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‘ From ihu - I arleston Mercury. THE PLOT. The correspondent of a northern paper gives the following history of 4he Rise, Progress, and Abortion of the Plot to head Captain Ty ler. The current of popular feeling seems to be setting strongly against Mr. Clay in and about this city. The impression is gaining ground that he came to Washington with the determ ination to force a bank bill upon President Ty ler, such as he could not sanction without per sonal dishonor, and thus make an issue on the currency question be tore the peope. Recent davelopements, taken in connexion with the course of Mr. Clay dur.ng the la e session ol Congress, prove this fact with almost mathe matical certainty. , Before leaving Kentucky, Mr. Cray made his arrangements to secure the advantages to be derived from the organization of the iiouse in all its details of Speaker, officers, and com mittees. He procured the appointment of an incompetent man as Speaker, by means of an open bargain, by which Ne a \ ork was to have the Chairman of the Ways and Means, and every committee constituted so as to give him the “absolute, undisputed control oi t te action of the popular branch of the national legislature. On some occasions the whigs went through the formality of a caucus, out even the influence of the dictator was all pow erful. In the Senate his sway was supreme, and in the early part of the session he conceived a plan for producing a rupture between the President and his Cabinet, and of driving Mr. Tyler from his position as the actual as well as official head of the whig party. The second week of the session, beiore the call for a pro ject for a “fiscal agent” was made upon the Treasury Department, Mr. Clay had a long conference with President Tyler, and obtained from him, both orally and in writing, his senti ments on the subject of a bank. The Presi dent told him, with his usual frankness that although he desired to conform his views and actions to those of the party 7 which had elected him, still he could not sanction any bank bill which ran counter to his constitutional prin ciples, and to the opinions which he had uni formly expressed throughout bis political life. This conference was amicable and friendly, and on the part of the President, sincere and confiding. Mr. Clay knew, therefore, before any movement, was made on the bank question in either House, precisely what the determin ation of the President was, and what provisions were necessary to secure the executive sanc tion, He acted throughout with a full know ledge of the position and sentiments of the President, and all his pretended hopes and ex pectations of the passage of his bank bill through all the branches of the government, was sheer, unmitigated -hypocrisy. There was never a moment that he anticipated the concurrence of Mr. Tyler, for lie had his pos itive, unequivocal assurance to the contrary. With a show of deference to the opinions of the President, and in consequence of an intimation in the report of the Secretary, Mr. Clay made a call upon the department for a plan for a ‘‘Fiscal Agent.” The President suggested that the assent principle should be engrafted upon the scheme, but the call had been made directly on the head of the Trea sury 7, and he did not interfere with or examine the details of the bill The Treasury plan was sent to the Senate, and referred to Mr. Clay’s committee on finance. But it was spurned with studied contempt, and Mr. ( . Jay present ed a project of his own which he knew would be killed by the interposition of the executive veto/ Mr. Rives presented an amendment to re quire the assent of the respective states, and it was rejected by Mr. Clay, knowing, as he did, that the bill could not become a law with out it. On ascertaining that this bill could not be carried through the Senate in its then shape, JVlr. Clay, in conjunction with Gon. Porter, of New York* who was then in this city, concoct ed his subterfuge, which he called a comprom ise. This humbug Mr. Clay submitted to the President through Mr. llotts. This latter in dividual told the President that if the propo sition was not satisfactory, he would burn the paper, and nothing more should be said on the subject. The President replied that he re garded it as more objectionable than thejbold, manly intelligible assertion of the branching power in Mr. Clay’s original bill. Botts de stroyed the paper accordingly, assuring the President that he should hear nothing more about it. This was precisely what Mr. Clay had ex pected and desired. He had ascertained that the President was not to be deluded by the shallow artitice, and nothing further was ne cessary but to present some pretext upon which Messrs. Preston and Merrick could re trace their steps, and his designs were accom plished. lie had made up his mind to carry his bank bill through Congress, without yield ing one inch of substantia] ground, without conceding one particle of the power claimed in his original bill, without sacrificing one iota to the principles or prejudices of the President or his friends. He had determined to force the President to a veto, and he now discover ed a mode to carry a bill through Congress, which he knew cduld not meet the executive, sanction, lie knew it from the Presidents own lips—he knew it from the representa’ ions of his instruments, who had put the question directly to Mr. Tyler. The subterfuge was offered—Messrs. Pres'on and Merrick stulti fied themselves, and the bill was carried through the Senate. But this was not all of the sinister management of Mr. Clay. He contrived to commit a majority of the cabinet in favor of his humbug amendment, lie told them they would be compelled to resign on a veto—be persuaded them that they could over rule the President, and they persuaded them selves that he could be deceived into a belief that this absurd and contradictory amendment ought to satisfy and obviate his constitutional scruples. This portion of the Cabinet, over reached by Mr. Clay, and stimulated by anxie ty to retain their places, labored with all their might, and then moved heaven and earth, to induce the President to