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interests —it necessarily contains faults, exhi bits omissions of great moment; but, never theless, possesses a vital power of amendment that must,l think, add to its gradual improve ment. And the fault which 1 have here point ed out, will, among the rest, be quickly amend- i ed. In the meantime, lam anxious to prevent i any outbreak on the part of our ignorant leg.s- i lators, who know nothing of the difficulties 1 , am speaking of, but who are quite ready tor a , row, if every thing is not done to tueir ; and completely, If vve are calm, rIJ a,l ‘ i forbearing, I hope and trust that no larin wa. eventually happen; but I canno avoir p ceiving that the American Executive has before it a very dangerous obstacle to mee. and conquer. We should do all that we car. to assist them in their strait; and not oy hasty, rash, and harsh language to obstruct, perhaps utterly frustrate, their good intentions. Vours. most sincerely, ’ J. A. ROEBUCK” August, 28,1841 . My dear Roebuck—Your view of the Mc- Leod, or rather of the American question, is clear enough, as regards the general Govern ment, up to the point it has reached. No doubt the American Government has been, and is still hampered by great difficulties; no doubt caution and forbearance are alike called for by reason and humanity But do not these difficulties spring from the ill understood notions of liberty entertained by the Ameri cans themselves 1 They seem to imagine that to do whatever is agreeable or profitable to themselves is liberty and make that word the justification of any wrong to others. But there are in justice and reason as solid grounds for restricting the liberty of nations for the benefit of the world at large, as there are for restricting the liberty of individuals lor social good. If the States, repudiating the decision of national questions, do nevertheless assume exclusive powers, when placed by their own acts in collision with foreign nations, they are de facto Sovereign States, and their union must be considered a league of independent nations, offensive towards the rest ol the world as not holding themselves amenable to the common general lav/, offering no security for good behavior, nor any fixed point upon which a suitor for national justice can take ground for negotiation. Such a league can only be upheld by force ; the Americans must abandon it or bear the brunt of war, with the odium ot being a barbarous community, whose destruc tion or subjection to civilized international customs is absolutely necessary to the well being of the world. For if their General Go vernment is, by the institutions of their coun try, rendered powerless to amend wrongs to foreigners, they can only take rank with the barbarous Moorish piratical States. “ There is, you say, an amending principle in the American Constitution, which will, if we are firm and temperate, correct this anoma ly. This is scarcely to be doubted, although as yet that vital principle has not been mani fested ; but to stimulate its action, a voluntary and complete apology should be offered by our government for the attack on the Caroline, which cannot be justified, though the provoca tion may be honestly pleaded. But if, mean while, the anomaly in the American constitu tion leads to the execution of McLeod, is England to bear the insult] Is she to pro claim herself no longer able or willing to protect her subjects from punishment when they have only obeyed her orders—lawful orders to them, though unlawful in their gov ernment ] I cannot conceive a greater degra dation ! The transaction would be one of cowardly cruelty on the part of the Ameri cans, of cowardly submission on the pari of England. The case of a spy, or an incendiary, is not, I think in point. The spy goes disguised, he takes advantage of the civilized hospitality ot the enemy to mix amongst his people : he lives with them; he calls himself their friend, a fellow subject, and de facto, he is for the time being their fellow subject. He is then a trai tor to them, and meets a traitors death. The incendiary is in the same predicament. The law of nations in these cases is known and admitted without dispute. The spy, or incen diary, knows what he is going to do ; he can not'be ordered upon such a service; he is only tempted ; he knows what his fate will be if detected; he is pa ; d accordingly, and never expects the protection of his government Moreover in both case?, the man is put to death, not for the acts of mischief he commits, but for his treason. For if an officer, clothed in uniform, and choosing to risk his life, en ters an enemy’s camp, and trusting to his address and boldness for impunity, discovers all the weak points, (I have known an exam ple,) he cannot, if taken, be injured according to the iaws of war, because he acts under law ful orders. Quarter may, indeed, be refused to him—the right of refusing quarter being inherent to fighting men, but he cannot be judicially executed. So a town or a magazine may be set fire to by troops, be they few or many, stealthily or openly, provided they are m uniforms ; nay, they need not be in uniform, provided they do not enter the precincts ot the enemies lines as friends; and however barba rous or unnecessary the act may be, it is one recognized by the laws of war, aud the perjie trators, if acting under orders, cannot be legal ly made responsible when taken prisoners, though quarter may be refused to them. This is the case of the Caroline. But both sides have put themselves so much in the wrong, the English Whig Gov ernment on one part, and the American peo ple on the other, that it has become a Gordian knot only to be cut by the sword; that is, I unless, what never happened ye!, both sides agree to acknowledge their errors and make mutual amends. For if McLeod is put to death, Englond must, avenge Jie wrong or be degraded as a nation. And if the Americans, admitting the defect in their constitution, should proce: and to remove it as offensive to civilization, that must take time, and England is dishonored every hour that she permits one of her subjects to languish m prison, in con etant fear of an ignominious death, because i he obeyed his orders as a military man. Ifj McLeod be acquitted, which will happen or! not, it would appear, as the power of a certain; faction predominates, his imprisonment and sufferings and trial will still remain an insult to England, and a violation of international law, based on the assumption of a right of international regulation at variance with com mon sense, because opposed to civilization. ! So, also, the affair of the Caroline will remain a violation of intereational law on our part., mitigated, however, by the provocation.