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jr t (lie Globe o( November 13. THE AUGMENTATION OF TAXES. There is no feature which more essentially distinguishes tiie two great parties of this country than the propensity on one side to in crease, and on the other to diminish taxation. This characteristic invariably attends the par ties in or out of power in the National, as well as the State governments, and has marked the popular and anti-popular parties in all coun tries and ages. It grows out of the very con dition of the classes that compose society, which to use the homely phrase of Cobbet, is divided into tax payers and lilc ewers. It is nut merely those who live on salaries provided by government, and devour tiie rev enue that fall on the cla.-s of tax consumers —not the navy and army and civil list officers —but the vast body which, through one con trivance or another —through corporation priv ileges—through partial legislation —command- ing capital or pursuits —have the power of taxing productive industry, independently of govermnen', and who manage to dra*v to tnem selves all the fruits of the earth without crea tiii<r any’. Os this class are the whole tribe of bankers and currency makers, composed of boards of directors, officers, petty agents, and stockhold • crs. Os this class are merchants, who levy the taxes for themselves as they levy them for the government, by laying them oil their merchandise in fixing its price. Os this class are the manufacturers, who not only take the tax on the labor of those who do the w’ork un der their direction, but from the w'hole com munity upon which they levy the tax on the enhanced price they are enabled to put.on their manufactures, in consequence of the monopo ly given by protecting laws, which exclude the community from the purchase of similar cheaper articles, which a free trade would af ford. All these classes of money dealers, niorcbant?, and although thev tax the coaimun-yi are useful to it in then several vacations; and if stripped of privilege a nW monopoly, the competition were left free, they could not levy, in their calling, more than a fair equivalent for the service rendered by them to the producing class. Cut partial le gislation may furnish them with the means of obtaining more than fair equivalents for their instrumentality in conducting the business of society. It may, and does, in almost all coun tries, enrich them by the undue impositions which it is given them to fasten on the agri cultural and mechanical, and operative class es. And hence those industrious classes, which aid and yet live on the productive class es, have a tendency to unite with that portion composed entirely of tax eaters of the govern ment bro d—those who live on the public rev enues. All these classes make common cause in support of that system of government which would enure the mass of the people to high taxation and prodigal expenditure. Hence it is that at all periods we find mo neyed, manufacturing, and mercantile classes, and those whom they can influence, generally enlisted on the side of the anli-popular party —the Federalists among us—the Aristocrats abroad. There are many noble individual exceptions—men who look to the common weal of the great industrious community—to the general prosperity of the country as the basis of their own well being, and as the best security for their honest acquisitions. But in the main it will be found, tiiat the noaprodu cers of all sorts, are of the taxing party while the producers make up, for tiie most part, the opponents of taxation. How slightly has ihis discrimination mark eJ the career of the Democratic and Federal parties in this country. Hamilton, at the very threshold of the government, in building up the latter, opened up systems of taxation in every shape. National debt, embodying a vast and powerful phalanx of capitalists, liv ing on the interest of the public funds, in which they invested protective tariff, begetting swarms who lived on the bounties drawn to their capital by the monopoly derived from the exclusion of competition in their business— national bank, giving life to the myriads who feed on usury and the art of manufacturing public credulity into currency. I his was the first great birth of Titan tax eaters in our country, and with them came an increase of army and navy and civil list and pensioners, and a multitude of vast schemes ol expendi ture to increase classes favorable to the excise and the imposition of taxes in every shape. With Jefferson came economy and reduction cf taxes, and the dispersion of the embodied classes that favored them. They gradually grew 7 with the influence of Federalism under subsequent administrations, until, under the younger Adams and his Hamilton (Mr. Clay) tariff, bank, internal improvements, and ail the classes they generate favorable to high taxes and extravagant expenditure, attained a power which, it was thought, would enable them to command the government and render it absolute. With Gen. Jackson came the overthrow of the bonk, internal improvement, and a contin ual reduction of the tariff until, during Mr. Van Buren’e time, they were brought down to what we are told, in the National Intelli gencer of this morning, is not sufficient for an economical administration of the govern ment. It is under this pretext, that disguised federalism which came into power under pre texts of retrenchment and reform, now .as sumes that \vc must have a vast increase of taxes, a national bank, a national debt, addi tional expenditure, and to open new drains in the treasury —the establishment of anew body of pensioners upon it—a distribution of the proceeds of the lands among the Slates —and a bankrupt law \Yc utterly den}’ tlie ground assumed in’ this morning’s Intelligencer, that the sources ; of revenue, as left hv the late administration, i are inadequate to the supply of our govern- j ment, economically adniinistered. It is known J that notwithstanding the gradual reduction of! the customs for the last nine years, the last Democratic administrations deposited whh the ; States thirty millions of surplus. The late ! Secretary of the Treasury (in his place in the • Senate during the extra ses-ion) declared that ! with the reduced expenditure proposed in the j estimates of the administration of which he j had formed a part, there would have been no necessity for the called session, its. increased j taxation, or its twelve million debt Every body knows (the official documents prove it) j that the reduction made in the expenditure proposed by the late administration by its es timates for the year, was greater than the fall- j ing off of the revenue under the reduced tariff of the year. If, then, the lands—the natural! source of revenue, surrendered by the States ! to the Union—had remained with it, what! ground is there to suppose that new imposi- j tions on the people would have become neees-; sary to supply an economical government ? I One of the enormous destroyers of the public j revenue, the banking system, was. in a great’ degree, circumscribed in its ravages by the extinction of the Bank of the United States,! and the gradual suppression of the power of the State institutions, to depreciate the value i of the public revenue. The deterioration of j the currency by the immense paper issues of j the banks, State and National, none can deny, ! took much of its value from th> revenues of J the country. Every thing bought for the use ! 