sign the bill. It was known to Mr. Clay and all the friends of the President, that the action of the Cabinet was not only unauthorised, and separate, and dis tinct fiom the Executive, but that it was in opposition to his wishes, and in contravention of his opinions and sentiments. Neverthe less, the plan was successful. Mr. Clay had accomplished all he contemplated or expected. He had displayed his omnipotence in Congress, and laid the foundation of a schism between j the President and his Cabinet. Mr. Clay never hoped or intended that the bill sli mid be \ so modified as to receive the executive sane-! tion. 1 speak upon knowledge derived from the solemn declaration of one of Mr. Clay’s most devoted partisans in the Senate. “By G—” said he, “1 never could have voted for the compromise, if I had thought it yielded one inch of ground, or if I had not been posi-i lively assured that the President would veto the bill.” It was Mr. Clay’s deliberate, well consider ed purpose to break up the cabinet, and sep arate President Tyler from the entire whig party. In the first he succeeded. The latter lie will find to be a more difficult task. Find ing the cabinet would not readily be dismem bered on the first veto, he refused to permit the bark question to be postponed, and drove matters to extremity, with a clear perception of all the immediate consequences, but with a false notion of the ulterior results of his head long course. The Whig presses are counting up the pe cuniary losses which the Secreiaries inuy sus tain by their retirement. They surely do not mean to call upon the next Congress for a full year's salary, as in the case of Gen. Harri son ? Correspondence of ih< Courier. Washington, Sept. 26. Judge McLean has, I am sorry to learn, de i dined the War Department. ’The President received a letter from Judge McLean, an nouncing the determination, on Friday, the 04 j,, ii e j ias made no appointment as yet, in his place, and rumor says that he will not make a selection from the several names which he has before him, without careful de liberation and inquiry. It has been suggested ihat he will delay the appointment, till after the Whig Convention at Syracuse. That intelligent assembly will d> much to shape the course of the Whig party in the Northern and Eastern States. It may recruit and re assure the party or add to its embarrass ments. We learn from New York that there is much d.ffioulty and dissendous in the ranks o; the Loco Foco party. A portion of them res duteiy adhere to Mr. Vart Buren and h:s pol icy 7, and an equal portion is determined to a biudon him and his fallen fortunes. He had never much personal popularity, and his (Te-- feat, last fall, deprived him of the confidence that had been placed in his imputed magic.— Broken up themsel e 3, they stand ready to promote the disaster ot the Whigs. The Proclamation of thp President against the lawless banditti on the northern frontier will, it is said, create much excitement there, and render him extremely odious to the mass in ihat quarter most c.f whom, it is believed, sym pathise with he pain lie efforts ; o.v making to involve the country in a war with Great Brit ain* The extent of this feeling in New-York may be imagined from the laetthat the most influential citizens of that State hardly dare l to oppose the proceedings of the insurgents, and are, at too tame time, clamorous for war, the moment that retaliation from the Canadian side is suggested or menaced. It may be re collected, too, that at the late session, all the representatives from the city of New York united in attempts to procure the release of a number of ihese outlaws, whom the British Government retained as prisoners in Van D.eman’s land, and eulogized them rs “re spectable and patriotic citizens.” The game now is to strike* a blow, this winter, at some point on the Canadian side, which will ensure prompt and severe retaliation from the Cana dian authorities, and thereby involve the two countries in a genera! war, at once. The British government and the Canadian authori ties have long anticipated this event and are prepared for it. Tnat we shall soon be drag ged into a war, notwithstanding all the offoris oi Mr. Tyler’s administration to maintain our neuiral ooligations and preserve peace, is al most beyond a doubt. Great disappointment is manifested by the war party in the United States at the moderate tone of Lord Palmers ton, and it is made a matter of accusation against Mr. Webster that bis was of such a character as to be deemed “honorable to the United States and satisfactory to the British Government.” It was the subject of grievous a nei.t; ion in Congrcs ■, at the late o , that we “could have no war while Daniel Webster was Secretary of State —but these desponding patriots may no v take courage, for they are in a fair way to be gratified to their heart’s content. The Prince De Joinville is expected here on Wednesday, on a visit the President. Mr. Webster left this city, to-day, on a visit to the North. Mr. Crittenden and Mr. Bell are still in this city 7 . From ihe New York Post. THE VETO POWER. Mr. Clay talks with his habitual inaccuracy, when in his Baltimore letter, he calls the veto power, “an odious but obsolete vestige of royal prerogative.” The veto was never a royal prerogative, nor can it be said to have even been a power odious to the people. In its origin, it was a power conferred upon the tri bunes ot the people, at. a period when the populace of Rome were struggling against the encroachments of aristocrats. Any book on Roman antiquities, or even the abridged histories used in the schools, would have informed Mr. Clay, that when the com-, mon people of Rome, alter pouring out their blood like water in defence of her grandeur, found that the paUicians were disposed to trample with haughty insolence upon their rights, they retired iu a body from within her limits, determined not to return until the right shou’d be graned them of electing officers who should have the power, and whose duty it should be, to protect them from the invasions of their spoilers and oppressors. These offi cers, few in number, were called tribunes, and their chief function