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PUBLISHED EVERT THURSDAY MORNING, BY JAMES VAN NESS, In_the “ Granite Building,” on the corner of Oglethorpe and Randolph Streets. TEll MS: Subscription—three dollars per annum, payable in advance, three dollais and a half’ at the end of six months, or four dollars, (in all cases) where pay ment is not made before toe expiration of the year. No subscription received forless than twelve months without payment in advance, and no paper discon tinued, except at the option of the Editor, until all arrearages are paid. AdvektisxMfcNTscouspicuously inserted at me dol lar per 011a hundred words, or less, for the first In Bcrtiou unJ fifty cents for every subsequent contin uance. Those sent without a specification of the nu nj:r otinsertions. will be published until ordered out and charged accordingly. Ykarov Advertisements.—For over 24 and not exceeding 3i lines, fifty dollars per annum ; fo over 12 and not exceeding 24 Imes, thirty-five dol lars per annum ; lor less than 12 luies, twenty dol lars per annum. 2. All rule an i figure work double the above prices. LcGxt Advertisements published at the usual rates, aui with strict attention to the requisitions o the law. Ale Svi.es regulated by law, must be made before the co:jr r house door, between the hours of 10 in the inorni’ .*1 f our in the evening—those of Itnd in the county where it is situate; thosf of personal property, where the letters testarnentaj y, of adrninl istrati in or of guardiaesqip were ob.ained—and are requited to be previously alveriised in some public gazette, as follows: 5 i griefs* S \ees under regular executions for thir ty days ; nn ler mortgage li fas sixty days, before the dav of sale. Sii.es of land and negroes, by Executors, Adminis trators or Guardians, for sixty days before the day nf sale. Sai.es of personal property (except Negroes) forty days. Citations bv Clerks of tlie Courts ol Ordinary, upon application for letters of administration, must be pub lished fn thirty days. Ui r atioxs up in apnlication fo r dismission, by F.xec utors, A Im.initiators or Guardians monthly for six in mths. Orders of Courts of Ordinary, (accompanied with a cipv of the bond or ijreernent) to make titles to land, must be published three months. Notices by Executors, Administrators or Guardians, i of auplica'ion to the Court of Ordinary for leave to j sell the land or negroes of an estate, fmr months. | Notices by Executors or Administrators, to the debtors and ere litors of an estate, f >r six weeks. Sheriffs’, Clerks ofCourt &e. will be allowed the ; usual deduction. 0J“ Letters on business, must be post paid, to 1 entitle them to attention. From ttie Boston Morning Posl. SPEECH OF HON. LEVI WOOOBURY, At the Democratic Meeting in Faneuil Hall, Tuesday, October 19, 1641. My Fellow-Citizens :—1 am not used to scenes of this kind. My life lias been spent r ither in courts of law, in Senate - , and the se cluded labors of the Cabinet. But why should 1 hesitate or fear to face mv friends—warm hearted and kind friends—asking my presence at so favored a spot, in a great crisis and a great cause, when 1 never feared to face even enemies in any place or manner the most in- ] quisitorial. (Loud cheers.) What is the j reason for this ! Nothing in the humble in dividual before you, but every thing in the cause. It is the character of the cause in which we are all embarked—the progress of human improvement and popular rights— which sustains and animates us, and is, indeed, the last hope of oppressed humanity in every quarter of the giobe. It it be asked why sucli a charm and mag nitude should be attached to it, 1 answer— because, though intermingled at times with trims ent and local questions, this cause enters deep and wide into all the important move ments in society. It is the same which, under Different names, forms, and aspects, has been convulsing the social system since the origin ol our race. Its principles have often been developed, not always, to bo sure, but often, m the struggles between the lew and the many in every age— -between the ambitious and ilie lowly—-avarice and honest industry— office and private life—rank and the masses— j exclusive privileges aid monopolies against | equal rights, liberty, and fro • trade—strength j against impendence—combination and coali-1 lton against individual weakness—and, in fine, 1 aristocracy of all kinks, whether ol birth, mu- j ney, or power, against the unpretending l)e-! mucracy oi numbers. K.eapfipiis without j doubt will always exist. Yet tf.sguise, and j gloss over, or pervert tacts and principles, as | inis been done in all countries, some of the j interests involved in such contf.ets have beer. 1 alike in their essence, and, amidst all sects and i schisms, h ive contended for supremacy, like ; the fabled deities ol Darkness and Light, in some systems ol philosophy, struggling co'n siautiy for the government of ti.e universe. But thanks to (1 and, we, or must of us who are assembled iu this place, consecrated to struggles lor liberty in by-gone days, stand ar rayed on the liberal side—in fine, on the glo rious side of ike greatest good (a the. greatest number. And if our efforts m tiie contest now waging among and around us are proportioned t o tiie excellence of our cause, we shall behold the greatest number espousing it, not only in our s.ster Republics— under the second sober thought of this victorious autumn, but iu Mas sacliusetts herself-—whose Democratic sous, under al! reversal's, have in tins noble cause proved themselves unterrlfted and renowned. (-Cheers.) It is vain to attempt to separate State par ties and State consents from the influence of great general principles, or from the solicitude j and co-operation ot others engaged m their i support. Those principles are interwoven! with everything, inseparably as light and hear, li is equally van to seek to disunite them, a;ui ; be isolated lroin the politics of the General] Government —that Government which con trols ilie most vital interests of the whole, and, in its operations and character, is the chief exponent of all to the rest of the civil ized vvorid. l o talk ot such solitary grandeur is to mistake weakness for strength, and to mse the sympathies which make us one and all aid one and all in every important strug gle. Separation or disunion from the others, m a State that has been am mg the foremost, by flood and field no less than in the public councils, on questions affecting tiie whole con tinent, would aDo be treason to the memory of the illustrious dead, whose memorials around us would w aken almost tiie stones of your streets to exertion. lndee.l, much more, in one view, exists to animate you than roused vour fathers in a like formidable contest, under names and principles only in some respects different—but closely similar in tendency.