'f the government was affected by the vast : i tereise of prices occasioned by the diluted j currency growing out of the paper credit svs- J tern. Ihe Independent Treasury, collecting j its resources in money, and ceising to circu- ■ late the depreciated‘bank eurrenev for the | currency of the constitution, was gradually ‘ imparting value to all currency, both coin and i convertible paper —a process which would have of itself increased the value of the rev enue received to a greater amount than it would have suffered diminution hv the reduc tion of the duties. This, with the completion of th.e public buddings—the conclusion of the ! exhausting Florida war—the rapid lading off of the old pension lists —and the reforms which were proposed by the last Administra tion, and might and would have been prosecu ted in all branches of the public service, must have rendered the tariff as it existed before the extra session, adequate for all trie wants of the treasury. Instead of that, we have a twelve million national debt—sixteen millions more threatened —an increased tariff and a greater increase threatened—a national bank and distribution —anew pension law, and all the indications of prodigality toward one class, and oppression of the o’her, w hich distinguish ed the worst days of federalism. And all this is justified by the assumption that our im mense sources of revenue are not adequate to suppfy the economical wants of the gov ernment ! If they are not, who has produced the result 1 From the Georgia Messenger, 18th inst. FREE TRADE. Those whose apprehensions of free trade are limited to an acquaintance with the rules and regulations controlling the commerce of the United States, have a very inadequate idpa of that national boon, which was the main in centive to the last w 7 ar, and which is now professedly the great boast of the American people : we say professedly, for a cursory ex amination of the commercial policy of other nations will satisfy us, that we are far from being substantially in the enjoyment of free trade. Trade, to be free, must be reciprocal ; and it is an abuse of terms lo say that our trade is free, because our maritime ports are open to the world, while our home productions are excluded, except under heavy duties, from all foreign markets. It boots us but little, or rather, we are but half benefited, when w 7 e have the privilege of importing from other countries free of all restrictions, while we are forbidden by heavy duties, and other vexatious obstacles, from what is regarded as a recipro cal rrgm—-payment ror those imports in the productions of the country. We must enjoy a full reciprocity of those privileges u 7 e extend to others, before w 7 e can in truth say, we have a free trade. There are certain dogmas in trade, as well as in all other sciences, one? deemed funda mental and indisputable, which time and ex perience have showed to be fallacious and un tenable. Among these aie such memorable maxims as the following: that protection is essential to the prosperity of manufactures— that high duties produce revenue—that capi tal and labor cannot be profitably employed without prohibitory duties—that, we ought to sell to other nations, but not to buy of them, and the like. But these notions, although re garded by many politicians as fundamental principles, have been exploded by practical and business men ; and here \* e take occa sion to mention as a singular fact, that the theoretical views of politicians and statesmen upon all principles relating to the science of trade, are at direct variance with those of the merchant and practical business men To the former, it seen s a paradox, that low duties should promote home industry, produce low prices, and increase national revenue , while to the latter, the practical man, it is a plain solution to a very simple problem. As early as 182 <, when the authors of the American system were concocting a policy, the design of which was to be the protection of home industry, the manufacturers of Massachusetts, then tiie most manufacturing State in the Union, protested against their theory, regard ing it as a remnant of the darkest ages of ig norance and barbarism. The tariff of 1823 was rather the suggestion of ambitious and theorising politicians, than of the manufactu rers ; for the manufacturers, as a body, were not anxiously solicitous for a protective sys tem, and they are now generally opposed to it. Incalculable evil lias resulted to trade from the legislation of politicians, who are more imbued with the theories of Puffendorf, Gro tius and Vattel, than the practical principles of Adam Smith. The remarks of Mr. David flume are hire very applicable, -that “ the more simple ideas of order and equity are sufficient to guide a legislator in a great part of his duties; but principles like those of com merce, are much more complicated, and re quire long oxporionco and deep reflection* lo be well understood, because real consequen ces are often contrary to the first appearances. ’ It would he well that such rational advice would be followed, for while commerce would be benefited, the good of the country at large would be subserved by tiie attention of politi cians to their appropriate duties. Ne sulor ultra crepidam, is an excellent tnaxun. But. the discovery that the protective sys tem is a fallacy in trade and commerce, is not peculiar to the merchants and manufacturers of tiie United States. The trading commu nities of England and France are very well satisfied that their old maxims of trade, eonse | crated as they are by time, are