consisted in arresting the passage of laws which they might deem injurioua to the plebeians, by “rising from their seats and pronouncing the word Veto—l for bid.” How Mr. Clay can twist this privilege of the people’s representatives into a royal prerogative, surpasses our understanding. Nor can we call to mind any instance in the history of tho Roman nation of the im proper or pestilent use of the Tribunal power. Whenever it was exercised it was done fur the good of the majority. W hen the proud spirit of the nobles tempted them to wrong the more humble plebians—when they would withhold from tiie soldier his lands, or from t ejionest craftsmen Ins rights—when they sought to narrow the sphere of their free ac tion—the veto was interposed, and the en croaching disposition of the wrong-doer re buked. We may say the same thing of the exercise of the veto power by the Presidents of the United States. The men who formed the constitution, no doubt, intended the veto as a safeguard to the liberties of the people. To protect the Executive from the aggressions of the legislature, to give him a qualified con trol over hasty and imperfect legislation; teen able him to refer doubtful measures back to the decision of tiie const tuents of both were the objects for which t: e veto power was a dopted. Hamilton, in the federalist 4 speaks of-it, t) tins effect. “It establishes,” he says,” a salutary cheek upon the legislative body, calculated to guard the community from the effects of faction precipitancy or any im pulse unfriendly to the public good.” One thing relating to the exercise of this power, is especially to be remarked. Not since tho origin of the government, has it been used without cause, or withou producing salutary effects. Indeed, it is to be deeply re gretted, that it has not been more frequently exerted in correction of the abuses of exces sive and pernicious legislation- The Extra Session and its Benefits The extra session has passed, and lour out of five measures that were termed “ relief” measures, have been perfected and become laws. The mercantile community may now ask themselves what relief has, or is, likely to grow out of these proceedings. The increase of duties is surely no relief. The creation of a national debt with the promise of inctearing it $1(3,000,000 more next ssssion wifi give no relief. The distribution of the public lands can relieve nobody but the ‘States, and the bankrupt law will, at the most, relieve but 300,00 u individuals out of $17,000,000, and will embarrass as many as it will relieve.— The value of securities, state, corporate, and real, has not improved, merchandise bears no higher prices than the effective demand war rants, and produce is as low as ever. This arises no doubt from the vast product, in the absence of a sufficient foreign outlet, but re lief was promised through legislation, and where is it? after one year of the greatest po litical excitement, and of unlimited promi ses from the winning party, where are the results ihu they pledged to the people in the event of success ? They are nowhere to be found. The real business of the co ntry this year as last, lias gone on steadily and heahhi ly incr*asing, and is now in a more p’osper ous condition than it ever hts been before.— These facts are evident to every practical man, and we are of opinion that it is lime to bui.sh polilics from commercial pursuits, and not allow political partizans to make an in strument of any branch of bnsiness to fur ther 1 heir designs—N. Y. Herald, Sept. 18. THE TI ME S Tbs union of 1 he states and the sovereigntyof ihe stares COLUMBUS, OCTOBER 7, IS4I, ELECTION ltE TURNS. We learn verbally that, in Jasper county, the Democrats have elected their entire tickel to the Legislature, and that McDonald lias a majority of 30 for Governor. Jn Monroe county —the Whigs have elect ed two members of the liouse, and the Demo crats one. A Senator and one Representa tive are not chosen, in consequence of ties. Mr. McDonald has a small majority for Gov ernor. In Upson county—the Whig ticket is of j course elected, as the Democrats had no can didates in the field. Mr. Dawson has 209 majority for Governor, which is a falling off of more than a hundred from the W h : g nia-! jority of last year. la Talbot county—the whig ticle’ : s elected by majorities varying from 15 to 50. Mr. Dawson lias 35 majority for Governor. Harris County. We take the following list from tho En quirer of yesterday. Both tickets run for the Legislature were Whig—local questions hav ing caused the d.vision. Comparing the vote for Governor with that given for the Whig I Congressional ticket last year, Mr. Dawson has lost nearly 200 votes. Dawson, 789 McDonald, 485 Redding, 627 Kenno-i, 592 Bryan, 788 Pratt, 3Ji Ecnois 607 Vardanian, 417 Whatley, 528 Osborn, 312 Scott, 288 Stewart County. Lumpkin, Oct 5, 1841. Dear Sir— Our election is over, and the entire Democratic Ticket is elected as you will perceive by the following list: DEMOCRATS. WHIGS. McDonald, 802 Dawson, 728 Robison, 790 Bryan, 695 Pitts, 794 Boynton, 701 Rodgers, 774 DeLauny, 698 Mitchell, 730 West, 689 In Baldwin county, the Wh : g ticket for the Legislature has been successful. Gov. McDonald has a majority of 17. DEMOCRATS. WHIGS. McDonald 350 Dawson 333 Fort 277 Kenan 335 Hammond 391 Grieve 315 Jourdan 278 Thomas 322 In Bibb county, the following is the result, by which it will be perceived that the whole Democratic ticket is elected by a handsome majority. DEMOCRATS. WHIGS. McDonald TiaO Dnwson 581 Reynolds 672 Bulloch 589 Furlow 704 Strong .578 Powers 669 Gresham 569 Bailey 665 Moore 551 In Pike county, information has been re ceived here that the entire Democratic ticket has been elected to the Legislature, and that Gov. McDonald has a majority of 180. In Houston county, the entire Democratic ticket has succeeded. We have no official returns. In Monroe county, we have just learned, the Democrats have elected three out of the five members, instead of one as reported by us ir another part of this paper. In Jones County, McDonald has a majority of forty-one, and the entire Democratic ticket for the Legislature is elected. MUSCOGEE ELRCITCN. Subjoined