— The same harbor, but now crowned with masts and commerce, spreads its waves before vou which witnessed their intrepid patriotism in the general case—in the cause of the whole continent —to destroy all means of collecting a tax on tea, which they deemed unlawful as well as odious. (Loud applause.) The same immortal bights, but fuller with population, surround vour city, where they poured out their blood like water to defend tbe genera! cause—the rights of all the colonies—against usurped power and perfidious legislationacross the Atlantic. The same Cradle of Liberty — though guarded with much greater wealth and numbers, as well as improved laws and freer institutions—can airain rock with exhortations against general as well as local misrule and against an army of venal office-holders quar tered upon the people, in the language of the Declaration of Independence, to eat up their substance ; or, in the iervid eloquence of your own Hancock, to dragoon them into submis sion. (Many cheers.) Nor are you men, any less than they, formed selfishly, to hold back in a national crisis; with less of mind, soul, or heart to face peril; or with less at stake of wives, children, friends and homes, or, in fine, of “lives, tortunes, and sacred honors!” No: Democracy is a unit; and Democrats will, with fraternal confidence and with martyr zeal, unite their efforts till they can unite their rejoicings in one common triumph through the Union. But, beyond and above all which actuated THE COLUMBUS TIMES. VOLUME I.] your fathers to take an interest in their elec tions, and discussions as to what concerned the whole, you have a wider and greater whole to co-operate with—at home twenty-six States instead of thirteen colonies ; seventeen rnill i ion? instead of only three innhons of people ; | and abroad, new coadjutors ; a more enlight ; ened age ; syste . sand principles, if not new, | yet resuscitated with new energy, and agita ’ ting all society and the foundation of many of I its best interests in both hemispheres. They ! | struggled chiefly against particular despots,: I tyrants, or aristocrats ; you contend against j j despotism itself, tyranny itself, and aristocracy j I itselt, in ail shapes, plans, and designs. This, I in some degree, has produced anew era in j which both Ainer.cas have been revolution ized and Europe reformed. The progress ot I civilization every where, as well as in the U. States, has become involved in the crisis.— Your war is not only against bad inon, but bad systems, bad legislation, bad usages, bad edu cation, bad opinions; not—as some have mis represented—aga list constitutional laws, hon est contracts, really vested rights, sound mor als, order, property, or religion ; but, in fine, against abuses and errors as to all of them. In this warfare, unfortunately, our own cit izens became early divided, and have since presented two leading parties. The contest is, therefore, going on nominally between their respective men and their immediate measures, but really between the great principles, ten dencies, and results which each favors in their general inode of thinking and action. From the first we had the misfortune to j possess statesmen among us who aspired more to independence than Republicanism. Rebels, ! if you please, against George the Third, but j not rebels against monarchy. Converts, if j you please, to revolution, but not to Democra cy. They remained the worshippers of old | systems, and wedded to ancient forms, and distrusted the capacity of man for self-gov- I eminent. It is not to be concealed that some I were still monarchists—doubtless honest monarchists, but still monarchists. Somearis | tocrats, and honest, but still aristocrats. Nome disciples in all tilings of Alexander Hamilton, not only hi his U. IS. Bank and funding sys : tern, but in his high toned notions of govern ment and society, content with w hat existed, rather than seeking more, with what was es- j tablished, rather than urging improvement, | with what was literary, fashionable, or savor-! ingot good society, rather than aiming to in-| struct better and elevate higher the masses, | advocates ol more power to the Executive and , stronger government, instead of the governed ; being more intelligent and privileged—in fine, j Federalists in principle, lionest Federalists! often, but still Federalists. They were not j the apostate, bastard, corrupt recreants wh > I have frequently, for tiie loaves and fishes of office, mere plunder ad pelf, joined and con j trolled, and disgraced Federalism of late years. (Great chermg.) No! They were sincere followers of the old school, and highly respeC table in private as well as in public life for ! talents and virtue, however misled and dan-j gerous in their political opinions in a Repub-i lican Government. The Democratic party, on the other hand, have felt bound from the outset, and still do, j to oppose such unjust theories, and such a j stationary policy, as well as measures so une | qual. In short, they consider them hostile to J our form of government and the true spirit | of our constitutions, no less than the most vi j tal interests of the citizens at large, ami also | as behind the progress of the age—as false to ! the rights oi man—as opposed to the spread of civilization—and, more than this, as illiberal and anti-Christian in all their tendencies.— (Cheers.) Such, then, is our general cause; such theirs. Such is that of our liberal co laborers throughout the world, against the antagonist party under every Protean shape which power and deception can devise. Formidable even here as our opponents are--. I by talents and wealth—their greatest success | elsewhere renders this peculiarly the asylum j and the citadel of free principles for all coun I tries. How strongly then does it. behoove us | at all times, occasion's, and points, to be armed | in its defence, and ifii’ch more mi the approach •of our elections. If the elections do not in each case involve all of i lie points of difference j and settle for any great length of time many i of the momentous questions which agitate j society, they always operate on some of them. ! However local or temporary some of their ini : mediate objects, yet the leading men infuse i into them forever much of evil or good, both by example and precept, as well as opinion. The great cause to which I have alluded is j retarded or advanced, to the injury or benefit | of untol 1 millions, by every victory or defeat j of its friends at the polls, on a scale however ! limited. The elections, also, though not ex actly the warfare itseil, furnish the great oc- j casion for ascertaining its