erroneous,; and 1 that trade, when left to itself, flourishes best. | It is more difficult to convince their rulers of | the truth of these facts. The English gov ernment, whether administered by a whig or lory administration, have invariably adhered to 1 heir old protective system, and opposed a reform in their cu-tom duties. This singular obliquity on the part of their eminent men of j opposing political sentiments, must be ascrib led to a bigoted reverence for old usages, or what is more profitable, a disinclination to make any change that may he prejudicial to the interest of their great land proprietors. But the people are clamorous for a change, and a change will be had sooner or later. The political condition of ihc English people has been improved by the reform in their sys tem of government, which has been effected within the last ten years : a corresponding re form in their principles of trade is equally es sential to accomplish those great desiderata in the domestic policy of all governments —prof- itable and active employment of capital and labor, low f rices and a plentiful supply of food—ail of which is accompanied with the quiet, good order, and content of the peo ple. Ihe protective or restrictive policy is calculated to produce the opposite of all this; experience lias taught lhat the peace and pros perity of a country are best promoted by ‘he adoption of such principles of trade as’ will | secure to the people the right of a free inter ! change of their respective productions, and j that a trade so conducted is calculated to give | employment to wealth and iabor, increase con i sumption, reduce prices, add to the national ‘revenue, and diminish taxation. These are | facts demonstratively true of themselves, but I they are further illustrated by tiie history of i all commercial nations. The author of the protective system in Eu rope was .\I. Colbert, a French statesman, who introduced it into France in 1067. Pre vious to that period, France, with the rest of Europe, was dependent upon Holland for their manufactures. M. Colbert, to encourage and protect French manufactures, established a tariff by which all foreign manufactures were prohibited. France has pertinaciously adher ed to this system, and the consequence is, that she pays for her manufactures twice as high prices as England or Holland, and her manufacturing establishments have always been in a depressed and languishing condition. In Ireland, before the Union, the Legisla ture imposed heavy duties upon English man ufactures. England, in return, imposed retal iatory duties upon Irish manufactures; in a ve ry short time thereafier, the supply exceeded the demand, and every branch of manufactures existed in a most unsatisfactory state. The protective duties were abolished in 18ti3, since which time, the manufactures of Ireland have remained in a flourishing condition. Saxony, before she became a par'y to a commercial association termed the Prussian league, had no p o ective duties, and the man ufactures rose to a state of perfection unknown to any other part of Europe. In Switzerland there are no protective du ties ; the consequence is, she supplies at low pr.cee her own people, and the surrounding countries. Y\ hile in Austria, Bohemia, Hun gary, and the Italian States, countries of pro hibitory duties, manufactures and all trades in general, are in tiie most unsound state. But it is in England where the mischiev ous consequences of the protective or restrict ive system are most sensibly feit. A report submitted last year to the House of Commons, comprising the testimony of a large number of intelligent and experienced merchants and manufacturers, exhibits in a strong light the partial and injurious operation of°a system, which, to use the words of an intelligent wit ness, was “ framed nearly two hundred years ago, by persons who were but little acquaint ed with the principles of trade and finance, and who had not the slightest consideration for the feelings and convenience of individuals, and for the increase of loreign commerce.” From this voluminous report, we shall select a few subjects of detail for the interest of our readers, which go to show how injurious the protective system operates, considered as well in its relation to individual as national pros perity. The article of foreign sugars is subject to a protective duty, of 63 shillings, or sls 75 per cwt., which makes a difference to the con sumer of 4 I per ih., being 50 per cent, more than he would pay if there were no monopoly. It is estimated that at the rate of 4d duty per lb., the taxation growing out of protection of colonial sugars, amounts to £7,000,000, or $05,000,000. The consumption of the Uni ted Kingdom is 17 lbs. per annum, per indi vidual, while tiie consumption in Fans and V ienna is tvrice that, ‘i he price of sugars in Great Britain averages about 86 shillings, or s2l 50 per cwt.; it is supposed that if the duties were reduced so as to make it about 64 shillings, or sl6 per cwt., the consumption would be indefinitely increased, and an addi tional revenue to the treasury of £3,000,000, or $15,000,000 would be obtained. The protecting duty on coffee has a similar effect in diminishing the consumption, and consequently the revenue. The duty on for eign coffee is Is. 3d. (31 1-4 cts.) per lb., the consumption 25,000,000 lbs. It is estimated that a reduction of duties to 6d. per lb., would promote consumption and give an addition to the revenue of £6,000,000. Tiie duty on foreign timber is £2 15s. (sl3 75) a load, to reduce the duty to £1 10s. would increase the importation and add to the revenue £2,000,000. Corn, by which is meant g-ain of every kind, is subject to a graduated scale of duties —the duty rises as the price tails, and falls as the pnee rises, so that importation is dis couraged as the supply becomes abundant, and discouraged as it becomes scarce. The consumption is estimated at 45 million quar ters of 8 bushels, supposing the increased price at the lowest rale of duty to be ss. per quarter, the corn laws impose an indirect tax on the people of £ 11,006.000, or $55,000,000, while at a moderate fixed duty, the people would be relieved from this excessive tax, and the revenue increased at least a million. We could advert to many other interesting details, but our time and space caution us to forbear. We have, however, as we think, conclusively shown that protective duties are equally injurious to individual and national prosperity. But there is a point of view in