will be found a list of the votes cast in this county, on Monday last, for Gov ernor and Members of the Legislature. It will be perceived that the majority for Governor McDonald is 42—which, taking as a test the Whig Congressional majority of last year, is a gain of more than 150 votes. The Democrats, not disheartened by their entire overthrow last year, but believing that that overthrow was produced by causes both unusual and extraordinary, and not likely scon again to occur—took the field with spirits unflagging and exertions unabated. They placed before the people for their suffrages gentlemen “ strong in talent, in influence, and tn moral weight ” ; and they could not well see how such a ticket could fail to unite the combined strength of the party, and enlist in its b half its strongest, exertions—at the same time that it would secure the respect, and abate somewhat the animosity of the Whigs. There were gentlemen ol the Whig party not yet prepared to abandon all their former Re publican doctrines, and to adopt unreservedly the principles and the policy of Mr. Clay— | who were in t disposed to obliterate all the landmarks of State Sovereignty, and to yield a ready obedience to the pernicious and here- toiore unpopular measures of the Whig party, ! as evinced by the acts of the late extra session! of Congress—and it was hoped that these views, if they did not influence them sufficient ly to accord to our ticket their support—would i lessen their zeal, and render them, to some extent, indifferent as to a result which, al though a nominal and local triumph, yei alibrded no guarantee of the security and pre servation of their peculiar principles. These anticipations of the Democrats, al though not fully, were to some extent realized. The Whig party, unwilling to relinquish its ascendancy, and desirous to consummate cer tain measures of State policy, as well as to enjoy the benefits and advantages of State patronage, rallied it friends, and omitted no proper exertions to carry the day. In one respect, we have a regret to express, not originating in any personal feeling or dis appointment of the individual himself—but arising solely from the loss of his influence and talents in the Legislature. We allude to the defeat of the Hon. Mark A. Cooper—if defeat it may be called which failed of success only by two votes—and that notoriously pro duced by his own political friends, many of whom, from motives of personal good will, placed on their tickets both the name of Major Cooper, and that of the successful Whig can didate. Major Cooper was absent from the county and the State, at the time of his nomination.— On hearing of it, he wrote to his friends urging 1 them to substitute some other person in his stead—that lis engagements absolutely de- 1 barred him from reaching Muscogee previous 1 to the electios—that defeat was to him a mat- ! ter of no consequence, but that, probably, the interests of the party would be better subserv- 1 ed by allowing him to withdraw, as he could not be present to converse with the people, and put them in possession of his views on such subjects as would, probably, engross the attention of the next Legislature. So anxious, however, was the party to avail itself of the 1 talents of Major Cooper that he was not per mitted to consult his own inclination—and the regret now is that his own political under a mistaken apprehension of the result of the election, suffered him to he defeated. The successful Whig candidate is, in every respect, a most unexceptionable gentleman ; and Ins personal popularity may be inferred from the fact that he was able to secure his election by democratic votes. His election, also, is understood to be not altoge.her adverse to ihe essential interests of tho Democratic party. Upon those vital and important ques tions which concern the welfare of the whole country, he is understood to entertain opinions j diametrically opposed to those of Mr. Clay— ! and to disapprove of the doctr,ncs maintained in tiiQ Whig Congressional Address. Vv e are happy to state, also, that the elec tion was conducted and terminated, without any acerbity of feeling, and with the most perfect order and decorum. It w T as purely a contest of principle, as both tickets were com posed of highly respectable and popular gen tlemen—weil known to the people of the county —and who, if elected, would have done good service according to their respec tiv* tenets of General and State policy. The success of the Democratic party in Muscogee county is an auspicious omen.— Here centre much of the talent and influence of the Wlig party—and, in former contests, they have oeen exerted with must tremendous force—and when occasionally the Democrats have been successful, their surprise at the result has been equal to the disappointment of their opponents. Our triumph now is an evi dence, we think, of a settled and deliberate de termination to repudiate the principal measures of the whig party proper—and to have no part or lot with Mr. Clay in support, of the leading acts of the late extra session of Congress— or of the doctrines presented by his especial friends in the Whig Congressional Address. Republ.cans of tho Jeffersonian School think that they see in the recent movements of the dominant party a disposition indirectly to un dervalue, and finally to_extinguish those salu tary rules of constitutional construction which were established by the political revolntion of 1800—and tha t , they are not. disposed to be lieve, are either impracticable or inefficient ip the just and proper administration of all the Constitutional powers of the General Govern ment, as well as those of the sovereign States of which the Union is composed. They are> therefore, disposed to resist the efforts, whe ther direct or covert, to in.reduce into the ad ministration of the Government, new sources vt mciiiiresuy contrary to the letter of the constitution, odious to its spirit, and dangerous to the freedom of the people. MUSCOG E E COU NT Y . DEMOCRATIC TICKET. Columbus Upatoie Halil Hill Toial McDonald G 72 66 140 878 McD.mgald 062 65 MS 665 Howard 641 60 IS4 840 Colquitt 622 60 131 818 Watson 663 64 141 873 Cooper tOB 65 131 804 WHIG TICKET. Dawson 629 93 114 836 Cliiplev 563 81 114 768 Leonard 602 91 113 806 Sapp 578 92 133 793 Thompson 576 88 L 4 77S Clayton SBG 97 112 755 Case of McLeod.