results. The war fare is indeed here to-night—it is every where, ’ and during tbe whole year. It is in the count- 1 ing room—the street—the work shop—the ; litfld—on the vessel’s deck—but tbe elections , are the places and the times for the final reck-! oiling. They are the great dav of account, if j they are not the battle fields; and if b.iliots . are there used instead of bayonets, they give j us the numbers on each side, and the killed, : and wounded, and missing lroin the mental j disputatious ami contests which have prece ded. (Much cheering.) Thev show what has been effected by useful hints here—bv exposing misrepresentation there—by intrepid appeals to duty in one place—intelligent books i and independent presses in another—by mis- ] rule developed, or the detection of confidence betrayed every where. Before they take place we contend with open doors, open beat ts, and ojien principles while our enemies have fought iu ambush, and still rely on power more than right, ad are already appalled at the pros pect. Notwithstanding tins, it becomes us all, in season and out of season, to keep our , lamps trimmed and burning. And though in j a righteous cause, always trusting in Provi deuce, yet at the same time aivvavs taking’ special care to keep our powder dry for the ; tight. Use no measures hut arguments —no influence but reason. \\ ith a desperate foe, never sleep but on your arms. Eternal vigi lance has more than once been justly called the price of liberty—an I weli have you illus trated it in former elections, when, after vears of hope deferred, you persevered under :iie most fearful odds, till you triumphed by a sin gle vote. All you need now is the same reso lute perseverance and undiminis, id ardor, vvi'h the same steady, infle :.b!e, trustworthy spirit, to ensure another triumph for your chief , candidate in tiie field You do not belong to the party to stay beaten. Morton is the pilot, who, I trust, will again weather the storm. | (Cheers.) Why should he not ! What is there in the present cris.s ! vvha’ in the agita ting topics of the day ! what in ali that is dai ly happening around us, which is calculated to dishearten! On the contrary, we have quite as much in ail these to encourage us, even in these local struggles, as we have in the great principles of public liberty, and pub lic virtue, and public improvement which dis Anguished our friends and their cause over the whole vvorid. Some twelve months ago, to be sure, vve witnessed much to shake tbe confidence of the friends of equal rights in their security and further progress. This arose not mere ly from the temporary succes of our opponents in the last Presidential election, but from the i success of such bad msems. co much COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 18, 1841. worse than usual, and so discreditable to their authors, and, what was still more to be deplo-’ red, so degrading to the purity and stability of all free institutions. The scenes of degradation and demoraliza tion which preceded that election, were not of American growth ; they were basely foreign in character. They must have been import ed byour opponents from countries where the lower ranks are ignorant and inexperienced, 1 and accustomed to debauchery, and where , votes are bought and sold like sheep in the ; shambles. Their influence must be shore h- I ved, where intelligence and virtue among the electors are not utterly exterminated. Never can results thus produced, or results aUenip:- ed to be perpetuated by means such as those proposed at the late extra session, triumph Frig here. Indeed, it is a part of the provi dence of God every where, that unlawful means cun no more he used w ith safety or du umie success, than unlawful ends. Hence they have, in this instance already proved the seeds oi overthrow to those who used them. Tne profligate engineers have been blown sky high by their own shells. The revulsion is not only begun, but advanced. The people are not merely awakening, but awakened. And overwhelming ruin is writlenon the walls ot the political palaces of our opponents, in warning as legible and deep as ever dismayed tyrants in days of miraculous interposition. (Appiause.) Let us devote a few moments to a consid eration of some of their means and measures, as a memento tor our children to shun, and as an excitement for us and all who value virtue or liberty, to punish such outrages on them at the polls, in tbe ensuing election, by the most signal reprobation. Look first at some of the reckless charges they trumped against their predecessors. In the Iront rank was a host of Ogle fabrications ; and wdiat was worse, alter being proved on the floor of Congress, by one ot iiis own po litical friends—even by one of your own ex- Governors and present collector—to be full of exaggeration and hypocrisy, thousands, call ing themselves honorable men, aided in dis seminating those falsehoods in every section of the Union. Next came tiie convulsive horror at the use oi blood hounds, though em ployed to defeat the ferocious savage, who had spared neither sex nor infancy, and had for years covered an exposed frontier with con flagration and butchery. But what is worse, tiie vt ry territorial governor who recommend ed, bought, and used them, was a Whig—ad dressing Whig conventions—and by a ‘Vh'g Administra’ion, been reappointed to the office from which the abused Democratic one removed him. (Many cheers.) Next came the really laughable charge of usurpation in tended by a standing army! A standing ar my, composed of only citizen militia ! Yes, a citizen militia converted into an army vol untarily to destroy their own liberties, and that on a most dangerous plan, it was pretend ed, but which had its origin in principle under Washington, and had been particularly recom mended by Harrison himself. (Applause.) Shame, shame on such hypocrisy. But per- haps enough of this scrutiny. (Cries of no, go Oil. go on.) Next, then, came the charge of a forty million dent! Reiterated over the whole union, and yet now admitted not to ex ceed twelve; and half of that twelve mani festly caused by themselves. This was d*me by tiieui in only half a year, and nearly six teen more was attempted to be created’ for a National Bank, while their predecessors were twenty-four halt years iu toruiing - as much as five or six millions ; and in the mean time saved and deposited with the States nearly thirty millions, though their successors have not deposited a dollar with them, and will not without the aid of increased taxation. Next came the complaint against the use of treasu ry notes, which saved from two to three per cent, on the average, compared with their twelve million loan. The notes allowed <\ll the middling classes to participate, while