— Amends may indeed be made to McLeod per sonally ; the faulty institutions of the Ameri cans may be pleaded in apology to heal our wounded honor, and the correction of the de fect will give weight to that apology and afford a security for the future; but until the attack on the Caroline is atoned for, it can hardly be expected that the Americans will remedy their faulty institutions to relieve England from the difficulty and disgrace brought upon her by the misconduct of her Canadian Gov ernment. War, therefore, I look upon as certain, sooner or later. Thanks to Lord John Russell and his celebrated Canadian resolu tions ! Yours, sincerely, \V. NAPIER. 1 Napoleon’s mode of making coffee. — Tne iaie Emperor Napoleon, whowasa greai amateui of coffee, ot which, hmvevei, he nnde a moderate use, is said to have oiven instructions to his cook to prepare it in the follow no way : for three or four persons, two ounces ol recently burnt and otoond coffeej are put into an empty coffee pot ol the ordi nary kind, with a small piece ol isinirlu*s; this is held over the fire and shaken by the bandj eo as to prevent the burning of the coliee ;| when a smoke is seen to issue from the pof,j wafer, at the boiling point, is poured upon it in a sufficient quantity to supply six breakfi stj euns, ip tire proportion of one third o* coffee [ !o twn thirds of milk ; the coffeepot taken from the fire before the water is aJded, but [, e in<T heated, the coffee boils gently as the not is bei.l in the hand ; the ebullition is sut iicient to bi ing out all the fine properties of the coffee without carrying off the aroma, a cup is then poured out and returned again into the pot to allow the powder to precipi tate, and in two or three minutes the coffee is perfectly clear, and is used with boiling mi'k. Some of the best families in Paris now adopt this plan, which is certainly superior to any now in use. TH E TIM ES , jut Ilk jV~rttvw'.PS^_L. The union of the states and the sovereignty of the states COLUMBUS, OCTOBER 28, IS4I From the Enquirer of yesterday. COTTON. Bales Receipts for week-ending Oclober 18 - 694 On hand previously - - 9a6-16i0 Shipments, - - - 412 On hand, ------ 1238 Prices vary from 7 to 7J cents per pound. THE NEXT LEGISLATURE. Our political opponents are extremely busy in prefiguring what must be the action of the majority in the Legislature, to meet the expectations of the people, and fulfil the pro mises made during the canvass, just termina ted. It appears to us, from what little we saw and heard of that canvass, that what the Whigs had done both in Congress, and in the j last Legislature, contributed as much, if not. more, to the recent extraordinary political revolution in Georgia, than any promises made by the Democrats. The measures of the extra session unfolded so fully the mischiev ous and high-toned Federal designs of the controlling portion of the Whig party, and the tame acquiescence of the mass of the Georgia delegation in most, if not ail, of these inconsiderate measures was so reprehensi ble, that the action cf this extra session alone would, vve have no doubt, independent of any, and all other considerations, have given the Democratic party the ascendancy in the State. The Whig presses in the State found it im possible to justify the measures of this extra session ; and they chose rather to appeal to local considerations—to ancient party preju dices—and to ibe necessity of preserving the integrity of the State Rights party, to attain the victory. By the way, vve have heard this remark made more than once by gentlemen of more than ordinary intelligence, that, altho they condemned in the whole, and in detail, Whig measures, yet they went for preserving the integrity of the Stale Rights party. Now what is the meaning of this remark ] We had always supposed that a party was only valuable for the principles it entertained and sustained—and that the moment it was held together by personal considerations merely, it became a faction. This has been oifr reading of the distinction between party and faction. Well, as vve have remarked, the proceed ings cf the extra session, and the course of policy there unfolded on the part of the ma jority, had much to do in effecting the political revolution in Georgia—a revolution prepara tory to a change in the Congressional Dele gation, and in the Executive Chair of this Union at the next election, as well as to show now, to her Representatives in Congress, her utter aversion to the whole system of meas ures, and the whole scheme o f policy, of the Whig party. Does any one doubt that the proceedings of the extra session of Congress had much to do in prostrating the Whig party in Georgia; or rather, if the extra session had not been held, would not the struggle on the part of the Democrats have been much more doubtful ? No one doubts this, vve imagine. The election, then, which has given to ns the victory, is a fall compliance with the pro mises made to the people in this behalf—that is tliat a change in the Congressional Delega tion, and iu the Chief Magistrate of the Union, at the appropriate periods, will arrest these obnoxious measures. This the people under stand, and with this they will be satisfied. The action cf the last Legislature had much to do in creating the dissatisfaction, and in leading to the political change in the State. It abolished the Central Bank—it imposed exorbitant taxes—and it made no satisfactory arrangements respecting the rail road in the i Cherokee section of Georgia, which is rapidly j consuming the means of the State, and may eventually bankrupt her. What was pro mised by tiie Democrats in the late