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Fina li U C I li.tlUliFT LAW MfCUI-IXO. Fir* rxU2tac£*~-A corollarx —and one REMARK. Messrs. Editors : Subjoined I furnish you a report of the proceedings at a meeting ot a number of’the citizens of Muscogee, avowed ly, or professedly opposed u the general ** Bankrupt Law” ol the late Extra Session of Congress. It was convened without respect to old party distinctions. So we understand tle meeting at Macon,/" svoraUe to that law was assembled. Placards had teen posted during the day, to wit: on the 17th utnl., at the in stance and request ol a very worthy and uui versally respected citizen, who though never a violent partisan, was, nevertheless, a firm supporter ol the whig cause. A*haJf jwst 7 o’clock, P. M., a numlier of the (Slizens, of iboth parlies—in all, about 150—were in at tendance at the Council Chamber: of these, .two thirds we suppose were whigs, the residue •democrats. y At first, there existed a universal suspense, l and all were looking and enquiring for the of the meeting. No one appearing to ‘■assume the responsibility of a mover, Mr. PQuin, a gentleman of ready wit, much hu jtnor and fluency of speech, rose and relieved Lihe bystanders of the embarrassment which fa I Qdt. He adverted to the awkwardness put position that each one flit the meeting itoJK in, in a manner and style that command ftjf attention. He then moved that Doctor PfMtey take the chair; thia was agreed to VFfihout objection, Doct. Hoxey advanced to the chair, and remarked, that he had some doohts whether he would be a suitable person to preside. He had called, it was true, as an opponent ol the bill in question, in some of its features at least; but that he believed he could yield his objec tions rather than give up the hill. There be ing still no objection to his taking the chair, he acquiesced. Mr. das. Kellogg was requested to act as Secretary. Time was now afforded and opportunity given for any one, who desired, to submit propositions. The mover of the meeting still did not appear. Mr. Quin again rose, and addressed the meeting with much emphasis and point, against the propriety of calling meetings, when the mover of them “ had not the pluck” to shew him-elf and “ stand up lo •<.” He litre dealt with severity, and men passing from this topic, entered upon the sub ject of the Bankrupt Law. with earnestness and warmth: confessing his previous commit tal to the bill; but declaring iiis ignorance of certarn obnoxious provisions in it, which be ing ascertained, had caused him to oppose it with all his power. He iiopeJ he would be forgiven for his previous support of it, and felt assured he would not be punished for it hereafter, lor he had heartily repented. The f ature that ma nly had elicited his opposi ion wag this, (he said) as he understood the law. That it was not applicable lo men of small means; since no man could have the benefit of it unless he was able to owe some SSOO in all. There are many of the most honest tra ders whose capacity did uot reach to this.— He understood the law was designed to re lieve honest but unfortunate debtors. By ex cluding all dealers below (he capacity of these sums, the law seemed to him to go upon the principle that none we<e honest but hose who were able to owe a large amount—where as, he was of opinion that, in times like ihe present, the less a man owed, the more honest he was. ( This sentiment was followed with loud applause ) Mr. Kemiiih McKenzie now entered the Hall, and addressed the meeting. He regret ted that he was not able to appear sooner, particularly, that he might have heard all that the gentleman said, who had just taken his seat. He would inform him, unequivocally , that he was the individual who called the meeting, an ! was not ashamed nor a I’aid to • vow it. He saw no just liable cause for the very harsh rematks the gentleman had thought proper to make. He presumed this was a meeting of citizens opposed to the Bankrupt Law of Congress, and if so, they understood the object for which they had con vened, and could now proceed wi h it. Mr. Quin here rose, and in a becoming manner, said lie regretted that he had noi known that the call of the meeting came from • source so mueh entitled to the respect of all. If lie had, he certainly would have with held many of the remarks he had made. Our honorable and worthy citizen, Mr. John Bethuue, senior, rose and expressed his opposition to the law as to some of its parts, but believed that with certain amendments, it might boa good law, and become a blessing to the country. Mr. Jos. B