—Little doubt seems now to be entertained us the acquittal of Mc- Leod. Border Troubles. —The Proclamation of Mr. Tyler, and some accounts contained in Nor;hern Journals, authorise the belief that movements likely to disturb the peace of the two countries, are again contemplated along the Canada border. It is evident that the people of the United 3 ales, living near enough to be affected by what transpires along tho line, are by no means satisfied with the conduct of the Canada Authorities, and may very easily be sufficiently excited to commit acts which would inevitably lead to War. C'-.hib making and REPAIRING.— By refer ence to an advertisement in to-day’s paper it will be seen that Mr Booher hasjcommsnced the above business th this city. V index is received, but its publication is declined. We said last week ail that was necessary respecting the rude attack made upon us by a late Honorable Member of tho Legislature. The application of hard names and of abusive epithets is not the mode in which we deal with those who assail us im proper];'; and however highly cur correspon dent may estimate our powers in that regard, we assure him, if we really possess them to the extent he supposes, it is to us a matter neither of pride nor gratification. We do riot design to make the attempt now or hereafter; and certainly it would, in this instance, afford us no especial pleasure, nor gain us any ad ditional laurels, to contend successfully with a gentleman, whose political importance has never been sufficient to create even momen- j 1 1 ry solicitude; whose service in two sessions : of the ! egislature of Georgia was unable to secure to him even temporary notoriety; and whose excellencies, not in the higher, but in any of the inferior attributes of effective or captivating oratory, are yet to be discovered- We ask the Savannah Republican to re concile the opinions of Mr. Berrien, as ex pressed in the Whig Congressional Address, to which his name is subscribed, with those entertained by him as “a State Rights man of 1825.” We have special reference to his repudiation of the \ eto Power. Where exist the conservative features in our form of government —those heretofore cherished by the ancient republicans—the strict constructionists —the real friends of the rights of the States —us they are not to be found in the veto power entrusted to the Pres ident, and in the peculiar organization of the Senate ! Why and wherefore were these obnoxious features placed in the Constitution by its framers —features which do not speak the public will, if that will is only indicated by the 44 immediate Representatives ts the People !” Were they not designed to show that this was a Government of limited and specified powers—that sovereign States com posed this Union —and that the rights of the minority must be secured against unlawful encroachments ? A". l yet men professing to be the peculiar guardians of the States — Nullifiers even—are repudiating the strong est conservative principle in the Constitution! VOTES IN THE SENATE, Frcm which the injunction of secrecy was re moved in the Senate. OX THE NOMINATION OF CDWARP EVERETT. Yea=.—Messrs. Bates, Berrien, Choate, Clay of Kentucky, Clayton, Dixon, Evans, Graham, Huntington, Mangum, Merrick, Mille-, More nrAD, Phelps, Porter, Prentiss, Rives, Simmons’ Smith of Indiana, Southard, Tallmadge, White, VVoodbridge—23. Nays.—Messrs. Allen, Archer, Renton, Buch anan, Calhoun, Clay of Alabama. Cu hbeit, Fulton, King, Linn, Me Roberts, Mouton, Preston, Sevier, Smith of Connecticut, Sturgeon, Tappan, Woodbury, Young—l 9. On the nomination of Chari.es B. Penrose. —Yeas—Messrs Archer, Bates, Bavard, Berrien Choate, Clay, of Kentucky. Clayton, Dixon, Evans, Graii \m Huntington, Mangum. Merrick, Miller Moreheati, Phelps, Porter, Prentiss, Preston, Rives, Simmons, Smith, of Indiana, Southard, Tall madge, White, VVoodbridge—26, Nays.— Messrs. Alien, Barrow, Benton, Buchanan Calhoun. Clay, of Alabama, Cuthbert, Fuiton, Hen derson. King, Linn, Me Roberts, Mouton, Nicholson, Sevier, Smith, of Connecticut, Sturgeon, Tappan, Walker, Woodbury, Wright, Young—22. On the nomination of Joel Eastman —Yea?, .Messrs Bates, Berrien, Choa'e, Clay, of Ken tuoky, l ‘lay ton, Dixon, Evans, Huntington, Mangum, Merrick, Miller, More head, Phelps, Porter,- Prentiss, Rives, Simmons, Smith, of Indiana, South ard, Tallmadge, White, VVoodbridge—22. Nays—Messrs. Allen, Archer, Benton, Buchan an, Calhoun, Clay, of Alabama, Cuthbert, Fulton, King, Linn, Moßoberts, Sevier, Smith, of Connecti cut, Walker, Woodbury, Young —16. On the nomination of Jam s W ilson.—Yeas—Mes srs. Bates, Btyard, Berrien, Choate, Clay of Kerr tuefey,.Clayton, Dixon, Evans, Graham, Huntington Mangum, Merrick, Miller, Morehead, Phelps, Porter, Prentiss, Preston. Rives, Simmons, Smith of Indiana, Southard, Tallmadge, White, VVoodbridge —25. Nays—Messrs. Allen, Benton, Buchanan, Cal houn, Clay of Alaba-na, Cuthbert, Fulton. Henderson King, Linn, Mcßoberis, Mouton, Nieholsdn, Sevier Smith of Connecticut, Sturg-on, Tappan* Walker Woodbury Wright Young—2l. On th#nominuti nos Bela Badger—Yeas, Messrs* Bates, Berrien, Choate, Clay ofKy. Clayton, Ev ans, Mangum, Miller, Morehead, Porter, Sim mons, Smith of Indiana, Southard, Tallmadge, While VVoodbridge.