canvass ? Any thing more than to reestablish the Central Bank with all its functions and faculties— j and to substitute the former tax law ] And : is there any difficulty in effecting these objects agreeably to the promises made ? If the ‘ i remaining means of the Slate held by the 1 | Central Bank, and her stock in other institu- j l tions, can be saved from absorption by the j “ Grand Trunk,” what difficulty will arise in : regard either to a modification of the tax flaw, | or to a continuance of discounts by the Cen tral Bank ! But, it maybe asked, what will, what can be done with the Rail Road to relieve j the State trom further disbursements on its | aecount, and save from ruin and loss what ha? : already been accomplished ! This is a mat ter far the serious consideration of the Leg is lature ; aud vve understand that the subject : can be disposed of in such manner as will; release tiie State from farther burdens ; and,! probably, place the road in such hands as to i ensure its completion. Well, then, what next must be done to ac quit the Democratic party in this matter of promises? It is said by our opponents that Gov. McDonald’s relief measure must be car-- ried out. What was tins measure about which so much has been said, and that has been so egregious!}’ misrepresented, or perhaps mis-- unders’cod, by the Whigs ! What was the course of the Governor on this subject ? Pre vious to the close of the last session ot the ; Legislature, the Governor, aware of the fail- J ure of the Cotton crop, and the existing pecu | niary embarrassments ol the people, commu j nicated these facts to the Representatives of | the Stifp, and suggested the propriety of any practicable legislation, having a tendency to lessen or ameliorate these evils, admitted bv all to exist. Was there any thing wrong in. this step of the Governor ? l>id it not evince i a laudah'.3 solicitude for the welfare ci the people, and an anxiety for the Legislature to consider the matter, and see if there were no practicable and constitutional mode to avert, to some extent, the evils then existing, & greatly to be augmented by the failure of the Cotton crop] What said the Legislature in re sponse] Instead of giving the matter a full and fair consideration, it asked the Gov ernor to submit a plan. He promptly replied, furnishing the outline of a plan which had ‘ occurred t.o him. What was this plan I To issue the bonds of the State—obtain the mo- I ney on them if practicable—place the pro 4 - ceeds in the Central Bank to be loaned out to the people as had been the course of the Bank all along, reserving the notes taken, and the interest paid on them, as a separate fund to cancel these very bonds. Here is the whole case in a nut shell. What said the Legisla ture] “We would not if we could—we could not if ice would.” We are told as evidence of the folly and im practicability of the plan suggested by the ; Governor, that it could not have been carried j put without au immense luss to the State— ■ that the bonds of Georgia would not have | brought more than sixty or sixty five dollars | in every hundred—and then the question is boldly put by our opponents, would this plan I have answered ] Y\ ould it not have involved i the State in ruinous loss] Who proposed this plan—certainly not the Governor—nor were the Legislature asked, or expected to sanction any such plan. If the Legislature approved of Ills Excellency’s suggestion, they had but to frame a law providing that the bonds of the State be sold at a sum not higher than six or j eight per cent, interest, and the proceeds of 1 them be placed in the Central Bank to be ‘ loaned to the people of the State, under such I regulations and restrictions as were proper j and necessary. Under such a law, could the bonds of the State l ave been sold at a discount of 30 or 40 dollars in the hundred—hardly. Well, then—if State Bonds could not have been discounted at six or eight per cent, ihe law would have failed of its intended effect. This is admitted. But yet, if the Legislature had felt the slightest anxiety to second the views of the Executive, it could have exhibi ted it by passing an act similar to the one vve ! have just sketched—and if it could not have j been rendered available, the fault would not j have been with the Legislature, or the Execu- I live. But vve are told that the plan would, in another way, have resulted in great Joss to the State. It. is alleged that the amount of bad debts made in these loans, would have sub jected tiie State to vast losses in the closing up of tiie business—and-vve are pointed—and very improperly—to the Banking system of Alabama as a confirmation cf the truth cf this statement. To arrive at the exact truth in this matter, it will only be necessary to ascer tain the actual yearly losses sustained by the Central Bank since its establishment. To point to the system in Alabama, under an en tirely different organization—loaning hun dreds of thousands to a single individual, and he, probably, a reckless speculator —author- ised to deal in cotton and in every species of property—the Directors, in fact, totally un | curbed in any respect—and then to exhibit I the failure of the system, under these circum | stances—as evidence of what might be ex pected in the case of the Central Bank—is not only very unfair —but wholly incorrect, i There is not the slightest possible similitude. ! They can be, in no respect, compared, j But tiie Whig presses say this relief scheme must be carried out, or the people will be dissatisfied. The people desire the Central Bank, as well as the other Banking Institu tions in the State, to be placed on a specie basis, as the only means of purifying the cur rency. When this is done, the first and most important step as regards the Banks— when provision is made to meet the necessary and current expenditures of the State, it will then be the duty of the Legislature—or more properly of the Directors of the Central Bank —to appropriate the remaining means to loans to the people, in suitable sums, as has been the custom of that institution heretofore, and was tiie principal object of its establishment. It really appears to us that the course of the Legislature