the loan benefits only banks and nabob capitalists ; and the notes, however derided.did not on the 4th of March last, equal six millions, while our opponents have since authorized loans equalling more than twenty-five millions, and resorted to treasury notes also, whenever able, under former laws. (Loud cheers.) Next; extravagance of expenditure —being, tiie last year, but twenty three millions, when they contemplate twenty-seven or eight this year: being larger in former years only under larger expenses in Indian wars and uncalled tor appropriations lor other purposes made by Congress, to the extent of thirty or forty mill ions. The average in Mr. Van Buren’s ad ministration did not exceed twenty-seven mill ions instead ol thirty-seven, as pretended of ten, and his last year reduced to twenty-three millions, was ‘ending the way to only twenty in tins year, that being only the amount of the average ordinary expendituie of the whole last twelve years, pronounced so extravagant by those who have exceeded it seven or eight millions ! (Many cheers.) I ought to pass over other topics of their groundless charges, lest too great an encroachment should Le made on your time. (More, more.) Look at the losses by Receivers, Collectors, Szc., so falsely presented and exaggerated. A list of the whole from the foundation of the Government, during half a century, has been circulated and placarded by these honest pol iticians on every post and corner as the amount i Fst during only the twelve past years of De ! mocratio luie. Much of it has aiso been at tributed to the Sab-Treasury system. When, m truth, tiie losses have not been a single dollar under tiie Sub-Treasury, and when its whole expenses yearly do not appear to have equalled thirty thousand dollars ; when ali the losses by co.fectors and receivers under Gen. Jackson were not as much as in various for mer admin.stratioiis, with a U. S. Bank, or as ; the losses yet unsettled to the Treasury bv the U. S. Bank alone ; and when fill the losses , under Mr. \ an Buren—(including Swartivout 1 himself —recommended to offic? at iiis second term by Whigs—voted for by Whigs—chair man oi the panic \Y higs, and once nominated as a candidate lor Vice President by Whigs) were not ail equal to the losses in the last four years in more than twenty cases of broken banks ; nor one-twentieth of the amount lost by tne public and its stockholders through tiie lb S. Bank alone. Even now, after all the tirades against tiie last admin.st:a., n; on ac count oi Swartwoui’s default, we are told by the very last Whig papers themselves that all the v.tupei'ation has ceen groundless, tiie defalcation trifling, and that well secured. In fine, without being too tedious, the past ‘ administration were faiseiv charged with ruin -ruin— general ruin —every year since Gen. Jackson’ election, as well as since Mr. Van Buren’s. Ruin, from imputed harshness to the Indians in Georgia, where civilization and , Christianity were only then attempted to be extended—ram, from the veto of the Bank in 16d2, which veto their own President has re peated in 1641— ruin, from the removal of the deposites, which tiie law expressly authorized, atul from an institution that has since failed, and been pronounced even by some of the W big partisans a public nuisance. But enough of charges so groundless and absurn. Weli calculated to be .-uretomis ! lead for a time, but yet, after detection and full exposure, calcinated also to recoil and • overwhelm, as they are now doing, with i shame, desertion, and defeat, their heedless “THE UNION OF TIIE STATES, AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE STATES.” Look next a moment at the reprobate char acter of ilie other practices and principles un der which they sought and procured power.— 1 heir course, as a party, was to promise noth ing, but abuse every thing. At the same time fragments of the party in particular pla ces pro iiised every thing, and in others resis ted every thing. In one place the fragments were U. S. Bank, in another anti-Taiiff s —in one Abolition, in another anti-Abolition—in one pledging all offices to old incumbents, in another all to new ones. But as a party, anda whole party, when asked for their join, common principles for adminis tering the Government, they referred you to nothing but their philosophical and argumen tative coon skins and hard cider. If you in quired for their plans of reform, you were an swered only by log cabins and gold spoons. In fine, the loftiest among them admitted that their resolution was to oppose every thing and propose nothing. Even at Harrisburg; where the magnates of their cause assembled, you could obtain no opinions on the Constitution, the Currency, the Distribution, much less Abolition, or the U. S. Bank. All was concealment, non-com mittalism, inglorious secrecy nothing, in short, about any great | nnciple or question of constitutional liberty, or public poiice, but simply “ Tippecanoe and Tyler too.” It was “ Tippecanoe and 7 yler too,” morn ing, noon and night, at taverns, pipe layings, log cabins, hails of legislation, and, if not in churches, at least in aristocratic drawing rooms. It was the league of black spirits and white, of all hues, opinions and creeds, and all not for one single great specified object, except “Tippecanoe and Tyler too;” and that to be attained through all kinds of mis representation and delusion, ali kinds of flum mery and parade, all kinds of sensual and sor did appeals; indeed, all kinds of political de bauchery, from treating down to Badgerism and Gieutworthism: and all kinds of incon sistency, from running two candidates to es tablish a Bank of the United States, who had both uniformly opposed it: and two to enable them to seize on ail the spoils ot office, who had uniformly denounced those spoils, and all removals for opinion’s sake. Vv’hat could common sense, philosophy or cool reflection anticipate to happen, ere lo r g, when the mask was stripped off from such a chaos and profligacy of principles ! Nothing less than what experience soon verified.