—l6. Nays—Messrs Allen, Archer, Benton, Buchan an, Calhoun, Clay of Alabama, Cudibert, Fulton, Anderson, Huntington, King, Linn, Mcßobcrts, Merrick, Mouton, Phelps, Prentiss, Rives, Sevier, Smith of Connecticut, Sturgeon, Tappan, Walker, Woodbury, Young—2s. We copy the proceedings of the Senate from which the injunction of secrecy was re moved. These proceedings have reference to the action of the Senate on the nomination of Mr. Everett as Minister to England—-of Mr. Penrose, of Pennsylvania, as Solicitor of the Treasury—of Sir. Eastman, as U. States Attorney for New Hampshire—of Mr. Wilson of New Hampshire, as Surveyor General of lowa and Wisconsin—and of Mr. Badger, as Navy Agent at Philadelphia. The confirma tion of the four first named was resisted on the ground ot Abolition, and the l-ast, in consequence of his agency in transferring ‘li- legal votes rroin rniiaueiuiua to JN'evv York, in 1838, to be used in the elections of that year, in the latter city. His nomination was rejected by a decisive vote, seven Whig Sena tors voting in the negative. We must con fess our surprise at seeing Mr. Berrien ad iiereingto the notorious pipe layer. It shows, on the part of that gentleman, an inten ity of j political feeling, and a violence of party at tachment, we were not prepared to witness. ; Even the Vermont Senators, unadulterated party men as they are, shrunk from contact with Bela Badger. The most important, however, of the nomi- I natwns from which the injunction of secrecy J was removed, and the one whicn has attracted | particular interest in certain sections of the Union, is that of Mr. Everett of Massachu j setts, to be Minister to England. The mo | tives \vliich influenced Senators in resisting ; the confirmation of this gentleman, may be briefly stated thus :—Mr. Everett, some years I since, when a candidate for an important office in Massachusetts, was asked by some Aboii j tjonistsr—first, if he believed in the power of ! Congress tp abolish slavery in the District of ; Columbia, and in /,V> propriety of the imms | diate exercise of t power. Second, if he were in favor of th • iierdictior. of the traffic in -laves between t/hn States-—and third, if he were opposed to the admission of anv new State or Territory into the Union tolerating slavery. To these direct arid explicit inter rogatories he replied as directly and explicitly in the affirmative. When his name was presented to the Senate, the proofs of his hav ing so replied were produced, and the enquiry was made whether the Senate,and particularly ■ the Southern portion of it, ought to confer of | lice on an individual who entertained opinions conflicting with the Constitution—calculated i to interrupt the tranquillity of the country— and that, if carried into actual operation, would produce its dismemberment. Jt was urged that the existence of such opinions were view-’ cd with the most serious appiehension by the whole slaveholding portion of the country, and that the m >st effectual mode to check them, especially when held by the influential and in, teiligent, who could do most mischief—was to discountenance the individuals promulging them. That a rejection by the Senate for j these reasons would show to public men at the j North, who really entertained these opinions, or were disposed to employ them to accomplish ■ personal or political ends, regardless of their j unhappy influence, and the positive injury that i might result from the.r agitation, that they j were excluded from a participation in the hon- j ors and emoluments of the General Govern ment. That aside from the perfect propriety of rejecting a man who entertained opinions so mischievous and dangerous, it would have a most happy effect in deterring prominent and ambitious men, aiming at political distinction, from meddling with a matter of such serious • import, and the probable source of so much; confusion and misery—and that by rejecting Messrs. Everett, Penrose, Eastman and Wil- ! son, the South would be true to herself, and j evince her determination to uphold, at all ha-’ zards, her constitutional rights. These, we learn, were the view s presented by Senators in favor of rejection—and what Southern man will say that they were not just and per tinent, and fit to be urged and carried out on the occasion in question. Momentary agita tion and excitement were expected to follow the rejection. The question had to be met whether the North could disturb, with impuni- j tv, the domestic institutions of the South, and it mio-ht as well be encountered in that form f . I as in anv other. If the rejection caused, as it might, extraordinary feeling and deep re sentment, bo it so—this question must be set tied, and the South relieved from constant ap prehension, else, to it, the Union would not be worth preserving. These views received the cordial concur rence of most of the Southern Senators, with out distinction of part}’, and were cheerfully embraced by every Democratic Senator from the North—and so just and reasonable did they appear that, at no time, we learn from an un doubted source, from the period of the nomi- j nation of Mr. Everett up to the day of his 1 confirmation, a space of not less than two months we think, would a majority of the i Senate have sanctioned his appointment. — Even Mr. Berrien, who finally voted in the | affirmative, was, we learn, among the incorri gible, almost to the moment when the vote j was taken. What new reasons then present-’ e l themselves to change his previously fixed determination, we are unable to state. It is said, also, that. Messrs. Barrow and Henderson, Whig Senators from Louisiana and Mississippi, would, if present, have voted in the negative —and of the correctness of this statement no ! doubt can be entertained, if the reader will j refer to 1 heir vote on tiic confirmation of Mr* j Penrose, the only one of the votes on these exceptionable nominations, a* which they both ’ appear to have been present. This would have swelled the negative vote to 21. Mr* Wright, of New York, unavoidably absent, would have swelled it to 22—and Mr. Berrien would have made a tie—still leaving the two North Carolina Senators, an 1 Mr, Rives, to have added one more to the negative vote, and thus have caused the rejection. Violent poli ticians as are Messrs. Archer and Preston, they yet voted in the negative. Communicated. Cooper and Colquitt rebuked by their, own immediate neighbors! The Georgia Dull Dog mvzzhd ! ‘■'•The Immortal Twenty Fight'’ used ’up. — Columbus Enquirer ., Ith Oct. 1840. Mr. Van Ness—lt appears that the Georgia Bull Dog has been again unmuzzled and that •‘The Immortal Twenty Eight” have come to life, and that the Clay Whigs and Dawson have been rebuked by the people of Musco g- e. Q.. IN A CORXEK. From the Columbus Enquirer, of ye-;terdav. Cotton.