is a very plain and strait-for ward one—and, when carried out, will satisfy f amply satisfy the people, and redeem all the promises which have been made. The Mails. —The Enquirer, of yesterday, i complains of the irregularity in the Mails for \ a week past. Why did not the Enquirer say, ■ for the last six months ] There have been, } we verily believe, more failures of the North- I orn Mail at this point for the last six months, ; than during the same months, in the last three years, all put together. W e think it altogether probable that the Post Office Department is doing all it can to | remedy these inconveniences. In the ab sence of proof to the contrary, we are charita | ble enough to infer proper action, in this mat ter, on the part of the Government. Yet we have some recollection of the promises of the Whig party, if Kendall and Niles could be turned out of office, to produce tl greal regular ity’ 1 in the transportation of the mails. How these promises have been carried out, the Enquirer affords some evidence in its remark, i yesterday. “Taxon Necessakies.” —The Columbus Enquirer of yesterday asks—“ Now that the elections are over and nothing is to be gained by further misrepresentation, will not the Van Boren papers have /he fairness to tell then readers, whether in reality a tax was laid by the extra session of Congress on tea, coffee, sugar, molasses and salt, and whether the Georgia Delegation did not actually vote to take the existing duty off of the latter articles, so as to make them free of tax !” Will the Enquirer have the ‘fairness’(to j borrow its own language) to state whether a j Revenue Bill, taxing tea and coffee, did not j the House ot Representatives—and whether the Members of that House from Georgia, with the exception of Mr. Alford, I who voted against the Bill, and Mr. Foster j who was absent, did not vote for said bill, it i including the provision to tax tea and coffee ? It is true that, in reality, a tax was not laid by the extra session of Congress on tea and coffee—for the reason that the Senate struck out that portion of the Bill which included these articles. If the Enquirer will state the case “ fairly ” (again to borrow its language) it cannot clear the Georgia Delegation, with the exceptions we have named, from having voted to tax tea • and cct&e. THE SAVANNAH REPUBLICAN. We copied an article, some weeks since, as our readers will doubtless recollect, from the Savannah Republican, to the effect that a ta riff was not now in the eyes of the people o* Georgia, the odious thing it once was; and vve expressed our surprise at the time, that senti ments tending to allay opposition to a protec tive tariff! should have found their way into a j Georgia Journal, of either political party. The i Republican, in a subsequent article, reitera ted the same sentiments in a more detailed land intelligible form ; and assumed the posi i tion that, as cotton manufactories were on the | increase in Georgia, self-interest would soon | dissipate, to a great extent, the prevailing op j position to the imposition of protective duties; omitting altogether in its extended comments on this subject, any, the slightest allusion to the important constitutional question involved, and that has been the occasion of frequent and animated debates in Congress from the adop tion of the Constitution to the present day.— Perceiving this omission in the two articles in the Republican,which had attracted our notice, we asked tha*journal if it believed a tariff for protection, other than that protection afforded by | the exercise of the revenue power, to be con ! stitutional ] If it did, its reasoning was well enough; otherwise there was an end of the ! question. The Republican, very frankly re spited that it believed a tariff for protect ion to be constitutional. Tiie Republican is entitled to form and en tertain its own opinions on this, as well as on all other topics of general interest, and candor in expressing such opinions, be they what they may, is any thing but reprehensible; yet the boldness and unreservedness with which |it declared sentiments so wholly at variance with the constitutional opinions of the South respecting a protective tariff and with the whole course of Southern policy heretofore, did indeed excite our surprise. Admitting the opinion of the Republican to be correct, “that j Georgia will eventually be a great Manufac turing State,” can it be possible that self-in terest will lead the people of the South to a dopt what they have unreservedly and univer sally condemned since the foundation of the government; that, in the support of which the States of New England have been pronounced avaricious and unprincipled ; as seeking to enrich themselves at the expense of other sec tions of the Union; as violating both the letter and spirit of the constitution ; and as rapidly maturing to an alienation and exasperation of feeling indicative of most unhappy results ? Can the South become so lost to its own dig nity as tacitly to admit that its uniform aver sion to protective duties has arisen, in no de gree, from constitutional scruples, but has been prompted wholly by the fact that she lacked the enterprise and energy to avail her self of the benefits of such protective duties] And yet this is evidently the conclusion of the Republican—otherwise Georgia,although “a great Manufacturing Slate,” could not look with any allowance upon a protective tariff.