which these facts become to us exceedingly interesting, having, as they do, a direct bear ing upon our national prosperity. Among the articles subject to high duties in England and France, the products of the United S.ates bear the highest rates—some of the duties being so high as virtually to be prohibitory. From France we have taken for years her staple commodities, silk free of du ties, and her wines at a mere nominal dutv', to the value of $33,000,006; while she takes nothing from us in return but tobacco, which she must have to mix with tiie miserable to bacco of her own growth to make it. fit for use, and cotton, which she cannot do without. Our imports from France are above thirty three millions annually, while our exports are about eighteen millions: thus, for want of a fair and just reciprocity, we pny her in specie for her s'lksand wines the difference I* tween the amount of our imports and exports. The disparity with England is still greater. From her illiberal policy of impost duties, which levies a tax ol 200 per cent, upon our tobacco, and 200 percent, upon our rice, and almost a prohibition upon our pork, flour, and lumber, we are brought in debt to her $1,000,000 a month, which we are forced to pay in specie instead of produce. An alteration in this policy on the part of Great Britain would open a market to our flour and lumber to the amount of $30,000,000; a market would also be found in France l’ur $10,000,000 of tlie same productions. It is true that we at the South are compar atively enjoying a free trade, our cotton being subject to very light duties; but this will prove only a temporary immunity. England is striving most diligently to encourage the growth of cotton in ail her colonies, and in E.ypt and Brazil; and her desire is to he independent of the UuiteJ States for this arti cle. A late British price current shows tint seventy thousand bales had arrived from In dia, which had lessened the prices in the American market. In a few years, the south ern states will exoerience, in common with the other states of the Union, the injurious consequences of a protective policy. In this matter we all have a common interest; and whether it is to be accomplished by peaceable or coercive means, one thing is certain—to insure peace and contentedness among our people, we must hive, sooner or later, a reci procity in bur commercial relations with for eign countries —the possession of a substan tial instead pf a nominal free trade. The Bastilles of Paris. —The Commerce says, “The works ol the citadel and fort of Charenton-Alfort aie already so advanced tint they could, if necessary, oppose a vigorous re sistance. ‘ Four of the five bastions and cur iains have already their thick walls several metres above the level ground, and two-thirds of the wall of the ditch of the fifth bastion are already built. The wall for the whole enclosure of the fort is to be carried to the bight of the ramparts, viz: 6 metres 80 cen timetres (t&i feet English) above the level ground. In ‘he several parts where he ground has been dug out, beds of vegetable earth, two or three metres thick, which is ex traordinary lor the locality, have been found. Tnis earth has been laid aside carefully for the covering of the bastions, &c. Several wells have been dug for the use of the ma sons, and, although at a depth of only 60 feet, the water is in great abundance, and potable. In order that the works may proceed with the greater activity little railways have been laid down lor the transport of the materials from one point to the other. By this means two men are able to drag what would otherwise be a heavy 7 horseload.” The Grogan Affair. —The Montreal Ga zette states, that “ in pursuance of the direc tion of Sir Richard Jackson, the administrator of the government and commander of the for ces. a court martial was lately held on Mr. Johnston, an officer of Col. Dyer’s corps, for participating in the capture of Grogan, in the territories of the United States; and that hav ing plead guilty, in mitigation of punishment, he was sentenced to be discharged from the corps.” What the banks have done. —Since the first bank failure in this country, its banking corporations have swindled its inhabitants out of three hundred and eighty millions of dol lars. What a tremendous advantage to the people such a system must be ! What a vile leveler and agrarian must anybody be who dares to cry out against it! Why, it has not yet plundered the people out of four hundred millions ! Let it a! me.—Coo- Democrat. THE RIGHT OF SEARCH—SUPPRESSION* 1 OF THE SLAVE TRADE. The United States and England.— The following are extracts from correspon dence with foreign powers, not parties to conventions giving right of searching vessels suspected of slave irade, recently presented to both Houses of Parliament by command of Her Majesty: Mr. Stephenson to Viscount Palmerston. 22, Upper Grosvenor-street. Nov. 13, 1840. (Received Nov. 14 ) The undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary from the United j States, has been instructed by his Govern ment to t.ansmit to Lord Palmerston, Her Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, the lollowing papers, con taining the evidence of another unwarranta ble search, detention, and ill-usage of an American vessel and her crew, on the coast id Africa, by her Majesty’s cruisers employed for the suppression of the slave trade, and which, in the opinion of the President, forms a proper subject for complaint and satisfacto ry retribution. The following, are the prominent facts of the case: ‘The American brig Douglass, of Dnxburv, in Massachusetts, of 210 tons bin den, and commanded bv Alvin Baker, master, and William Arnold, mate, sailed from the Ha vannah on the 9ih of August, 1539, laden with a cirgo of merchandise, and having sundry | assengers on board, lor the port of the river Bras. ‘Thai on the 21st of October this brig, whilst pursuing her voyage was hoarded by Lieutenant Segram from Her Majesty’s bri gantine cruiser the Termagant, with some of her crew, who proceeded forthwith to over haul the ship’s papers and passengers’ pass ports; ordered the hatches which were closed id he broken open: Hie American fl*g, which was then flying, to be hauled down, and the vessel seized as a slaver. That tiie captain’s papers and log book were then demanded, and taken on board •he Termagant, and the Douglass committed to the charge of a master and crew from the British cruiser, who immediately ordered the sails lo he set and proceeded