— Those who sow the wind must expect to reap j the whirlwind. The end in one sense came j more quickly than any anticipated, in less : than one short month. In less than one short month—ere the ba- j ked meats of the inauguration, with ail its ] senseless pageantry and “glorification,” were cold, they had falsified most of their pledges against removals, and by importunities and bickerings not only embittered tbe life, but hurried to a painful grave the gray hairs of their Chief Magistrate. It is a singular co incidence, that the cold-blooded persecutors for the spoils of office were allowing the tim bers of the last log cabin in the capital, the i great emblem of their cause to be pulled j down and trodden in the dust beside his ash- j es—when these last were being conveyed from the city. What has been the fate also of his col league—of “ Tyler too ” —before the first half year of bis Presidency closed 1 Burnt and shot in effigy over half the Union—denounc ed in their conventions—blackballed by their presses, and in fine, proscribed in Congress itseil’ by all tiie great leaders of the great Harrisburg piebald coalition. What sudden retribution ! What changes j beyond the romance of the wildest Arabian taie ! What a stupendous coalition sapped by its own bad principles—overthrown—scat tered in fragments over tiie earth in only half a year ! It was almost miraculous madness, which led them to persevere, as they began, in such a univeisal disregard for all their so lemn pledges against removals for mere opin ion’s sake—p edges given every where and in every form, and by almost every concpicuous politician. In this matter their wanlomiess almost exceeds credibility. Did they suppose the whole community had adopted a Paul Clif ford rule of conduct and belief! Did they suppose that the people at large had neither memories nor morals! Is breach of faith to lie a part of the creed of our opponents! Can they regard hypocrisy as a virtue! violation of pledges as honorable ? Did they expect to retain public confidence by breaking it — and to deserve future trust by a profligate abuse of all past trust! If they did, it is for tunate that the false disguise has been strip ped off so early, and that they now stand un whigged before the scorn of many of their own party, and the sneers of tiie world. (Cheers.) They have been equally unfortunate, if not perfidious, in several oth t respects. Thus, on the great and absorbing question of the currency, they have accomplished little or nothing, except to get up a malignant family tend. I'heir magnificent doings have been chiefly undoings. The deposite act, as to the pet banks which they had insisted on as indis pensable to prevent a despotic union of the purse and the sword, and to control a danger ous Executive discretion, they have repealed in hot haste, before any system had become a law in its stead—thus by blunder or design, restoring under themselves the very condition of things they had anathematized under oth ers ! Not content with this, they committed die Idee folly .as to the Sub-Treasury, though so excellent in some of its provisions as to force on themselves a renewal of them ; and so wise in all its essentials, that no constitu tional, safe and permanent substitute is very likely to be devised for it, except with some modifications as to the currency, originally re commended with it in September, 1637. In deed, die great Whig argument against it, that a verdict had by the former elections been rendered against it, has already been nullified, and the hundred thousand changes of votes already ascertained since last Autumn, and indeed since its repeal, lurr.ish the strongest Whig argument to restore it, and to drive the advocates of a National Bank into more than Andalusian shades. How ludicrous lias been their tinkering with this subject at tbe late Extra Session, till they fell together by the tongues —not to say ears, as in one house of Congress—and then like termagants broke up with a regular ! row of caucus scolding. Instead of confining banking to those who have spare funds to loan, they tried to dabble in it themselves, though without spare money. I and compelled to resort to an immense debt | to be embarked in so unpromising a specula i tion. Instead of providing capital for com merce where a sufficiency did not exist, they sought to swell the amount of what was al ready over bloated, excessive and unprofitable. Instead of reducing by their system Executive influence, they increased it ten fold. Instead I of letting the Government keep its own mo : ney as it keeps its own ships, forts, lands and ’ buildings, by its own officers, amenable to it : and accountable for defalcation under severe ; penalties, they attempted to put it in the povv- I cr of bank stockholders —at times titled, inim | ical, and irresponsible foreigners such as ! some Countess of Paper rags, some Duke of ! Shinplastere, or the Barings, or even Louis j Philippe. Instead of leaving substitutes for | specie to the States that rnav need them, and ! who can, by only willing it, at any time make them sound, they have sought to absorb the whole subject of the currency into the bands of mere jobbing politicians. Under pretence of doing small exchanges tor themselves, they have argued the power to do all exchanges lor others ; and they have thus attempted to regulate, cheapen, and equalize the whole exchanges of the country amounting to sev eral hundred millions, by legislative corpora tions, when they might as well regulate and reduce the tides of the ocean by such corpo rations. They might as well control prices of merchandize and produce, and fix new reg ulations for the movements of even the plan etary system as alter by legislation the great laws of trade that pervade and govern the whole civilized world. (Applause.) The real difference of exchanges between two places you know full well, cannot exceed the cost of carrying specie from one to the other, or else specie would be carried instead of buying a bill of Exchange. Now you know, also, that the cost of carrying gold from the .'remotest points, St. Louis or Detroit does not exceed two per cent. Hence it follows inevitably that all the party slang as to high exchanges, without a National Bank, is groundless; and that what trading politicians please to designate as five, ten, or fifteen per cent. A difference in exchanges is not a difference between exchange of specie; but of specie in one place and bank notes in anoth er. Such a difference they might find across one of your own streets between the exchange of specie for the notes of a broken bank.