Greene moved an adjournment tine die, which was put, and decided to be lost by the chair. Doubting, the mover mod ified the motion to au adjournment till “ to morrow night.” Mr. McKenzie now moved the appointment of a committee to report on tommrow night, and requested Mr. Mark A. Cooper to say something. Mr. Cooper raid he fame there not to speak, but to hear what his fellow citizens had to say: not to express his sentiments, hut to hear expressed, the opinions of otiieis There was now a motion lo adjourn. This, he said, is an assemblage of citizens of all parties avowedly to manifest their opposition to the Bankrupt Law of the late Extra Ses sion of Congress. For himself he would not hesitate to affirm here , what briefly he had expressed in another form. That he consid ered this to he one of the worst laws, in its practical effects which Congress had ever passed, and he doubted not that even the present supporters of it would realise it in less than ten years. To adjourn without carrying out the object of the meeting, would seem to him to be idle, and their coming here, toe turned into a mat ter of ridicule. It therefore was incumbent on those who moved the adjournment, to as ■igo some reason or purpose of the adjourn ment. Mr. Greene said his motion was not t> ad j turn sine die but, till tomorrow night. The chair submitted the motion to adjourn, and was announced to he decidedly lost. Mr. McKenzie again moved a committee. Dr. Chipiey moved to adjourn over till the 2nd Monday in January, and, said he, I will state a reason. It is this: it has been assert ed, and is believed, that this meeting was de signed for party effect. Many who are op posed to this Bankrupt Law, may be kept away on this account. If the meeting shoulf be adjourned till then, these will a tend and express their views. lie therefore.moved the postponement. Mr. McKenzie rose and said, 4 can inform the gentleman that I only am responsible lor ttiy .cad of the meeting, and he may depend op jl, there are no party views in it. That it the meeting was postponed till llte day pro Ksed, it would never be convened again. is object was to express his opinions, and that ihe meeting should invite simila meeiiujrs in all the counties, that public >pui iou might be echoed hack to Congress before tfie first day of February nexq wheu the law is ryade to take effect. From the second M“uday in January would be too short a time. Mr Cooper rose, and said he felt called on by ttie remarks of the geutleoian, iut|>uii;ig party'>bjeels to.the meeting, in say a word or lwo more. Recent occurrences—his presence here—his present relation to his fellow citizens fact that he had been requested by the mover of ihe meeting, to say something, ad ded to the fact that various persons unknown so him within tlie crowd had called him out, atl made it necessary and proper for him to ajieak to the imputation. He said he enuld assure all concerned. m It's ha 1 no h ind in getting up the meeting, and knew not of it until this after noon; and probably should not have attend ed, but that it was suggested by several that it was proper he should do so. From ttie appearances, it would seem s range to him that the sheeting could have been tor party purposes. As to the postponement he could assure the gentleman who moved it, that lie woulii go wan him for the reasons lie had assigned, to wit : to increase and strengthen the nppo ut.itis of Hus law—and would voie with him, hot he lett it would be disrespectful lo the wmthy gentleman who had invited us here, to a. j uirn belore acting on any proposition he had offered or might stand ready to sub mit; that much in courtesy was due to him. As to any effect winch it might be expect ed tins postponement would ave on himulf or the party ne was attached to, gentlemen hi.ght sojourn this meeting over lo the Day ol Judgrineut. Jle would observe, however, that there had been called a meeling recently at Macon, pro bably without reference to party, which it was deemed inportaui not to adjourn over to the second Monday in January; on the eon trary, it was deemed highly impoitant to act belore the first Monday hi January next. That was a meeting of citizens in favor of this Bankrupt Lair, and without resptet to party. Why the credit of sincerity should be given to tlte prolessions of the Macon meeting, which is denied to this, was not lew; him to explain. He would as ure the gentleman who mov ed the postponement, further—that if a party io tvhio i he may at any time belong, con and be made to depend ujxm the postponement of this meeting or the getting