to sea. At 6 o’clock, p. in. ten men were sent on board with arms and provisions, and the pas sengers taken to the Termagant, and noth vessels then made sail, and stood to the west ward. That on the 23.1 of October, about daylight, the Termagant came alongside of the Doug las, with tiie purser and one of her passen gers, for stores and provisions, and dun returned to the cruiser. That from the 21st to the 23ili of October the American brig continued in charge of Her Majesty’s cruiser, when they parted, and lust siglu of each other, the brig, Imwever, still continuing in possession of the officer and men Irorn the Termagant. That on the 29th, and to the westward ol Popoe, on the African coast, the Termagant again appeared alongside of tiie Douglas, and hove to; sent the supercargo and purser on board, ordered Captain Baker on board the cruiser, and Lieutenant Segiam then delivered to him bis papers with permission to proceed on his voyage. The passengers were also permitted to re turn to the Douglas, and the Termagant having taken her prize crew and officer on board, the Douglas made ail sail lor the river Bra . That on the6th. of November the Douglas anchored in the Nun (a river on the African coast) which she left on the 14ih of Decem ber, and proceeded in ballast to Curacoa, where she arrived on the 22J ot January, 1840. That on the 6ffi of February she sailed from Curacoa With a cargo ol salt for the Havana, which she reached on the 21st of that month. T hat in the passage from the pestilential coast of Africa to Curacoa the Douglas lost three of her crew; two American seamen— viz: Hu milton Day, of Providence, •rod An drew Clough, of Boston; and Frederick Walton, ! British subject, who were taken ill and died. Tiiat tiie Douglas-,.at the time rtf her sailing Irorn the Havana, was tight, stanch, and strong, had her hatches well caulked and covered, and was well and sufficiently man ned, and provided with all things needful for her voyage, and was in that state when she was hoarded and hleraily captured by the British ciuiser. Such are the facts detailed in the protest o'’ the captain and mate, herewith transmitted, and winch, it is presumed, can leave no doubt as to ;fie unprovoked and flagrant character ol the proceeding, or the reparation due to the rights of the United Slates, and the honor of their flag. In presenting the subject to the notice of Her Majesty’s Government, rit cannot be needful that the undersigned should do more than refer Lord Palmerston to the correspon dence which has heretofore taken place be tween the two governments, and more espe dally to the three notes which the undersigned had the honor of addressing to his Lordship, under dates of s:li February, Is:h of May, and 11th of August las!, anti t • express the painful regrel which the G ivernment of the United States fieeis that ilie remonstrances which have been heretofore made should have proved unavailing in preventing the repetition of such abuses as those which have so re peatedly been made the subject of complaint against Her Majesty’s naval officers. Her Majesty’s Government cannot be in sensible ol the strong desire which the Gov ernment of the United Stales, and the nation at large, fee! in the complete annihilation of the African slave trade. The course pursue' l for the last 30 years is best calculated to mark tlie feelings and opin ions of the Government and people of the United Slates, in relation to a traffic now properly regarded by most civilized nations as alike repugnant lo justice and humanity, and which, in relation to the United States, is not the less so to all the dictates of a sound policy. li is true that the American Government have declined to become a party in treaties with other nations lor ihe suppression of the slave trade. Although repeatedly urged bv Her Majesty’s Government to do so, t lie Uni ted Slates have been forced to deci.ne ail conventional arrangements; by wlrch the officers ofshi|)S-of-war ol’either country should have the right to board, search, or capture, or carry into foreign pons ior adj .dication, the vessels of each other engaged in t e slave trade. Indeed, it may he well doubted, apart from other considerations, whether the cmi siiiutional powers of the American Govern ment would be competent lo carry into effect those portions of ihe existing sysP m so indis pensably necessary to give it the character of just reciprocity. These objections on the pari of the United Stales have been repeaiedlv and frankly made known lo her Majesty’s Government, and an* doubtless well understood by the* British Ca binet : and tbe more especially so, as ii was an obsiacle proceeding fsom tire same pnnei ple which it is presumed prevented Great Britain lierselffrom becoming formally a party to the holy alliance. It will not, however, he understood that the United Slates have been insensible to the friendly spirit of confi tence with which these applications have been m?de on the part of Her Majesty’s Government, or that the United States have ceased to feel that strong solicitude for ihe total annihilation of the traffic, which lias distinguished the whole course of their policy On the contrary, having been the first to abolish, within the extent of their authority, (lie transportation of; ilie natives of Africa into slavery, by prohib- ! iting the introduction of slaves, and by pun- j ishing their own citizens for participating in’ the traffic; and having, moreover, taken the steps which it deemed to he proper to prevent the abuse of their flag by the subjects of other Powers, the Government of the United Stales cannot but led smeete gratification at the progress made, by the efforts ol other nations, ior the general extinction of tins odious traffic, and, consequently, undiminkshed soiicituce, to give the fullest efficacy to their own laws and regulations on the subj.