— We think the Republican is mistaken. Nei ther in our day, nor in that of the Republican, in our opinion, will the people of Georgia con sent to the imposition of protective duties ; nor yield the constitutional question so long and so zealously opposed, respecting a tariff. One word more. The Republican, in allu ding to the proposals for the erection of a dam across the Chattahoochee river at this point, says that “our friend of the Columbus Times vve presume will not be so inclined now. to sneer at our prediction of some months since, that Georgia would eventually be a great man ufacturing State.” The Republican is cer tainly in error in supposing (bat we sneered at eilher of its predictions that “ Georgia would certainly be a great manufacturing State,” or that the self-interest of its citizens would weaken opposition to a protective tariff and ultimately lead them to become its supporters. We did, however, deprecate the general es tablishment of manufactories in the South and throughout the country, upon the exten sive scale they are conducted in Europe, or even in some parts of the United States, as a system entailing much positive injury, and not at all suited to our climate, or to the condition of oitr people. We have no redundant popu lation, as is the case in England, who must be fed and clothed, and who must be em ployed in manufacturing establishments, or not at all. So long as there is in this country an abundance of vacant land, fresh and cheap, the happiness and morals of our laboring pop ulation will be most successfully promoted by making them frugal and industrious hus bandmen—rather than incarcerating them in large manufactories, which have proved to be the world over, miserable dens of pestilence, famine and cruelty. It is unnecessary to re fer the Republican to the official and other j statements which have, from time to time i been laid before the Parliament and people of ! England, of the internal administration of | the extensive Factories in different parts of [Great Britain. It is doubtless familiar with [those statements, and with the revolting con dition of things they disclose. Is it supposed that the adoption of the Factory sys f em in the United States, on an extensive scale, would not be attended with many, if not all, of the evils, tiie frightful evils, with which it doth so much abound in Europe ] Besides, has the Republican, or others who ’ have turned their attention to the subject, ever reflected on tiie entirely different climates of Great Britain, and the southern portion of the U. States especially, in their effects upon the human constitution, when circumscribed within a narrow and confined sphere ] If the Republican will refer to a speech of Mr. Ran ,doiph delivered, we think, in 1824, in opposi j tion to the tariff’ bill then before Congress, it ! will find much useful intelligence on th.s sub iject—intelligence which, if at all approaching to accuracy, must present an effectual bar to manufacturing, on an extensive scale, south ;of the Potomac. We have not the speech ; before us, or we would quote the precise lan ’ guage of the Roanoka orator. lie says, how ever, in referring to the influence of the cli mate upon manufacturing establishments, ’ (hat, so pure is the climate of England, Scot land and Ireland included, a man can do more day’s work in the year, and more hour’s work in the day, in Great Britain, than in any coun try under the sun—that it is swept, in its whole extent, by the sea breeze, which puri fies and invigorates the atmosphere—that, as you recede from the sea, you do not get farther from ‘he sea, as you are approaching it in an opposite direction —whereas, in the southern portion of the U. States, if extensive manufac tories existed, the yellow fever, or one equally malignant, would prevail in them from July to January, and from January to July—that even in ths Tobacco Factories in Virginia, admit ted to be the healthiest in the world, a fever oi most malignant type frequently prevails. These are the opinions of Mr. Randolph, expressed on the floor of Congress—and, really, to one well acquainted with the various and peculiar characteristics of the southern climate—its frequent and sudden changes so trying to the constitution, when most favorably situated—its moisture, its dampness and its i heat—these opinions of the Roanoke orator] will not seem very singular, or very extrava gant. Lot several thousand, or even several hundred people be placed on the hank of a i southern river, occupying small and confined dwellings thrown together on a very small space—breathing a putrid and heated atmos phere during the day, and one scarcely less so during the night in the miserable lodgings assigned them—within the influence of what ever offensive may be thrown off by the stream on whose banks they are chained—subjected for nearly six long months to a tropical sun, and the other six to a constant and rapid suc cession of heat, cold and moisture, and what a tale, think you, of misery, and suffering, and death, would even one short year unfold ! Ask any intelligent physician his opinion on this subject, and we mistake very much if it would be very different from the one enter tained and expressed by Mr. Randolph. We have forgotten ourself in the length to which we have gone. We intended merely to say that we did not believe Georgia would eventually be a great manufacturing State ; or that its people would repudiate, now or hereafter, their constitutional objections to a protective tariff. We could say much more respecting the injustice, as regards the population who would he the operatives—and the impracticability, arising from detect of climate, which will for a long period, if not always, retard the estab lishment of manufactories, upon any thing like an extensive scale, within the limits of Geor gia—and we may, in some moment of greater leisure, submil our views thereon to the pub lic eye. MR GILMER, OF VIRGINIA. We have not room this weak for the ex cellent address of this gentleman, “to the peo ple of the Twelfth Congressional District of Virginia,” which we find in the Richmond Enquirer, of the 19th inst. We cannot omit, however, an immediate insertion of the sub joined extract which illustrates so forcibly the folly of some of the measures of the late Extra Session, and the evident design of their introduction and adoption. We shall publish next week the address entire. “The extra session was called ostensibly only to replenish, what we were told was an exhausted i reasury. Without inquiring whether the resources of the Treasury provi ded at the last regular session were not am ple to meet all proper expenditures until Con gress would meet under the requisitions of law in December next, any one may see that if this had been the real object of the extra session, it might have closed when a loan had been authorishd more than sufficiemjto supply any alleged deficit in the revenue. The first measured