up of the same, at this time, lie would not turn on his heel for such a party. For mere party, irrespect ive of the measures it may adopt he had a most sovereign contempt. (These latter sen timents were warmly responded to.) Doct. Chipiey here replied, that alter llte assurance ol the gentleman before him, he now believed there were no party views in the meeting; still it had been surmised, and some believed it, and would slay away; there fore he moved the postponement. The motion for postponement to the sec ond Monday was then put and carried; after which the meeting was adjourned according <y- A few rematks, Missrs. Editors, and I will take my leave : Observe then, there is a public meeting ol persons opposed to this Bankrupt One hundred and fifty in number at Columh s Ga., a iarge majority of them are wings: the residue are democrats. The mover was a whig—the chairman was a whig—the mo ver of the postponement a chief whig leader; they sojourned over to the stcond Monday in January next. The reason assigned for this is, that increased opposite n may be ex piessed to the Bankrupt Law after the fiist Monday in January. Now ro.. the inferences. —Ist. Musco gee is decidedly opposed to this Bankrupt Laic, and would iuvite h r sister counties, to g > and do likewise. 2nd inference. She is prepared to reverse the action of the Extra Session on it. 3d inference. A large and highly respecta ble portion ol the whig party of Georgia in tend to oppose this law ; die democrats, ditto. 4di Inference. This large and respectable portion of the whig party of Georgia would mn postpone this question to the second Mon day hi January if it were uot for party ef fect.” slh Inference. Party, mere party is non sense, and a curse to any country. Corollary. —The Argus was right when it said last week “ the people of Georgia are opposed to that law.” Remark. —The effort of Mr. McKenzie was one ol uncommon virtue and good sense because it rose superior to paity,and tend ed to point the people to the only true and proper criterion of political voting and legis lating. The first, according to the measures you wish enacted, and the second, according to the expressed <>r known will of the consti tuent, reflected by the real and smceie opin ion of the representative. Ve-v ri‘sne<; fullv. I subscribe self, A FRIEND TO M. KENZiE’S EFFORT. Encouraging Information. —A proposition will be very early introduced to repeal the Distribution Act, and will be likely to suc ceed. The result of the elections, the failure of the scheme to prop the credit of the in debted States, and the small income from tin* lands during the past year—only $1,700,000 —and, more than all, the decaying influence ol Mr. Clay, may induce a majority of Con gress either to repeal the act, or so to modify it as to confine its operation to a surplus reve nue, wht never one may accrue.—Washing ton Cor. of N. Y. Eve. Post. From the Macon (Ga ) Telegraph. MILLEDGEVILLE, Dl C. 9 1841. iVm B Cone , Eq., and. others, Cammittee * Gentlemen — 1 seize ihe first leisure mo ment which the adjournment of the Legisla ture presents, iC reply to an interrogatory propounded to me by the citizens ol Macon, relative to my opinion of the Bankrupt Law, passed by the present Congress at its late extra session. There can be no doubt of the constitutional power of Congress to pass'such a law. Theß;h section of the Ist article of that instrument confers on the federal legis lature the power to establish “ uniform laws on the subject of bankrup'cies ihroughoutthe United States.” The authority, therefore, to pass the Bankrupt Law is clear ami un doubted: but whether it was wise or expedi ent to exercise the pow er, or whether the de tails of the-bill w r ere such as the people ol Georgia would approve, are questions which every man may determine for himself. It is some time since 1 read the law to which you refer, and as I have no copy of it before me, 1 can only speak of it from recol lection. My impression at present is, that the details of the bill are objectionable on several grounds. The whole character of a bankrupt law is calculated to retard and re press the beneficial and humane provisions ot our own State insolvent law*?, and although they may be technically separated, yet, the operations of the one may, in many instances, supersede in some degree the relief provided for in the other. I object, too, to the incon venience to which the citizen w ould be put it compelled to resort to this act for re ief. In stead of going to the Courthouse of his own county, to take the benefit of its provisions, he