-ct. They cannot, however, consent that the provisions of the treaties in force between Great Britain and other Powers Ibr iis aboli tion, and to which they are not a party, should he made to opera le upon tfie commerce and citizens of the United States. It cannot but be apparent toiler Majesty’s Govern, merit that these treaties are of a nature which cannot, and ought not, to be applied to the United States, under any restrictions or mo difications whatever, and the more especially as they have neither colonies, nor the means of carrying out those measures of maritime policy anti surveillance which form the basis of these treaties and are so indispensably necessary to their execution. In withholding its assent, therefore, from the existing system, and abstaining from nil conventional arrangements yielding the right of search to the armed vessels and cruisers ol each other, Her Majesty’s Government must be sensible that the United Slates have been influenced alone by considerations arising out of the character of iheir institutions and poli cy, and that having taken the measures which it deemed to be expedient and proper in re lation to this subject, the Government of the United States can only leave to other nations to pursue freely the course which their judg ment or policy may dictate, and in relation to which the United Slates can ceilamly have no disposition to interfere. The undersi ned has therefore been in structed, in presenting this case to Loid Pal merston's ttotice, again in the most earnest manner to assure ins Lordship that these continued violations of the flair <>l the United States, and unprovoked wrongs iufl cted by British cruisers upon ih. ligbis and property of its citizens, under whatever color or pretext, cannot longer be permitted by the’Govern ment of the United Stales: and that tie has accordingly been instructed to express to his Lordship the confident expectation of the Pre-idemol the United States-, that Her Ma jesty’s Government will not only at once recognise the propriety and justice of making prompt retribution for the unwarrantable conduct ol Lieutenant Segrarn in the present case, hut that it v. ill take suitable and efficient means to prevent the future occurrence of ail such abusts, involving, as they often do, not only great private wrong and consequent injury to property anti life, but calculated to interrupt that harmony, which it is for the advantage, as it is no doubt the desire ol both Liovernments to pit-serve. The undersigned prays Lord Palmerston to accept assuiance of his distinguished con sideration. A. STEVENSON. The Right lion. Vi count ealmcrsion, (i. O. li. VISCOUNT PAI.MEJISTON TO MR, STFyFK Off, Foreign Oflicf, Ue . 8, 1841. Sir —I have to acknowli dge die receipt of your teller of the lOdi instant, together wi'h its enclosures, on the sul j et of the African slave trade, and I beg to express my thanks to you ior that communication, and for the information which it contains. With refeience to the suggestion contained in die papers enclosed bv you, dial blockade should he Mstituied at die Gallmas and at New Cess, as an effectual means of pulling down the slave trade, I have much pleasure in acquainting you dial a blockade has for some time past been regularly maintained at die Gallmas by her Majesty’s ship Wanderer, and by other vessels tinder the direction of its commander, and at New Cess by Her Majesty’s ship Forester. Willi reference to die supposition of die writer of tire p iper which you have sent me, that British cruisers abstain from taking ves sels bt fore they have slaves on hoard, in order that by capturing such vessels alter they have taken their slaves on board the captors may get more prize money, I have to explain to you, that it is only since l lie passing of die act of 1839 that there has existed any legal authority to condemn Portugese ships, de tained for being equipped for slave trade, and not having slaves-actually on hoard; and therefore until that act came into operation on the coast of Africa Her Majesty’s cruisers could not detain Portugese slave vessels until they had actually taken their slaves on hoard; hut with regard to Spanish vessels, trie treaty of 1835 bet ween-Great Britain and Spain gave to the nvxed British and Spanish com mission a power to condemn slave vessels under the Spanish flag, if found equipped for the slave trade, even though they might have no slaves actually on hoard ; and during die period which has elapsed since that treaty lias been in operation Her Majesty’scruizers have taken and sent in for adjudication 85 Spanish slavers without slaves on hoard, and only IS with slaves on hoard; and since die year 1835 Her Majesty’s cmizers on the coast of Africa have detained and sent in (or adjudication 14 Brazilian vcs-cls without slaves on board, and only two with slaves on board. You will see, therefore, Irom these facts, that the writer of the paper in question is entirely mistaken in supposing that the Brit ish nruizers on the coast of Africa look to profit, instead of the perliirii.ar.ee of their ilmv; and I have further to stale, in proof of the zealous activity of the British cruisers, that ah the slave vessels sent in fi.r adjudica tion before any of the mixed commissioners, whether in Africa or in the West Indies, or in Brazil, have been detained and sent in hv British critizers, not one of those vessel-, hav ing been detained by the critizers or any of the other contracting parties to the treaties, under the stipulations of which those slave vessels were condemned. PALMERSTON. A. Stevenson, Esq. VISCOUNT PALMERSTON TO MR. FOX. Foreign Office. Dec. 17, 1840. Sir—l received your despaicit of the Ist of April last, and in compliance with the wish therein expressed, on the part of the United Stales Government, to be furnished with do cumentary evidence touching the facts dis closed in the case of the United States slave schooner Rebecca, 1 directed Her Majesty’s commissioners to furnish me with any evi dence in their posssssion on the points refer red to ; and 1 now transmT to von, for com- j munica.lion to the United States Government, { a copy of a despatch fom Her Majesty’s I commissioners, enclosing certified copies of] papers connected with the case of the vessel above mentioned. PALMERSTON. 