— Up to the present date, but very little new cotton has been received here, and, t/ will be seen bv cur statement below, the season is much more backward than the two previous years. ‘The quality of the cotton thus far received would not,, any of it, rank over ‘middling lair,’and most of it is of a poorer grade* This is owing, in a great measure, to the frequent heavy rains we have had since the bolls commenced opening ; hut a few weeks of good dry weather woul i materially alter the appearance of the staple. Prices of that which has been sold have ranged from 0 1-2 to 7 1 *4 cents. Receipts of ne .v Coiton up to Opt 1,1839 782 bates, do do do 1810,6! 5 do do do do 1841,263 do October 1, 1 311. receipt?, 253 do On liana previously, old cotton, 155 and i Total stock on hand, 418 do Mr. Roebuck, of tiic House of Commons. ‘ —The journals of our country heve overlook-1 eh u. remarkable passage in the speech of Mr. Roebuck, in the discussion in Parliament on j the address in reply to the Queen’s speech,’ at the opening of the session. As every thing against the United States has been car--fully i reprinted from the English denates,- it m y not be amiss to record what the Radical had to say for us on the floor of the House of Commons. We annex a part of Ins speech, extracted from the report in the Moraine Chronicle of.ritc 25 h of August: “ He (Mr. Roebuck) had heard the remark made by the noble lord who spoke lost nighl, respecting our relations with America;'nut the real difficulty had been to curb the war like spirit of honorable gentlemen opposite, ‘i'he noble lord had said that a war in that quarter would be most sincerely deprecated, ami yet he had sought to impugn the conduct of the Government in suffering the matter to proceed so far without some warlike demon stration. He was prepared to justify the con duct of the American Government tnronghout. i all the proceedings in the case of McLeod, and he hlargcd the noble lord for having omit ted to explain the real state of facts to the: House. The truth was, that by the present l law of the United States, and in the present! state of our diplomacy, we could not reach the evil which exis ed. [The honorable member then went over the facts of the case relating to McLeod.] If, at the time that Mr. Forsyth had written this letter, to which he had alluded, a minister had been sent over —ay, our ambassador extraordinary ‘hat would have been entertained of our meeting the difficulty. But now September was al most come; the mail in £ fit be found guiifv, and then must bo hanged. This was un doubtedly a most extraordinary case, and was not to be treated with that icy by and heat with which he had hear ! it spoken of. He had read with great, admiration the judgment of Judge Covveir upon the subject of the habeas corpus.; and ihe matter has been thoroughly, and carefully, and gravely met by the judges of ihs land. All questions of poli cy or political expediency had been very pro perly thrown aside, and* having considered the matters urged in behalf of the -prisoner, the learned judge had said that no powers which he possessed could relieve him, but to trial he must go. It was urged before him, that he was acting under the command of a superior officer; that what he had done was sanctioned by a British officer ; but the judge very proper y said that lie could take no c >g mzance of that; that it might be pleaded else where, but lhag plead it. where they might, the two countries not being at war, Eng. amt could no more defend or justify the murder than justify a common larceny.” Fiom ihe Pennsylvanian. The Veto Power. —We do not believe that there is another man in the Unfed States save Mr. Clay, who vvou.d have ventured to originate this revolutionary tocsin : and we cannot yet believe that'one half of the Whig majority in Congress will ever be got to sub scribe or sanction this “ moral treason ” of the manifesto put forth by their Committee. An experience of more than fifty years has proved die matchless wisdom of our funda mental charter. It lias nobly surmounted every difficulty of war and of faction. It has beiied all the hopes and prophecies of the: monarchists of Europe: and at this moment is the object of admiration and pride with the lovers of liberty and order throughout the. world, \et, forsooth, it is in the way of Mr. i Clay’s aspiring ambition, and it must he des i troyed ! It obstructs the establishment of a Bank, and it must be removed as rubbish. We stand by the Constitution exactly as 1 and is. Mr. Clay has no pretension to the abil ity, virtue and forecast of Washington, Madi son, and the other sages by whom it was framed. He is wholly incompetent to mend their work. Os this we believe the American people are universally aware : certainly, the Democracy are so. If it ever happen, how ever, that this instrument should he subjected to the crucible of new fashioning and change, we can tell Mr. Clay and his sateiites that it i will not be in order to put power into tjlid hands of a mere party leader, but more Leftec tually and closely to keep it vvitli’ the people : not to secure an irresponsible and destructive one term of four years to the chief Executive, but to bring that public servant annually back to the approval or condemnation of his real masters. We deem the Constitution too sa cred and well digested to be forever tinkered at: we recoil vviih dread at the hare mention of ass tiling it: but if its enemies prevail, the true sovereigns will resume their rights, and thereafter trust their agents for much shorter psriods of service. If, according to the alarm ing doctrine of Mr. Clay and his manifesto, ti” President ought to act in utter disregard of future liability to censure or sanction trom the people, the briefer his term for acting the safer and better. The chains which might be rivetted in four years would in a single year bo scarcely moulded. We repeat, we want no change in the Con stitution of this country, and will stand by it exactly as it is. ! The Republican party will, we doubt not, assume and maintain inflexibly this high and patriotic attitude: nor can it, for the purposes of victory adopt a nobler motto than “ The Constitution, Democracy, and no Bank.” Spfxk of War —The Westfield (Chi’ - t tuque) Messenger