would, in all probability,be required to attend at a point remote from his residence, which to a man who is truly and really insolvent, would amount almost to a denial of relief. The bill, if I mistake not, provides not only for voluntary, but also for what is called in voluntary bankruptcy, and consequently in stead of offering alone a means of relief to the poor and unfortunate debtor, opens a door through which the unfeeling and importunate creditor may harrass and oppress a man whose only fault may he a present inability to pay. When we remember the heavy load of debt which hangs over the great mass of our people, and which is attributable to any cause rather than to their dishonesty a improvidence, I should be extremely reluc tant to retain without modification upon our statute book, an ae\ by the details of w hich, an honest but unfortunate debtor might been forced to a bankruptcy, which a little lenience might have enabled him to avoid. The Bankrupt Law shouid have offered to “ securities and endorsers,” the same relief afforded to |l>e principal debtor, and his dis charge, in my opinion should, ipso facto, have obliterated the debt as to them, unless they had otherwise consented in writing; and it should have been so framed, as not to have operated a repeal of any State law upon the same subject, or which exettu**ed any goods and cliattel* from attachment and execution. ‘1 hese provisions were severaliy sought by Mr.Payne, of Alabama, and Mr. Clifford, of Maine, to be engrafted by way of amendment upon the bill, but were rejec ed. I should have voted for these amendments if I had been at that time in Congress; the rejection of lhem, together with the objections to which 1 have referred above, are such, as to induce me to believe that the Bankrupt Law, as it at present st nds, is inconvenient and unequal iL its provisions, and capable of being made much less objectionable to the people ot Georgia than I conceive it at present to be. Your obedient servant, EDWARD J. BLACK. The following letter from Edward J. Black,’ places in its proper light his position, ami ; that of his democratic friends in the Senate, in relation to the printing of the documents and papers relating to the Trezv&nt claim.— Constitutionalist. • Senate Chamber, Milledgevillf, December 4, 1841. Dear Sir—Y'our favor of the 2d inst. with the newspaper, were duly received, and your statement of what you supposed was the sub stance of my observations on the Trezvant era: is entirely correct. The committee to whom that case had been referred, presented tithe Senate a volumi aus document con taining what was 6aid to he the evidence and argument of the claim. A motion was made to print it. I opposed the motion to print, because w-e had no money which at this par ticular juncture we could afford to spend in that way. The State’s treasury is not redun dant—on the other hand we are in debt, w.th ample resources, however, to pay every dol lar vve owe, if time and a little forbearance are allowed to render our means available, more especially if those who control the legislation of the State will refrain from making any other appropriations of money than such as are absolutely necessary to answer the lately reduced expenses of the government, and to maintain the credit of the State. To effect this desirable object, it is indispensable to hus band our resources, in order to avoid the ne cessity of ultimately burdening the people with a heavy tax to meet engagements with a proper regard to frugality and which economy might be fully and honestly met without ap pealing to t ie dernier resort of taxation. I said vve were not able to pay this claim at tlfs time, even if it be a just one. Os the merits of the claim I knew nothing, and there fore declared positively and distinctly to the Senate that I would not now either recognise, o.‘ deny its validity. It rnigh', or it might not ne just, but even if it w ere a just claim, vve could not pay it at this time, simply because v e were not able. Whenever vve were able to pay, I would be willing to print the argu ment and evidence of the claim; and if, upon mature deliberation, it was found to be a just one, I would give my vote lo pay it. r. Smith, of Camden,replied that he would pay it, if found to be just, even if he had to tax his constituents to the last dollar to raise the means. I rejoined, that I was not willing to tax my constituents “so the last dollar ” for any purpose, but I had no doubt the Smte would work ou’ < f her difficulties, and then, if the Trezvant claim, *r any other demand against the Btale, was