however, which was proposed, was a distribution of the entire proceeds of the public lands, thus diminishing the resources of the ‘Treasury several millions of dollars. The next is a loan of twelve millions, wnich, notwithstanding the expenses of the session itself, and many large appropriations, besides the alleged deficit in the Treasury, I beiieve will not be necessary, and 1 shall be disap pointed if it will be wanted. The loan was authorised, but 1 have sufficient confidence in the Executive to believe that the whole amount will not be borrowed, unless the public service shall make it necessary. It is clear that the necessities of the Treasury were augmented by the Distribution of the Proceeds of the Lands, so that at least one of the prominent measures of the Extra Session was in direct conflict with the avowed purpose of the Ses sion. The next measure was an increase of taxes, or duties rendered necessaryfby the two first. While this would have-been justified to any extent demanded by the public service either for peace or war, yet it cannot be ex cused as a means of merely filling up a va cuum created in the l reasury at the same Session, and created for the purpose of being tilled up by an increased Tariff The three measures which I have noticed were parts of one system, and their connexion with the oth er measures of the Ses. i >n, warrants one in i believing that they were all mere p etex s for reviving under specious disgu ses extravagant expenditures and a high Tariff. No one will be found to advocate as a measure of fiscal expediency, a distribution from an empty Trea sury. The idea is so absurd as to excite sur prise, and, therefore, we must look else where for the reasons of this distributive policy. “They will be found in the necessities of the debtor States and the cupidity of manu facturers, and the same policy which linds its pretext for a high tariff in distributing the proceeds of the lands, will hereafter seek a pretext for one still higher in assuming the entire debt of the States. This measure will aid in paying the interests of the State debts, the next will strike at the principal. Without regard to the inherent and invincible objec tious to the principle of such a measure, it is obvious to the exporting States, because they will have the necessity to pay much more than they receive. The future extension of this system !o the assumption of the Stale debts, is foreshadowed by an argument relied on now to justify the distribution of the pro ceeds of the lands. We are told that the mon ey arising from the sales of the public lands is not (as it has been heretofore regarded) a part of the public revenue, and hence it will be easy to prove that the vast sums already receiveJ and expended in that character, con stitute the basis of a debt due from the U. S. to the States united. This debt will have to be paid too as the distribution of the current | proceeds now are, from the taxes imposed a our cus orn houses, so that the precise extent to which the treasury of a State is relieved, whether for principal or interest, the treasury of the U. S. Government will have to be | increased. In other words, State taxes may j be diminished but Federal taxes must be j increased—and the authority and importance j of the Federal Government will be augmen j ted at the expense of the States. For the Times. Mr. Editor—The Enquirer of yesterday says that the President of the Bank of Co lumbus states that the business of that Insti tution will be confined “exclusively to settle ment transactions, and put out none of its own paper until it is prepared to resume specie payments.” Will the President, or the Enquirer for him, inform the public how the Bank could be so unwise as to increase its discount line, since April last, 890,000 —and farther, whether this large sum was distributed generally, or whe ther one man go t all, or the larger portion of it. Facts speak louder than words. A. B. There is said to be upwards of 600,000 of uncurrent and valueless bank notes now ;n the Treasuries of Michigan and Mississippi. ELECTION RETURNS, 1839. 1841. 2 i o s s 5 £ § M % O 05? X CO Counties § g % § Xppfims , iw ~! sh; is 2S| s! '■ ’ ™ 4 S! w*B Bryan, 1 L X ~.,0 a Bulloch, 312 7 338 1 Burke, 1M i Tu ltt 393 189 | 39b 20/ ; Sip, 188! 309 813 Camden, 100 129 ; *l2O 1 Campbell, 481 16b *3ro : Carroll, 320 200 j oby • ‘ Cass, 700 ‘lßl ! /93 418 Chatham, 330 200 507 008 Cherokee, 489 320 638 33- dark, 372 593 3/3 oJO Cobb, 679 333 *3O/ -—| Columbia, 252 374 j l&\ Coweta, 719 1 550 719 bo; Crawford, 479 255 485 304; Dade, 139 24 184 21 Decatur, 280 310 250 j 382 DeKalb, 653 4?i(5 1 75 i su>o i Doolv, 300 137 581 ! 294, Earlv, 300 165 330 193 i Effingham, 69 143 51 139 El her i, 79 905 242 1 847 j Emanuel, 152 114 216 109 : Fayette, 475 280 608 ! 259 Floyd, 330 183 404 j 241 Forsyth, 417 298 591 ] 313; Franklin, 689 306 8/ 7 3021 Gilmer, 273 79 290 110 Glynn, 33 130 20 107 Greene, 71 786 92 7531 Gwinnett, 619 60S 682 63'J j Habersham, 594 381 740 290; Hail, 500 470 570 362 Hancock ! 301 370 320 400! Harris 456 792 485 789 Heard, 389 264 413 290 Henry, ; 835 619 903 831 Houston, | 655 419 701 , 599 Irwin, 257 14 307 3 | Jackson, 520 500 634 497 , Jasper 507 440 501 474 Jefferson, 108 453 120 417 Jones, 503 447 I *Ol Laurens, 5 i 389 21 495 ■ Lee, 215 233 199 270 Liberty, 82 139 127 130 r a i ~ n o.in Lincoln, 195 244 159 240 Lowndes, 224 349 355 319 i Lumpkin, j 651 249 782 321 Macon, 317 243 333 318 Madison, 309 279 357 303 j Marion, 224 332 7(> Mclntosh, 128 119 131 102! Meriwether 706 671 825 727 I Monroe, 802 671 ; 770 742 j Montgomery, 10 242 \ 130 ! Morgan, 322 460 j 329 425 Murray, 572 89 453 138 ! Muscogee, 050 861 j 878 836 | Newten, 467 850 ■ 212 ! Oglethorpe, 104 479 : 159 585 Paulding, 231 213 ! 280 215 Pike, “ 492 349 774 538 Pulaski, 313 160 347 123 Putnam, 245 524 ! 331 420 Rabun. 295 11 321 18 Randolph, 508 499 *417 Richmond, 372 449 372 726 Scriven, 134 211 i 222 187 Stevvar', 793 751 ; 802 728 Sumter, 392 407 ‘ 60 Talbot, 855 787 ; 816 828 Taliaferro, 414 ’ 74 410 Tattnal, 08 273 : 81 248 Telfair, 139 174 ! Thomas, 203 312 175 346 Troup, 040 ; 940 i 426 898 Twiggs, 431 327 433 338 Union, 448 20 oil 75 Upson 393 544 j 327 533 Walton, 623 412 7">o 412 Ware, 225 7 j 75 212 Warren, 317 429 : 127 Washington, 514 583 j 511 543; Wayne, 109 20 ! 