— You might as well call the difference between the exchange of a sound for an unsound one, in different cities, a difference caused by their distance from each other, raffier than by their unsoundness. Only last winter (to give a practical illus tration on this point) when exchanges were quoted by political presses and bankers as from 3 to live per cent, on N. Orleans, I ex* changed two hundred thousand dollars of spe cie in N. Orleans lor the same amount paid me in N. York, without paying a single dollar for the difference in exchange. (Applause.) Nothing can cure such ignorant or specu lating mterierence, but some little acquaint ance with the true principles of banking and of commerce, and some rutstraining grace in politicians not to make the public the goose to be exposed to be constantly plucked by a com bination of speculators, sharks, and blacklegs. Had neither of bank projects been vetoed, those miserable schemes would both have fallen still lower, except for the public cap ital and credit connected with them. And Capt. Tyler, as well as the constitution would both have been headed in vain ; and the pub lic would, in my opinion, soon have been more thoroughly undeceived than they even now are as to the lolly and imposture of both measures. The people can always have spe cie or its equivalent when they insist upon it, and whether they resort to a Moron specific or hard money alone, as provided by the Consti tution, the fault is in themselves, in not hav ing good laws or in not inflexibly requiring them to be executed, when they are subjected to the miserable vacillations and depredations of suspended bank paper. The axe can be laid at the root of speculation and profit, and sound money will abound as much as sound ships, if the demand for them is only made steady and firm. The stupid idea that coin enough, if required, does not exist in the world for a circulating medium of specie here, when it exceeds in America and Europe alone fifteen time* all needed here, is worthy only of superficial liippency that gives birth to such crudities. The specie flag kept flying by the General Government in 1837, saved to us specie enough for three fourths of the whole amount desireable, and relieved the country from the abominable twentv-five years’ suspension, looked up to by Mr. Biddle as the English model for our intimation—one or the consequences of which has been devel oped in the rotten insolvency and ruin of the United States Bank undeahis boasted auspi- CGcit 1 would fain pursue this subject further did time permit, without wearying your pa tience, and encroaching on ground allotted to others. A word or two as to some us the other measures, and I have done. It may suffice to remark as to most of them, that they were in close keeping with the contempt of public de cency and public pledges, as well as the dis regard of Democratic principles, which have already been exposed in the others. On this allegation, we are ready to meet them every where. On this especially do we choose to meet them at Philipi—at the Poll. They have been met in it there already by a once decei ved and now indignant people, in many of the States. The hour of meeting and reckoning here approaches. You have made up your minds, l trust, unchangeably on several of the other points in their public career, and I will now briefly, but plainly, openly, independently, boldly tell them belore hand, what, in my opinion, they are ; and what such unfaithful stewards must expect from your ballot boxes. First, you will not countenance public perfidy. No matter whether m false accusations against former ruiers, or broken promises as to pro scription—and above all to retrenchment and reform. Next, you will not tolerate succumb ing or truckling to foreign powers, and more especially our ancient oppressors. No hasty willingness to surrender oppressed offenders without either trial, indemnity, or even apol ogy —and on deferring to take possession of the disputed territory on the next 4th of July, as promised to the next—the next, and ue fear, the next onward, till the “last syllable of j recorded time.” Massachusetts; as well as Maine, lias a deep interest in tins question. We want peace, but we do not want dishonor, and it is not, and must not be in the true A merican heart or nerve, ever to prove craven, or unfaithful, to either national rights, or na tional honor. Next, you will never endure, | that the public domain be squandered, and its I place supplied by permanent loans, or aug-! mented taxes. Tin Government, as a whole, i has been plundered of its principalities, large ! as halt the income of Europe. Remember, that there is no surplus, and : that every dollar of the public territory, given j away, has to be supplied by more than a doi- j lar’s tax —and that Massacbnsetts, for in stance, in getting $140,000 by the distribution j law, has to repay, under an increased tariff,; quite SIBO,OOO to restore the principal, and : tbe expense, as well as loss, of collection and ; transfer. Remember, that the poor and mid- j diing classes are obliged to pay of this §IBO,- j 000, at least twenty or thirty per cent, more j under a tarilf, than they would have to pay if! the money was wanted by Massachusetts,and collected by herself under her own system of taxation, which properly falls heaviest on cap ital, and less oa labor, than does the tariff!— Remember, too, that tiiese losses are inflicted on us so as in effect only to aid British bond holders abroad, and wealthy political jobbers at home. (Great cheers.) Next, you will support no wasteful addition to the public ex penditure—which at only the Extra Session, our opponents have augmented nearly six j millions, by such unprecedented schemes, i among others, as granting civil pensions, as- j suming post office expenses, and assuming j the support of lunatic paupers. Nor will you I tolerate any star chamber inquiries with se cret and inquisitorial powers, to hunt down political opponents, and provide for starving office holders. Tell them, too, you want no Biddle Bank, coiling a hugs ssi. sernent in leviathan folds [r DUMBER 41. around every antagonist interest or institu tion, and strangling its \ nctims at the rod of party caprice, or party dici ation, on either side ot the Atlantic. Tell theta to keep off their profane hands, from destroying the veto power in the Constitution, which they threaten.— It is the Peoples’ tribunitian prerogative, speaking again through their Executive. And it the popular vote is to rule, independent of the forms of the Constitution, as they argue against the use of the veto power, then and ail oi them and their schemes are already checkmated and ovrruled. If halt’ of either Louse resigned, who are now in a minority at home, the gasconading grandeur of the admin istration last March, or even last June, would become a mere worthless hulk. Nor will you tolerate any useless increase of taxation, or National Debt. The latter you never believed to be a national blessing, but a curse in time of peace, and the former is utterly indefensible, whether it equal only the , old tory tax of three pence a pound on tea, i which goaded your lathers into revolution, or j whether it keep up on most of the g'reat ne- j cessaries of life, double the odious tithes, j from the oppression of which they once tied to this iron hound coast and to a savage wil derness. It has been reiterated as a matter of taunt that e%en I, on whose motion tea and coflee have been exempted from taxation, was once of a different opinion. This is of a piece with many other