found to be correct, I would be the last man to object to paying it. But until that period arrived, I hold it to be a waste of tune and money to print a voluminous docu mjnt, upon which in our present pecuniary situation, we were wholly unable to act, either negatively or affirmatively. The above is substantially a true account of what occurred in the Senate relative to the Trezvant ciaim, at least so far as I am con < erned, and I give it not with the hope or pur p >se of convincing the heated conductors of partiz in presses of tire injustice that has been done me by tin* garbled statement,tha I would oppose th s claim “even if it be a just one but to show to the honest and unprejudiced, of all parties, that the attrek thus insidiously made upt n ihe democratic part}', through a misrepresentation of my position, is founded neither in truth or in fact. I would not trouble you with this letter if our friends here did not deem it proper I snould correct the error into which the unsuspecting might fall from the extract lately published in the Augusta Chronicle from the columns of the Richmond Whig. Therefore, for the purpose of doing justice to our friends in the Sena e who thought proper to vote witli me against the motion to print, and to place my self right before the public, I request that you will publish what I have written, that the correction of the error may be co-extensive with its promulgation Yours very trul,r, ED. J. BLACK. OFFICERS OF THE U. S. BANK. In the Philadelphia Daily Chronicle of the 15th inst., we find the following presentments of the grand jury of the courts of Philadel phia, against the officers of the U. S. Bank: 1 0 THE HON. COURT OF GENERAL SESSIONS : The grand jury for the county of Phitadel pliia respectfully admit to the court on their solemn oaths and affirmation, the following statement of their proceedings : On the 12th day of November, 1841, a pa per containing charges of a criminal nature against certain individuals, and which is here to annexed, marked 8., was presented to the Grand Inquest now inquiring for the county of Philadelphia, by a responsible citizen, w ho pledges himself to make good his charges, aid be the prosecutor. An accusation, com ing in such a shape, the grand jury lelt it to be an imperative duty to investigaie. Sub ptunas were issued lor all the persons named as witnesses by the person making the accu sation, and for such others wffio, in the course of examination, was found to be cognizant of any material facts having relation to the charge. A full and searching enquiry has been in stituted, and the deliberate opinion of the grand jury is, that certain officers connected wnh the United States Bank, have been guil ty of a gross viol ition of the law’ ; colluding together to defraud those stockholders who had trusted their ail to be preserved by them. And that there is good grounds to warrant a prosecution of such persons for serious crirn mal offences, which the grand jury do now present to the court, and ask that the attorney general be directed to send up for the action of the grand jury, bills of indictment against First—Nicholas Biddle. Bomuel Jaudon, John Andrews and others, (to the jury un known) for entering into a conspiracy to de fraud the stockholders of the Bank of the United 8t ites, of the sums of $400,000, in the year 1836- And endeavoring to conceal the same by a fraudulent and illegal entry in 1841- To sustain the above—Endorse—Austin Montgomery, Capt. Henry Mallory, Henry Horn ; as accusers, Moses Kempton, Edward Coles, J. S. Newbold, Joshua Lippencot, Jon athan Patterson, Thomas Taylor and William Drayton, as witnesses. The grand jury on their solemn oaths and affirmations, do farther ask that a bill of in dictment may be sent to them against—sec ond. Nicholas Biddle, Joseph Cowperthvyaite, Thom is Dunlap and others, (to the jury un known) for entering into a conspiracy to de fraud, 6l c. the stockholders of the Bank of the United States during the years of 1833- 7,8, 9, and ’4O, by which the stockholders have been defrauded out of a sum or sums of money exceeding $300,000. To sustain th ; s bill—endorse the same ac cusers as in the first case—as witnesses, Mo ses Kempton, Edward Cole, James S. New bold, Joshua Lippincott, Jonathan Patterson, T’hos Taylor, William Drayton, Joseph Cab ot, Rodney Fisher, Richard Price, and Geo. Handy. The grand jury, on their solemn oaths and affirmations, do farther ask for a bill of indict ment. rm-’ - • Alevandcr Lardner, Thomas Dlinlap, Richard Price, Law ience Lew is, and George Handy, and others, (to