110 56 Walker, j 471 237 | 568 325 Wilkes, j 303 426 ! 404 405 Wilkerson, - 490 331 | 535 319 *M ajorfty. MEMBERS OF THE LEGISLATURE Appling—Seaborn Hall; Win. Williams. W are —Full wood ; Hilliard. i For !he Times. Mr. Edit jr : Asa vacancy has occurred in the Georgia Delegation in the Congress of the United Slates, by the resignation of J. C. Al ford, and as several names have been sugges ted through ihe public prints, as suitable to fill that vacancy, we would also suggest for the consideration of the voters of Georgia, or for those who may make a nomination, the name of W illiam 11. Pryor, Esq. of Harris county, as a firm Democrat and a man of tal ents and integrity, and one who would do lion or to the State if elected—willing always as we are, to abide by such nomination as a ma jority of the party make. Manv Democrats of Harris. From an .Arkansas juq tr. You remember that ‘ome tun since, f communica ted to you couridemially, that J was engaged in con structing an apparatus for the convenient production of ice in warm vveallier. You seemed to be much moie amused at the idea Ilian convinced of the prob ability of my success. Aly dread of public ridicule drove me lo perform all my work, and lu make m\ ix perunen’. secretly. In consequence of this, it has ta ken mo much longer to complete them. Ihe appa ratus consists of a balloon lo winch is attached a small but s:iong side line, one and a-half in ie, in long’ll, and seve. al long india rubber tubes, which are Ulucheti to the balloon; the lower ends being enosed and ilie upper ends open. Their aggregate capacity is sufficient lo receive about one arid a half gallons of water. The balloon when inflated with hydrogen gas is capable of ascending with twenty pounds, besides us own weight and thaf.nl its appendages. IVly first effort was a tail ure. 1 inflated the balloon with the gas and tilled the i lubes with walei. 1 men perin.Ued it to ascend is last as I could bear the slipping of ihe line through my well gloved hands, until but a ftw feet of it w ere left. : Tile wind was blowing freely and consequently the so oblique that the baboon did not at'aiu an elevation of more than haif of a mile, Af 1 1 r wait ing several hours ( drew i; down and found very cool water, but no ice. A few nights afterwards l repeated the experiment, being then favored with quite a calm. I lot out (as before) nearly all the line and made the lower end fast to a small post. Four hours alter, I drew do vii the baboon as rapidly a possible and had the exquisite pleasure of finding all the water in the tubes except a small portion in tier lower end of each j converted into ice. On ibis occasion the ihtrmom eter was standing at 65. On to morrow rrght 1 shall ! | make anolher experiment, lettj. g out only two-thirds ! | of ihe line for the purpose of ascertaining how much higher ihan necessary the balloon ascended. I shall now be able to tell you how far above us it is to frecz ing point, while we are warm enough b low. This apparatus costs so little, that every genteel fami'v j who find themselves far removed from ice-houses can i afford to have one, and by the use of i‘. supply them selves in summer’s heaq with that incomparable lux ury. I havem t yet contrived a convenient mode of effee- 1 ting a rapid ascent and descent of the balloon, but this j can be easily accomplished. I prefer to withhold niv n me from the public, until 1 see wnether I shad not be the last out suspected of sending up such cattles in the air. j Ax incident in court. —-Oa Saturday, in I Court of General Sessions, a man named John Maxwell, who had been convicted of stealing a promissory note, was called up to receive his sentence. Judge Barton, addres sing the prisoner, told him that if he would contess his guilt, and restore the note toils j owner, he would sentence him to but nine j months imprisonment; but that, if he did not, I lie should sentence him to an imprisonment of three years duration. The man replied that from the first, he had wished to restore the note, but that his lawyer who had it, had re fused to let him pursue that course. The Judge called upon Daniel McLaughlin, Esq., his counsel, to give up the note. Mr. Me-I Laughlin refused. The Court then ordered “Daniel McLaughlin to give security in the! stun office hundred dollars for his appearance at the present session to answer the charge of receiving a promissory note knowing it to have been stolen.” The proper security was en tered, and then the Court directed a rule to be entered lor Daniel Me Laughlin, to show cause why he should not be stricken from the roll ot Attorneys. The prisoner, Maxwell, was re manded to prison, in order that he might tes itify in the case--Phik U. 8. Gaz. From the N. V. fc'jjirii ol the Times. CHALLENGE 1- OR §45,t00. B STON AGAINST ANY TWO HORSES IN THE would. —We are desired to publish the foi lowing challenge, which was made by James Long, the owner of Boston, at the dinner of the Alexandria (D. C.) Jockey Club, on the Bth inst. being the day on which Boston walked over for the purse offered for lour mile heats, on the Mount Vernon Course : “I will run my horse Bost'.u, Four Mile I Heats, against any two horses in the world, lor twenty thousand dollars each heat. That is, 1 will run Boston one heat against one of the two horses that may be matched against him, while the other remains in the j stable ; and run the second heat against the i fresh horse. Should there be broken heats, I the choice of the two horses must start against ; Boston for the deciding hca'. To secure the j Match, I will run it over any course in the United States the opposite party may desig nate, and I will also hot them five thousand dollars more, that Boston wins the Match in j two heats.” It will be seen by the report of the Alexan dria Meeting that the Jockey Club Purse for Four Mile Heats was awarded to Boston, all the other entries for it having been with drawn. The weather being unpleasant, the Club did not even require that “ Old White nose” should be led out on the course ; on in vitation given