calumnies and misrepresen tations of the day. To be sure, 1 once said, that if the imports continued small as in 1838, and if the public expenses were kept high or not reduced, it would be necessary either to violate the compromise, limiting all duties to twenty per cent., or impose duties on coffee and tea. But i said at the same time, anu have a t liousand times repealed it, that not j only would the imports be materially larger, i but the public expenses should be reduced, ■ and then that several articles might be ex- j empted, including coffee and tea—and accord- | ingiy 1 moved to have them exempted, and, ! thanks to Providence, they are tree. (Cheers.) ‘ But still they compel the people, by a need- i less Tariff! to pay three millions more within | tlis Union, than they would be obliged to pay without the boasted Distribution bill of the last Session. Thus are we ground down with a tax on our clothes, and our leather ; I our salt and molasses ; our sugar and iron— j indeed, much of all, besides tea and coffee, which we either sec or taste, wear or use, ‘ except the drugs and poisoas to kill us. if we live or die, ride or walk, marry or be single, remain poor or rich, still, in some shape or other, from the cradle to the grave, taxa tion under the present Tariff, like cankered care, stalks beside or around us, as insepara bly as our shadows. On the contrary, we ! want industry and enterprise to be free—-Iree ; trade and sailors’ rignts,” all the world over. We want the just reward every where, and in every tiling of honest labor. We are not foes to manufactures, any more than to agri culture or commerce. But we say, let all have equal rights—let all have a fair'neld and a clear deck. Is not tilling the soil or plough ing the ocean as much American industry”as moving a spinning jenny ? Are not alllhe toils and mechanical arts connected with farming and trade useful and commendable, and to be encouraged, as much as weaving or spoofing 1 We want no hot-bed protection in either, to disturb capital from its natural channels, or to make the rich richer, and the poor poorer. On the contrary, give us equal liberty in ail. Last, but not “least, you never will countenance any marked hostility to the laboring classes, in any form—much less by annulling the salutary ten hour system, or capriciously lowering wages. We” are all, it is hoped, practical as well as theoretical Democrats. We go for substance more than names. We care not for claims to Democracy, whether under an October sun, or an October moon, set up by those who have long reviled Jefferson and Madison, the fathers of out De mocratic faith. Let us have deeds rather than words. If such pretenders are Democrats, those fathers were not, and we are not. Let us not trust the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, as well as the resolu tions ot ’9B, to be construed and enforced for us by those who advocated the Alien and Se dition laws—reproached Mr. Madison as de serving a halter—denounced Jefferson as un der French influence, and supported in 1832, ’39, and particularly in ’4l, United States Banks, as weil as gag rules and gag laws. Thank God, all this kind of masquerade hum bug is coming to the light. The bubble has been pricked—burst The promises and p.edges before the election have been openly violated. ‘I ell them to change creeds, or not to change names. The Democratic Church is liberal, but she wants converts, not spies. The relief which was to come from our oppo nents proves, in the end, to he oppression. The economy expected, turns out to be ex travagance. The time for their retrenchment is never the present time, but always to morrow, and to-morrow, and to morrow. The reduction promised in expenses is augmenta tion—by millions. The better times which were to refresh and enrich all classes, have proved the worst; except the gradual cure which increased industry and thrift will alone in time produce, and which intermeddling legislation often retards. The true bone and muscle of the land, whether merchants, me-, chanics, or farmers, seamen or laborers ; 1 whether hereto-ore under the Whig or Dem ocratic flag—are tired ol this wretched sys tem of change; pretension, and hypocrisy.* I concede, cheertully, that members nominally in the ranks cf our opponents are men of pri vate worth, and are kept from our ranks only by prejudice, indifference, or delusion, on po litical topiics. Their reason and conscience often approve our general principles, while their habits, and associations, and timiditv disarm them. I war not with such, nor im pugn their motives ; I only invoke them to ex ercise courage as well as enquiry ; alter their views when found utenable, as virtuous citi zens arid real p itriots should, and then per form them duiy like the sons ot noble sires, who scented tyranny in the breeze, and many of whom died martyrs in the holy cause of liberty. The whole country around them is becoming watchful and indignant. Every quarter is loud with scorn at the impositions i which have been practiced; burning with the cry of shame on such moral outrages ; ardent to avenge on their betrayers unfaithfulness, insults, and injuries. The ball has recoiled. We are, to use the oid language of our oppo nents, in the midst of a revolution. And let me congratulate you that never shone out brighter omens or in a brighter sky than now appear to invite Massachusetts to join the : bright galaxy of Republican States. * (Much cheering.) This is not declamation or round assertion tor the occasion ; for more than 100,000 votes ; from ouropnonents’ ranks have already joined ours, or re.used longer to act with theirs. States, too, large as well as small, have spoken loudly ; and invite you earnestly by their glo rious example. Scarcely bad th® present Administration finished the carousals and gaudy pageantry of the inauguratiin, when the cloven foot of their course became so apparent that New Hamp shire opened the Spring Elections with an increase or her 6,000 against them to eight. Permit gie., cite ‘•><- f -~- .. .... merouß on earth and ocean, in the sunny South and mighty West, to express for tha*. first noble rebuke of Whig misrule, my thank - fulness. No less do 1 express it in her behalf for the kindness evinced this night towards her and hers, by you and the eloqi eat speaker who preceded me, [Mr. Barstow.] She, I can assure you, showed the same granite firmness in the Revolution as now, proved herself to be equally granite in the last war, however overborne for a season, grani’e in the strug gles of the last ten years, and granite will you find her for ever. Next came Indiana, though their favorite State, rushing against them like a cataract. Next, faithful Alabama, whose high praise is to be the New Hampshire of the South. Next, Tennessee, changing at once from them over seven thousand votes, and thus gladdening the venerable hero’s last days, who looks from his Hermitage with a still anxious eye for his country’s welfare.