the jury un known) for feloniously. &c. conspiring to cheat and defraud the stockholders of the United States Bulk of Pennsylvania, of the sum or sums of about $130,000, in the year JB4O. To sustain this charge, the same accusers as on the others. And as witnesses, Moses Kempton, Edward Coles, James S. Newbold, Joshua Lippencot, Jonathan Patterson, and | Thomas Taylor. The grand jury wrnuld also inform the court j that this (the jury) have before them another | subject of much importance, and which in j volves a misdemeanor of the gravest charac ; ter, as committed by a magistrate of the [Southwark, whose duty it is to pro’ect the j citizens and their property, instead of conni iving with buroiars and thieves; taking the [money that they had sto en, and then allow ; ing them to escape justice, and to prey again I upon the community. With respects, &c. “f. H. TOWN, Foreman, Grand Jury Room, Dec. 10 )Btl. 1 FTTER (B.) I charge Nicholas Biddle. Joseph Cou’perth j vvaite, Thomas Dunlap, Samuel Jaudon, and | John Andrews, with fraud and theft, in taking i and using for their own benefit and accommo dating their friends, the money belonging to the stockholders of the United States Bank, which they were liberally paid to guard and not to abuse; my proof is, the report of the investigating committee, made to the stock holders in April, 1841. As to the above being a breach of trust ! only ; ’tis not so; ’tis too idle and insulting to i be pre'euded or entertained for one moment, [away with it then and forever—these men ; were servants, and paid for their services, so | are your family domestics to whom yon give in charge your plate, and othfr valuables. ! But if they appropriate it, or them, to them j selves, they are, unhesitatingly charged with, i and proceeded against as for theft, and why j not N. Biddle and the rest. AUSTIN MONTGOMERY. On motion of the attorney general, the court directed ben h warrants to be issued for the persons presented. In reference to the above charges the edi tors of the Chronicle comment as follows: The Presentment of the Grand Jury There was quite an excitement in the court of general sessions yesterday morning, incon sequence of a rumor being prevalent that the court w r ere about to take so/ne action in the matter of the presentment of the prand jury against certain officers of the United States Bank. The court sat in bank. The : rand jury were sent fur, and upon their coming in to court the presentment was read and filed. It charges Nicholas Biddle, Samuel Jaudon, John Andrews, and others with conspiracy to cheat and defraud the widows, orphans, and others, the stockholders of the United States Bank, of various sums, and wiih endeavoring to conceal the same by illegal and fraudulent entries in the books of the said institution. These are grave and-e’ ious charges. Tha/ fraud and peculation have characterised the doings of the ex-officers of the United States Bank, no one can deny. The proofs are be fore the world. They are to be found in the report of the investigating committee of April, 1841. That the officers mentioned in the presentment were cognizant of these frauds, is placed beyond a doubt. The grand jury must have had good and sufficient evidence before them, or they would have made these charges. They have pro claimed to the world the names of the accu sets and the names of the witnesses—they have shrunk from no responsibility in this mat ter, and we think they are justly entitled to the thanks of the community for the bold and decisive s:ep which they have taken. It is said that a wrong known is a wrong deceas ed. ‘Hie grand ju y have made the wrong known, let me law officers of the common wealth do their duty, and bring the wrongers to justice. We however, fear that the wealth and influence of the parties accused, will prevent their ever being brought within the pale of the law. This should not be. VVe have heard but one opinion expressed in re lation to the matter, and that is in commend ation of the spirit and energy displayed by the grand jury. Surprise has been manifest ed by many, that the presentment should have been in the hands of the court from Saturday until yesterday, without their mov ing in the matter, it is said that the parties accused have had, if not official notice, at least semi-official notice, and if they had chosen to decamp, they might w i’.h impunity. Only two of them answered by their attorneys, when their names were called. VVe are sorry to see the President Judge and one of his Asso ciates, take a stand in opposition to the step which the grand jury have