of the 22d ult., savs : “We noticed recently the visit of Captain Knapp, of the revenue cutter, to this place. We understand that, while here, he received inf. rmation that his presence was needed at Cleaveiaiul, whither he hastened with all de spatch. On Monday of this week, the Wes tern stage brought the report that, on his arri val at Cieaveland, Capt. Knapp found the Brit ish new war steamer engaged in taking sound ings, and surveying the passages to the harbor. (’ ipf. Knapp hailed the steamer several times, but receiving no reply, he fixed a gun over the stern of t lie steamer and another over her bow hailing her after each discharge, but still re ceiving no answer. lie then sent a ball right | into her hull, when ho was answered—not j irom a return shot, as might have been expect ed, but—by the application ot steam to her i engine, and her immediate departure. This t ooka as it the British had an eye on Cleave- I land, m the case of war. The promptness and c uiage o Capt. Knapp, on this occasion, mark him rs an officer of the right s'a np ft r efficient i service, and .afford some ground for the belief i we have hoard expressed, that he is destined |So be the second hero of Lake Erie’—-if there I shall be need for another. It should be re | mombered that the steamer is armed with Paixhan guns, a single shot from which might have blown the cutter‘sky high.’ ” From the National Gazette.- IMPORTANT FROM HAVANA. We have received exclusively from our attentive correspondent at Havana, late advi ces via Charleston. We subjoin his letter, which contains intelligence of interest, and of importance in our commercial relations with the island, if the rumors prevalent at the latest dates should prove true. [Correspondence of the National Gazette J Havana 1 , Sept. 13, 1841. Dear Sif v — Siime I wrote to you per brig Elizabeth, some changes have taken place’ amongst the officers of this Government On’ the 4:h inst, by the packet from Cadiz, anew Intendant arrived ; his arrival being the first intimation of a removal. The ssh being Sun day, nothing was done, but on the 6th he was installed in office and proclaimed in form.—- This new functionary is the hearer of Royal’ orders, one of which is to pull down the walls’ of the city, extend the streets arid sell the lots. It is estimated that six millions will be real ized for the Crown by this improvement. He is also empowered to dispose of tl e’ church properties. This is an order of long’ standing, and rumor says is one principal ; cause for removing the former Intendant, lie’ | never having forced the order. The troops have not yet arrived from Spain,, j but those destined for the south side have | embarked some days since. It is. also rumored that American Flour is | to be prohibited in this island, and the duties j on Spanish increased. * Business is at a stand,* weather very hot for the season. Sickness has ceased and we hear of no- now cases of | fever. The Maine Election is still more decisive’ jin its results. Fairfield’s present majority is i 0,918. Last fa]', Ilarr ison’s majority in three places was 1,108. Democratic gain 11,14(5. In the Towns yet to he heard from, Van Bu ren’s majority was 785. Toe Vv higs (the Congressional Mr. Clay and most of his clique) now’ expect to get a Bank by abolishing the qualified Veto. ! Are they insane enough to indulge such a hope ? Is there one youthen) State, who wifi consent to strike the shield of the Veto power, I rom the hands of .a Southern Presi dent—and finis deprive us of one great means to save ns from the attacks of the Abolition isms. and any Jaw they may pass for disturbing tim question of slavery in the District of Co lumbia, &.'• ? Ihe whole scheme only shows,* that to carry their favorite Bank, or to elect Henry dav, they are willing lo lav bare the sale of the youth to the insidious dagger ot her fiercest enemy, {’fie scheme will ex plode in its own revolutionary folly. A Non!, t: Ear of Corn, —from Habersham co mty, Georgia, may be seen at our office,, so- a ;ew da vs, which is JO inches and a halt ii longih, and eleven and three quarter inches round - weight 5 Iks. A single blade of the • f ; ‘alk which produced this fine ear, measured when green 7 inches in width. In its dry SjPe it measures five inches.—Charleston Mercury. I’hu Washington Correspondent of the a.v \ork Commercial Advertiser says:—- “ i e -x‘ra sesion has verified all the predic tion s. liat were made in regard to its results. lx has broken up the Whig party and driven the Pi esident out of the Whig raks.” The Journcl of Commerce says there was nevet a more silly and absurb attempt than that of a por ion of the whigs to abolish the veto power. A friend (says the Pensylvauian) sends us the following appropriate extract: 1’ rom the V\ <. kly Aurora. April 2 ISIS, M ’. Dampsey, an English member of Par- I 1 lament, at the close of the Revolutioi ary i War, said : “Lord North mistook the means of conquering America; had he established a Bank of England, with seven millions capi tal, at Philadelphia, be need never have sent I any army thither—the th.rteenth colonies would have been as easily managed as Ja* Harrison Promises, anp tjieir Realiza tion. —At Ibis lime last year the slock market here and abroad was much influenced bv the then approaching presidential election. High hopes wi re entertained here, ami held out in London, that vviih the success of the whig pariv such measures would he adopted as would immediately restore the credit of their ecuriiies. This illusion was shared in an ex iraoi(imary degree bv all those connected with speculative property, state, corporate or real. Letters from abroad were written, promising higher prices as soon as General Harrison should he elevated to the presidential chair. Contracts were paraded in ihe papers here tor produce, at prices depending upon ‘he event of that election. What lias been the result? The year has rolled round, that election was successful for the whig party; but how has it answered expectation? Real estate is now as dead as ever, company stocks have sunk to the lowest cbp, and explo-ion, alter explosion takes place every dav.- —N. \ Herald, Sept. 18.