publicly from the jurig;s’ stand, the Club and its guests visited him at his sta ble after dinner, previous to which, however, | Mr. Long, with characteristic liberality, pre- I scuted a purse ol S3OO to be run for, at four | mile heals. It was announced as “ The Bus- I ton Purse” and was won by Mr. Gibbon’s Dundrige. A well known turfman who heard the challenge and who visited Boston the same day writes us to the following effect: * * * “1 have had the pleasure of see- ing “Old Whitenose” once more. He looks quite himself again : if any thing altered. I tiimk lie has rather improved in appearance, and most assuredly lie is now ready to match any horse alive. Mr. Long is very desirous to obtain a race with him. lie remarked to day in his usual bluff, straightforward style, (alter giving a free purse to be run for, lour mile heats) that the papers, letier-writers, &c. had been making a grout fuss about fast | horses, fast racing and the quick time at New j Orleans and other places. Now, without the (slightest intention of bantering, or of calling ! in question the merits of the horses named, or j of reflecting upon the sectional partialities of ] any gentlemen he would, at the same time be | glad to run Bost m, four miie heats, vs any ] two horses in the world, for $20,000 on each ; heat, and $5,000 nu re ‘.hat lie made * a short j rub’ ot it. That is to say, he would run To— j ton vs one horse before the other was brought jon the course ; after cooling oft’ the proper ; time, he would start in he second heat again.-1 | the fresh horse. To secure such a match he ; would run it over any course in tiie United - biates.” Match vs the lime oj Eclipse. — Wi’hin ihe two taA years more than one attempt lias been made to get up a match on the Union Course, Long Island, against the time oj Eclq se—7,3/ I— 7,49 —8,34. As Southern gentlen eii a tie, 2 ! to regard the match’ o’ Eclipse and i fenry as | no great affair, after all, and as there will be j assembled at Baltimore next week, a majority jot the most distinguished horses in ‘.lie Un ; ioff vve hope someone may be induced to ac ; eept such a match, which has been offered I here a thousan i times. 1; Boston, or any ! other horse, can beat Hie time of Eclipse, lie jean carry 0ff553,000 from ‘hs city alone 1 The effect of poverty on the mind. * i fJf- Gli.uiiiiiig tiiii? sensibly describes the n. r j rowing and depressing effect of poverty on the intellectual powers: ‘The conduit aof the po a- is unfriendly to the action and unfolding ol the intellect, and a sore calamity to a ration al being. In most men, indeed, the intellect is narrowed by exclusive cares for the body. In most, the consciousness of its excellence is crushed by the low uses to which i t is perpet ually doomed. But still in must, a degree of activity is given to the mind, bv the variety and extent of their plans for wealth or sub stance. The bodily wants of most carry them m a measure into the lucure, engaging them in enterprises requiring invention, sagacity and skill. It is the unhappiness of fhtT poor hat they are absorbed in immediate wants, in providing lor the passing day. in obtaining the next meal, or throwing off'a present burden. Accordingly their iacuities ‘live and move,’ or rather pine and perish, in she present moment. Hope and imagination, the wings of the sou/, carry ng it forward and upward, languish in the poor; for the future is uninviting. The darkness of the present broods over coming years. Ihe great idea, which stirs up in other men a world ej thought, the idea of a better lot has almost, faded lrotn the p< or man’s mind.— He almost ceases to hope ior his children as well as himself. Even parental love, to many the chief quick e: er of the intellect, stagnates through des pair. Thus poverty starves the mind. And there is another way in which it produces this i vfieef, particularly vvorthyof the notice of this assembly. The poor have no society beyond j their own class ; t hat is, beyond those who are confined to their own narrow field of ; thought. We all know, that it is contact I with other minds, and especially with the more j active and soaring, from winch intellect re-1 ceives its chief impulse. Few of us could cs | cape the paralyzing influence of perpetual in tercourse with the uncultivated,sluggish and : narrow minded; and here we see what I wish ! particularly to bring to view, how very poor is the boasted civilization ol our times which ; is built so much upon the idea of property.— In communities little advanced in opulence, I no impassable barrier separates and die rent clas | ses as among ourselves. The least improved are not thrown to a distance from those who I through natural endowment or peculiar ex- . citeinent, think more strongly than the rest $ and why should such division exist any where! How cruel and unchristian are the pride ana prejudice which for the enlightened into \ caste, and leave the ignorant and depresseJ to strengthen and propagate prejudice ata| I error without end.” From Isis Globe, Oct. la. The Fresidfnt and Mr, Butts. —Satu.-N day’s Globe contained, among its nuseeJlanefl j oils scraps, a paragraph positively and author* •ift/hely contradicting a statement made it) Mr. Bolts speech, giving the particulars of aj i conversation had by Mr. Bolts with the PresiJ (lent, i:i which ihe latter is made to say that I “ his opinions hod changed to this extent — tim\ a Rational Bank was necessary to the ipelfarA and prosperity of the country, and that wc could not. get on without one.” The credit to this authorized contradiction was accidentally omitted in the Globe, it was copied from the Madisonian, which says it was “ authorized .” Commonwealth vs Semmes.— Semmes v n indicted for the murder of Professor Dav • -- The prisoner in this cause who had bo; i ; :';J crated on his giving bail in the sum of 8 id.oo !,| failing to appear, in discharge r hi.-, ret -> ,-i.id zance, at the present term of the S ipe <.rl Court of Albermarle now in - >-;-n, h.i :,1 fault was entered on record an ! t tie uatermU against him and the security s retunnbie at? the next term to show cause w ! >. : iioionigj nizanco of bail should not l e nod icq judgment.—Char. Adv.