11. S. Fox, Esq , &c. FOREIGN ITEMS. From Ihc tenor of the r cent foreign news j it appears that all prospect of any reform in i the corn laws by the sitting- parliament, was • entirely hopeless. On the 4'h of October, the ! Duke of Welling*-';;, fit reply to some remarks | from Lord Brougham, staled that he had no | intention of bringing forward any scheme for j their alteration. Despairing of reform by parliament, several noblemen favorable to a ! change, resolved to assume the privilege oi | asking an audience of the Queen, to present ! in person, the memorials and petitions which ; had been sent to them from various parts of the kingdom. By the advice of her ministers, this was refused. On the McLeod case some of the London papers were more bitter than ever. The London Times, an organ of the dominant par ty, leads the van in traducing and abusing the United States. A writer i:i that paper, con jecturing that there is to be a war sooner or later, proposes a plan of offensive operations, the substance of which is conveyed in the fol lowing propositions: “1. The breaking up of the Union, by de taching ihe southern states from the northern and middle states. “2. The destruction of the resources of the northern and middle states. “ Great Britain,” he adds, - should immedi ately prepare to aliy herself with the southern states, and wage war upon the resources ol the northern.” The other journals attack these propositions without mercy, as well on tiie ground of im practicability as of rascality. The Herald calls them “devilish,” and denounces their author as “ in heart a freebooter and a buc caneer.” The following is the conclusion of the Herald’s article : “ What right, we indignantly ask,has Eng land to attempt to spi t the American Union into two separate nations? To make the attempt would be a crime unparalleled in history, and unequalled in the annals of civil ized atrocities. There are but two states in either continent of America, now in the enjoy ment. of international prosperity —Imperial Brafil and the republican United States; and the proposition under consideration is, that there should in future be hut one—and this, that we may get cot r on a penny a pound cheaper; and postpone* for a few years, the rivalry of American manufactures. For such miserable advantages we are to endeavor to break up the American union, and destroy that connection between the South and the North which is admitted to be tiie great pre servative of peace between England and the republic. The proposition is, politically speaking, an absurdity ; morally considered, it is an incitement to crime ; taken in all iis phases, it is, we repeat it, devilish. - Bui if attempted to be carried into exe cution, it would he self-retaliatory. Does not patriotism whisper into the suggestor’s ear—lreland ? Has ne never heard of the threats of the traitorous repealers as to the connection between Ireland and Britain ? Does he not know of the correspondence be tween the repeal association and the Irish settlers in the United States? Andean he see no danger in the application of the detest able principle of his proposition to that portion of the British Empire? Are the Canadas, too, devoid of inhabitants sympathising with republican forms of government ? “ The dangerous folly of the proposition exceeds its wickedness. It carries with it, however, in ali probability, its own antidote; as it reckons, we must believe, entirely with out its host; and its author appears to be utterly forgetful of Mrs. Glass’s golden rule —first catch the South. “Why notice such a subject, we may be asked? Our inducement has been to vindi cate the British nation front any participation in such a scheme ; and because tiie writer has had the impudence to lay his thoughts on it before Her Majesty’s government, ard to submit the military details to the considera lion of l he authorities at the Horse guards. TII E TI M ES . The union of ihe slates, arm the. sovereign! yof die si albs COLUMBUS, NOVEMBER 25, 1841 ac:-:.'-:.’ - O j i'be continued absence of the Editor must be our apology for the lack of or ginal matter, as well as ibr a want of the usual va riety of selections, this week. It will proba bly not be necessary to repeat the apology in next number. MILLEDGEVILLE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE COLUMBUS TIMES. Milledgeville, Nov. 20ih, 1811. On Thursday evening, the 18 h instant, a meeting of the Democratic members of the Legislature was held to select candidates to fill the vacancies creat ed in the Congressional delegation by the resignations of Messrs. A’l iord, Dawson and Nisbet. The Hon. 11. G Lamar, of Bibb, acted as chairman, and F. 11. Sanford, Esq. of Milledgeville, as secretary. On the opening of the meeting, Col. John 11. Watson, a member of the House of Repre sentatives, from the county of Muscogee, mo ved that Messrs. Colquitt, Cooper and Black be selected as candidates for Congress, to be run on the first Monday in January* to fiil the vacancies aforesaid—v\ hich nomination was received with acclamation. A committee of j ten was appointed to wail on the nominees, and request ih fir concurrence in the proceedings! ot the meeting, so far as the use of their names ! was concerned. The committee retired ; and,! after a few moments’ absence, returne and i through their chairman, Cos!. J. 11. Wats m, reported that-Messrs. Colquitt and Black,! present in Milledgeville, accepted the noin-! (nation—and that Mr. Cooper, from informa tion in possession of the committee, would consent to the use of his name. Mr. Colquitt then addressed the meeting, in an appropriate and effective speech, de claring his firm conviction of the correctness of the principles of the Democratic party, ant! his unalterable determination to sustain them. He was succeeded by Mr. Black, who avowed the same principles, and the same line of po litical conduct. Both speeches toiu well, and were calculated to infuse a proper spirit into all sincerely attached to the welfare and suc cess cf the present dominant party in Georgia. These proceedings terminated, Stephen D. Crane, Esq, a member of the Legislature from the county of Lumpkin, introduced a resolu tion to the etfect that a meeting of the De j ® j mocratie rnemoers of the Legislature, and of j such individuals as may he selected by coun-j ties not represented in the Legislature by De mocratie members—be hold on the 29th day cf this instant to nominate a Congressional ticket to be run on the first Monday in October next This resolution was opposed, in my opinion very properly by Mr. Howard, of Muscogee, {and Mr. Hughes, of Randolph—who argued j that no necessity existed for a nomination thus j early—that no inconsiderable portion of the Democratic partyot the State would be wholly | unrepresented in a Convention to be held at so early a day—and tint the ensuing winter and spring might deveiope events, anti a course of political conduct on the part of the Whigs requiring corresponding action on the part of the Democrats. Any delay beyond the period fixed in the resolution was opposed by Gen. Wofford, of Habersham—Gen. Echols/ f Wal ton—Mr. Cone, of Bulloch—and by the mover, Mr. Crane, of 1 umpkin—and before the ad journment the resolution was adopted. A resolut ; on was introduced by Col. Al exander McDougahl, the Senator from Mu.vJ cogee, providing that a committee of one from each Judicial Circuit be