taken in this mat ter, and to the almost unanimous wish of ihe community. Judge Barton, we know, has exp-essed it as his opinion from the bench, on more occasions than one, that the grand juries had, and ex ercised too much power, and th s opinion was reiterated in a remark yesterday morning, at the time the presentment was made. We have been, and are still, much of the Judge’s way of thinking upon the subject, but must differ with him as it regards the present case. The Presentment Case. This case came up tor consideration yesterday, before the General Sessions, on the motion to quash the paper submitted by the grand jury. He gave his reasons in detail, and stated various objections. A question w’as raised, w’hether the paper shouid be considered a presentment or a biil of indictment, on which point the at torney general spoke for some time. All the parlies presented, are now represented by at torneys, except Mr. Cow’perthw’aile, against whom a bench w’anant lias been issued. It is likely that this matter will occupy the at tention of the court for some days. The Philadelphia Gazette states that the parties presented, are represented by counsel, as ful iovvs: For Nicholas Biddle —John M. Read, Esq. For John Andrews—H. M. Philips, Esq. For Richard Price—Eli K. Price, Esq., \\ d liain M. Meredith, Esq. For Samuel Jaudon and Law rence Lewis —John Cadivallade r , Esq. For Alexander Lardner, George Ilandy and Thomas Dunlap—ll. J. Williams, E<q. Philadelphia Inquirer, 16di inst. The Ladv in Black —A few* days ago, a merchant of this city was presented with a note, payable at sigiit to the bearer of it, who was a lady dressed in black ; but being rather dubious as to its correctness, he stopped is payment and instituted au inquiry. The re sult of the investigation was the arrest of the lady in black- On Monday last, she was brought to recorder Baldwin’s private office for examination; but his Honor having oc casion to go down stairs, he turned the key in the lock, and when he returned agajn he found that the bird had flown —she having made her escape by jumping out of the sec ond story window, a distance of some ten or twelve feet from the pavement. She was ar rested a few hours aiterwards, however, and yesterday morning, under the name of Ellen Perkins, and a half dozen aliases, she made her appearance before recorder Baldwin, char ged r ith having forged the following dratts : One for SIOO, drawn by David Moore, ot Tuscaloosa, m favor of Mrs. Harr.et Moore, on Martin, Pleasants & Cos. which was paid on the 271 h of October last. One lor SIOO, drawn by C. Conner, of Nashville m favor of Eden Perkins, on Gal braith, Logan &, Cos. This note on being shown to Mr. Conner, was pronounced a for gery. One for SSO, drawn by John B. Hogan of Mobile, m favor of Mrs. Mary Vincent, on Gardner, Sager & Cos., w’hich was paid. She was remanded to prison ior further ex amination, as there are several affidavits to be made against her, and bound over to ap- jiear at the Criminal Court in the sum of §IOOO, on each indictment. This is lhe same lady who tried to obtain §•>o from the captain of the steamer Express Mail, on a draft purporting to have been drawn by Birney Marshall of Louisville, Ky. And last though not least, one of the charges against her, is that of being a fugitive trom justice, she having forfeited her bonds tlj ap pear at the Criminal Couri last summer. IS. O. Crescenl U llV; THE T iMES. COLUMBUS, DECEMBER 30, 1841 FOR CONGRESS, WALTER T. COLQUITT, EDWARD J. BLACK, MARK A. COOPER. THE CONGRESSIONAL ELECTION. It is hardly necessary, we presume, to ap prise our readers that, on Monday next, an election is to be held throughout this State, for members of Congress, to supply the va cancies occasioned by the resignations of Messrs. Alford, Dawson and Nisbet. It is equally well known that the Democrats have, with great unanimity, selected as candidates for these vacancies, Messrs. Colquitt, Cooper, and Black—gentlemen of talent, integrity, and political weight—while their opponents have, we dare say with equal unanimity, se lected Messrs. Dougherty, Gilmer and Wright “to go to the head of the column, and bear up the standard of Whig principles.” These gentlemen* in connection’ with the quotation just made, revive singular reminiscence-:, to which, perhaps, it may not be inopportune to allude at this particular’ moment. There is, we believe, at this late period, very little dif ference of opinion among the intelligent men of either political party, as to the real causes which produced a change of administration, substituting