— (Cheers.) Next, Vermont came, like an avalanche from her Green Mountains. Next, Maine— now the bright particular star in the East— sweeping ail the tribes of Vv lfggery before her like the tides in her vast bavs. Next, Maryland, with almost an entire revolution, under tbe very eaves of the palace at Wash ington. Next, Georgia—speaking as the winds come when forests are Tended. Next, Penn sylvania, once mere to be the keystone of the I arch. Next is Ohio, corning as the waves | come when navies are stranded. And New ! 0 °rk will be most trumpet-tongued. And J snail not Massachusetts rise also in her might, I and take her oid lofty position among the | stars which shine in the Democratic galaxy 1 Forbid her absence, ye sterling souls, whose energies, and labors, have done so much, and who are so well equa. to the task of doing so much more. Forbid it,'‘above ait, that spirit that redeming spirit, which alone has improved our race in every age and crisis, and which led Luther iu the cause of duty and reform, to say he would onward in their cause, though obstructed in his faith even by devils them selves, as thick as the tiles on tne roofs of tbe houses.—“ Now then is the day, and now the hour,” to plant \ourfoct once more on the neck of the Federal tyrant—and if once more, it will be,God willing, henceforth and forever. | THE NAMES OK THE SEVERAL STATES LX THE UNION. _ Maine—A name given by Sir Ferdinando i Gorges to his patent of land, comprised with ! in tne Plscataqua and Sagudahoek, in compli | rnenl to Henrietta Maria, Queen of Charles I, i who possessed, as her pri\ale estate in France, | the province ol'Meyne. New Hampshire.—August 10, 1622, a . patent for part of the present state of New | Hampshire, under the name of Laconia, was made out ior Captain John Mason and Sir F. j Gorges, but was styled New Hampshire by | Capt. Mason, lie having been Governor of j Portsmouth, in Hampshire, England, i Vermont, until 1761, was claimed both by New Hampshire and New York, when the king in council decided in favor of the claims of the latter. Its usual designation, till the declaration of independence, was the New Hampshire Grants; lmt January 16,1777, they declared their district an independent state, by the name of New Connecticut, or Vermont— Verd Mont, green mountain, being the name given by Champlain to the range of mountains running through this state, discov ered by him in 1603. Massachusetts was so named from a tribe of Indians which inhabited w hat is now Boston bay, called Massachusetts, one of the five New England tribes. Rhode Island derives its name from an island of the same name in Narragansett Bay, called by the Indians Aquetneck, settled in 1638 ; and in 1644 named by the settlers the ‘ Isle of Rhodes,’ after the celebrated ‘ Rhodes’ in the Grecian Archipelago. Connecticut, fiom the Indian name of the river which runs through its centre, Quon necticut; which iu their language signifies Long River. New 1 ork, formerly named by the Dutch, its first settlers, New Netherlands, received its present appellation in 1664, when Charles j II granted it with other lands to his brother, J Duke of York and Albany, and was therefore j called New York, from York in England, part of the Dukedom of its then proprietor. New Jersey was part of the tract conveyed | to the Duke of York and Albany, and by him | granted to Lord Berkley, and Sir George Car- I teret having come from the Isle of Jersey near ■ England. i ennlylvania, from the conjunction of the Latin word Hylva, forest, and Penn, the name of its original proprietor, to whom it was granted bv Charles if. on the 4th Maicli, 1681. Delaware, settled by the Sweedes and Finns in 1627, and named by them Nova Sue cia (New Sweden) on the adoption of an in dependent government in 1776, called Dela ware from tne Bay of that name ; thus named as being the place where died Lord Delaware; the Governor of Virginia in 1618. Maryland, a name given by King Charles I. to the tract of land included in the Patent of Cecilius Calvert, Lord Baltimore, granted June 20i.1i, 1632, in honor of his Queen Hen rietta Maria, daughter of Henry, King of France. Virginia, so called in 1534, after Elizabeth; the virgin Queen of England. Carolina, North and South, derived from the Latin of (Carolus) 1X.., Xing of France; by whom the lan.l was granted to Admiral Coligny for a protestant settlement. Georgia, named by the trustees in 1732 after George 11. Alabama, from the Alihamas , the name of a tribe of Indians once inhabiting the territory. Mississippi, from the river of that name : the Indian name of which was Mescliaceba —rneschu great, and ceba river, corrupted by the French into its present name. The Span iards called it Rio grand u.i uor It —the great river of the north. Louisiana, the name given by M. de la Sale in 1782, to that country, in honor of Louis XIV . King of France, in whose name lie took possession of it. Tennessee, from the river which runs through it, meaning in the Chickasaw lan guage, Crooked Spoon. Previous to 1760 it was a part of North Carolina. Kentucky, also named from the Kentucky* river, erected into a State, Dec. 6, 1790. Ohio, Missouri, Arkansas, are named from rivers bearing those Indian names. Illinois, so called from the Illinois river, which, in the Indian tongue, signifies the riv er of men. Michigan, thus named in 1605, from the lake on its wesiern border. Indiana, from the ward Indian, it being one ul their famous hunting grounds. Six or the States are named after royal personages, li ne alter Queens and three af ter Kings. Four were called in honor oi some nobiernan ; three a Her European places; two after the names of Indian tribe?, and se.eu after the Indian name if rivers. From the Democratic Review. THE FIRaT MEETING UF JEFFERSON AND BURR. The following anecdote was re nted bv Mr. Jefferson to the writer, while on a visit to Monticello, in the year 1322. It was told iu illustration of an opinion advanced by the igi mer in relation to physiogmy, that although it was but folly to attempt a system of judging character lrom any particular conformation of features, yet the eye was an unerring index of the soul, and no training on the part o. is possessor could prevent it from d.scLsing h,'& true moral nature to a skillful observer. 1 will endeavor to repeat the exact words of the il lustrious narrator. During ray attendance on one cf the earliest sessions of the Continental Congress a. Pm,- adslphia, said Mr. J., 1 chanced to rime one rii y at a put!!: kratc, : ;*• :-rii Xhi.n—