appointed to draft an Address to the people of Georgia, setting forth the principles and action of the Demo cratic party of this State, which address shall be submitted for adoption to a meeting of the Democratic members of the legislature at the close of the present session. This resolution was adopted, and time taken by the chairman todesigna e the committee. I am extremely happy to inform you that great unanimity prevailed among our political friends as to the propriety of placing in nomi nation for the vacancies on the Congressional ticket, those gentlemen who had been sacri ficed for an adherence to opinions, which at the period of the nomination of Gen. Harrison for the Presidency, are confidently believed to have been entertained by a decided majority of the people of Georgia. Almost every member of our party, present here, seemed to think it was due to Messrs. Colquitt, Cooper and Black to place them again before the people, that, in the event ol their success, they might be enabled to show to the country the injus tice of the persecution which had been waged against them—and that, in their political course, they did not misrepresent the opinions or wishes of the people of Georgia—when the absence of party zeal and of personal antipathy would suffer the lull and free expression of those opinions and wishes. The gentlemen selected are, besides, men of talents—of striking and efficient talents— and the Democratic party owes it to itself, and to the best interests of the State, to make ev ery proper and honorable exertion to secure their success. The Stale is decidedly opposed to the measures of the Whig party, as exhibi ted at the late extra session of Congress, and union, judgement and efficiency in the move ments of the Democrats must place their prin ciples on a sure and sialfie foundation. A bill has passed the House of Representa tives authorising the emission by the Central Bank, of notes of the denomination of one and two dollars, to ihe amount of $390,000 —to be issued only in the redemption of notes of the same Bank, of larger sum's. Ii increases not a dollar the circulation of the Central Bank. The bill as at. first introduced into the House of Representatives by Mr. Hull, of Clark; au thorised a similar course on the p'aft of the Central Bank, and permitting all specie paying Banks in the State to issue small notes to the amount of 3 per cent, on their capital. The permission was restricted to the Central Bank, on motion of Mr. Howard, of Muscogee. A reconsideration was moved, this morning, in 1 the House by Mr. Crane, of Lumpkin, with the view of reinstating the clause of the hill extending the permission to all specie paying Banks, and that had been stricken out on the suggestion of the member from Muscogee.— The reconsideration was refused by a decis ive vote. The bill will undoubtedly pass ihe Senate, and become a law. Two objects will he attained in givingau thonty to the Central Bank to issue small notes—it is contended by the advocates of the measure. Jt will expel from circulation, to j some extent, the change bills issued by village corporations ana individuals, and substitute notes which can be used as change in every part of the Siate—and it will increase to the i extent of $300,000 the ability of the Central | Bank to relieve ils liabilities —because these I notes, under the denomination of rive dollars, I will h ? in such demand in the present neces sity of specie change, and pass so rapidly from hand to iidnd, that the Bank will not be called on to redeem them in coin--and thereby bet ter be enabled to recover from its present crip pled condition; The House of Representatives has refused, to day, to repeal the resolutions against Pri ! vate Banking. The Senate, after ail animated debate, has ; decided to day tosell the stock owned by the State in private Banks, and place the proceeds in the Central Bank to be applied to tiie !?- demption of its notes. The sale is to be mu.do by the President and Directors of the Ctvt ral Bank, with the approbation of the Governor. The terms of sale are not prescribed. A dis cretionary power is given. The chief ground taken against the sale of the stock owned by the State in private Banks was that, by an act of the Legislature of 1838, this stock was pledged to Reed, Irving & Cos., of London, to reimburse them tor moneys advanced to the agent of the State of Georgia, Major Joel Crawford. The Senator from Muscogee has introduced a bill giving all persons employed on Steam boats on the Chattahoochee river a lien on said boats to the amount of their pay. A bill has been introduced into the House, and read the first time, giving specific taxing powers to the City Council of Columbus. It provides, amongother things, that if any keeper of a billiard room, or of a ten pm ally, shall refuse to give in and pay his tax, he shall le subject to indictment for a misdemeanor, and punished by fine and Imprisonment. The law commonly known a the 4 per cent, law has been repealed by the Legisla ture—as also so much of the resumption law of last session as excepted Banks from the demands of one another, and of brokers. Family Companion and Ladies’ Mirror. —The following notice of this Magazine,taken from the Enquirer of yesterday, will probably meet the views of all who have ever seen the work, and will recommend it to those who have been slow to subscribe. We acknowledge with pleasure the receipt of the second number of this new and delight ful publication. The excellence of the first number elicited our admiration, and excited some surprise too, that so good a work should have made its appearance before the public, accompanied with so little noise.. But this j number surpasses the former as far as that one 1 did our exnectations, and that was no little. It is but faint pra se indeed to say of if, that j it is not excelled by any publication of the kind in the countjy. The contributions are varied, and combine ta!en% taste, and amusement. We should be glad to give a critical notice of its contents, but have neither time nor space at present, Our fair readers however must not take our word in relation to ihe merits of this “.Mirror,” but to do themselves justice they must send for it and read it themselves. We bespeak for it a liberal support among our Southern ladies. Flease except from the commendation of the contributions, an article headed “Tho Deed of Gift,” by Samuel Woodworth. It is a thing of shreds and patches from about eve ry tale ho ever wrote, and is “ mighty no ac count,”