, without producing consequences of the most disastrous chara ter !to both parties. The passage of the law pio j viding for the emancipation of nearly a million ;of slaves in the British colonies, seemed to | afford full opportunity of bringing this mo mentous question to the decisive test of ex perience. If the result.proved satisfactory, I have never doubted that it would seal the fate of slavery throughout the civilized world. As far as the observations of Messrs. Thome and Kimball extended, the result is of the most gratifying character. It appears to place be yond a doubt that the experiment of immedi ate emancipation adopted by the colonial Le gislature of Antigua, has fully succeeded in that island ; and the plan of apprenticeship in other portions of the West Indies, as well as could have been expected lrorn the obvious inherent vices of that measure. It has giilfit me new views of the practicability of emanci pation. It has been effected in Antigua, as appears from unquestionable authorities con tained in the work of Messrs. Thome and Kim ball, not merely without danger to the master/ but without any sacrifice ol his interests. I cannot but think that the information collected in the volume will have a powerful effect on public opinion, not only in the Northern States/ but in the Southern States. . I see repeated references in this volume to the mission of Messrs. Sturge and Harvey. I am not aware that any publication has been made by those gentlemen. If the fact is oth envise, and you have the volume in your pos session, you would greatly oblige me by tho lean of it for a few’ days. I am, dear sir, wit h much regard, your friend and servant, EDWARD RVLRLIT.* Edmund Quincy, Esq. * 2. The Liberator of November 1, 1339, contains Gov. Everett’s letter to Mr. Borden, in answer to two anti-slavery interrogatories, as follows: GOV. EVERETT’S ANSWER. • Watertown. Oct. 24, 1839. Dear Sir: On Saturday lasi I only received yourfletter ot the 18th, propounding to me certain interrogatories, and earnestly request ing an early answer. You are aware that several resolves, on the subject of these inquiries and their kin dred topics, accompanied by a very able report, were introduced into the Senate of the Commonwealth, the year before last, by a joint committee of the two houses, of which the late lamented Mr. Alvord was chairman. Those resolves, after having been somewhat enlarged by amendment, were adopted by the Legislature. They appear to me to cover the whole ground of your two interrogatories. Having cheerfully Cos operated in the passage of the resolves,• and concurring in the general rea soning hy which they are sustained, in the powerful report of the chairman of the com mit tee. I respond to both your inquiries in the affirmative. The first of the three subjects embraced in your inquiry, is the only one of them which nme before Congress while I was a member. I voted in the mgative on a motion to lay upon the table the petition of the American Anti-Slavery Society, Fir the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and on other motion- of the like character,introduced to cast off the coßsiderat of this class of petitions. I am, dear s : r, very respectfully, Your friend and servant, EDWARD EVERETT. Hon. Natrarieb. A. Borden. N. B. The two inquiries, to which Gov R/erett thus answered in the affirm alive were “ Ist. Are you in favor of the immediate abolition, by law, of slavery in the Distrcl of Columbia, and of the slave traffic between the States of Jh Union ? “21. Are you opened to the admission* into the Union of any new State, the Consti tution of which tolerates domestic slavery ? ,sr 3. Mr. Garrison’s recommendation of ‘Air. Everett is contained in the Liberator o! Nov 8, 1840, and is as follows: “ Edwakd Everett. —The Governor of this Commonwealth has answered unequivo cally, in the AFFIRMATIVE, to the ques tions whether lie is in favor ol the immeiliate’ abolition of slavery, in the District of Colum bia, and the slave trade between the several States. Edward Everett now speaks the language of a patriot, a republican, and a Christian. We believe it is the real language of his sou!. When, a few years since, he took the opposite ground, he did violence’ uv Ills convictions of right, and committed ® grievous error. We are disposed to obliter ate all that has gone before, and to (fommend him fi*r bis honorable course. To refer invid iously so vrhat he said when public sentiment was deeply corrupt, would lie ungenerous ; to charge hh with being insincere at the present time, would be unjust; to accuse him of seeking popularity would be equally un charitable. It i not vet a popular thing for the Chief Magistrate of this Commonwealth to av himself in fa-wr of immediate eman cipa ; and until be sftnlf prove recreant to his present professions, it? is to be taken for granted that he meanerjust what .V sa-ts, )n our opinion he ought t > receive the undivided support of ‘.he an’i slavery voters- of this Commonwealth; nav, they are pledged to give him their support, inasmuch ar he'has declared himself to lie in saver of their'prin ciples and measures.” In the same paper an anti-slavery ticket'is proposed, headed by EDWARD EYEftL ETT for Governor. From tht? Standard of Union Sept. 10J THE CENTRAL BANK. If the Whigs get the majority the Central* Bank will be put down, and the notes which rtf holds on the people, sent out for collection by? suit. If the democrats have the majority, the Bank will be strengthened, and its doors o pened to the people, to help them out of their difficulties. McDonald and Relief, vs. Dawson and tiie tariff— i*et the people read the Mes sage of Gov. McDonald to the hard hearted Legislature of 1840, which follows, and com pare it with the answer it received to its hu mane propositions, and the cold hearted reply that “ They ought not if they could and the vote ol Air. Dawson gave in Congress, to impose a duty of 20 per cent, upon Tea, Cof fee, &.c. and decide who is their friend- Let the Farmers snd Mechanics remember that Air. Dawson has voted to impose a tax upon them, while another has been relieved from equal burdens by taking off” the Tax from Kail Road Iron, while it remains upon the same article, used by every other citi en, thus giving to corporations, advantages which are denied to the people at large. Executive Department, Milledgeville 14th December, 1841. Gentlemen of the Sena'e, and House of Kepresen atives : Sir-ce your assemblage on the second ulti mo, the Cotton crop of the present year has been generally gathered, and the quantity raised has fallen so far below the most rea sonable calculation, that without a forbear ance on the part of creditors, not to be ex pected, the pecuniary distress of the people for the next year, will be unprecedented and ruinous. I feel it my duty, therefore, to call your attention to this subject before your ad journment, that you inay adopt such constitu tional measures for the relief of the people, as your wisdom may suggest, as expedient and proper. The Central Brnk, burthened as it is and necessarily must be, by appropriations for the support of Government cannot extend farther accommodations ; and if you concur with me in the opinion that the exigency demands at your hands, some efforts lor the aid of the people through the difficulties of the ensuing year—disappointed as they are in the usual means of meeting their engagements, by the almost total failure of the cotton crop in some places, and its great diminution everywhere —you cannot turn your attention too soon to the subject. Being unapprised of any measure proposed by you for this object, and not bs.ng willing to incur the expenses incident to an extraor dinary session of the Legislature, when it is as well known now as it can be some mon'lis hence, that the necessities of the people will certainly require relief, which none but the supreme authority can afford, 1 venture to place the matter before you, not doubting that all will be done by you that can be, avert the consequences of a calamity that could not have been foreseen, and that no prudence could have guarded against, Charles J- Mel'onalp-