General Harrison for Mr. Van’ Buren. While some of the Ifarrison merVof the South contend that the establishment of a Bank was.the cardinal question in the contest of 1840 —and others in the same, section g no farther than to assertJhat a reformatimrof nameless and indefinable abuses, and the in troduction of the rnillenium, were the specific matters involved, and upon which the political war was waged—the Northern portion of the same party avow that the protection of do mestic industry was one o', if not the princi pal object expected to be accomplished by the substitution of anew administration. These different purposes and designs, all involved, to a greater or less extent, in the progress and termination of the political campaign ot 1840, seem yet to be tolerated, at least by the Whig party in Georgia, in all their original length and breadth. Here, fealty to the par y—the preservation of its integrity—adherence to its local policy, and union in all necessary measures to maintain Slate ascendancy,consti tute an acceptable member of the Wiiig par ty, irrespective altogether of any and every opinion connected with national politics—say ing and excepting only that you must swear eternal opposition to Mr. Van Buren, and the prominent men who were connected with him in the administration of the general govern ment. To this day we do not understand this feature or characteristic of the Whig party of Georgia, to be materially changed. And as an e\ idence (f the variant character of the purposes and de gns of this party, and of their existence in this State in their great est latitude —it is hut necessarv to direct pub lic attention to the political principles of the gen'lenten now the candidates of the Whig party for the vacant seats in Congress. We have not aught to say against these gentlemen in any other than a political point of view. As difference of opinion constitutes, in our eye, no crime ; and as we have never known a cause promoted by the employment of personal obloquy, we shall, in nowise, imi tate the example of the Whig press, or at least of some portion of it, by dealing in coarse abuse, as vulgar and as violent as it is unmer ited. Mr. Gilmer and Mr. Dougherty are known to the people of Georgia—as well from the possession of more than ordinary talents, as by having discharged, with ability and honor, the duties of some of the most important of fices of the state. Os Mr. Wright, the third candidate, less is known; arising, it is said, from his youth and his political inexperience. Suffice it to say, Messrs. Gilmer, Dougherty and Wright are highly respectable gentlemen, and worthy and efficient members of the Whig party —as that party is now constituted But our objection to them, and, as a matter of course, to their election, rests wholly on po it ical grounds, and these we shall briefly state } contrasting them with the qualifications, polit ically, of their opponents. What are the opinions of Messrs. Dougherty and YVright? The first is under stood, and ive learn this impression is derived from undoubted sources, to be opposed to a Bank of the Unite! States—to the Bank rupt Law —to the distribution of the Public Lands among the stales, and indeed to almost every act of the late extra session of Con gress—yet he is an acceptable member of the Whig party, because he is in favor of pre-er ving the integrity, or rather the supremacy of that party in the state, and was a violent op ponent of the late administration. Mr. Dough erty, on the contrary, has, we believe, com mitted no opinions to paper, respecting the prominent topics of political consideration at the present moment -yet an impression is prevalent tha*, in matters of national concern, he is not so thoroughly marked in his opinions and predilections as iMr. G'iiner, while he is equal y devoted to li’ts party in the stale, and was equally hostile to the administration ol Mr. Van Buren. YV® learn tne W lii*r press ti M V* is ev. •; worthy of tho c- • ! >f ‘ hat y and that, in opin ry inch a Whig. It will not be ve presume., ’ t•’ people of Georj is; • i1 do :iov entertain, distinc ‘ * •>’ of the questions tt.una interns’ . : now the subject: f c-.-n-- •'oration; a: and tnat these opinions an nowise approoatory of the principal acts of the present administration, since its elevation to power, is a matter, wc think, quite as distinctly ascertained. How,, then, can the p ople of Georgia mos’ effectu-! ally give effect to their peculiar views of pun-j lie affairs, and secure the adoption of these views J Bv the election of Mr. Gilmer, Mr. i Dougherty, or Mr. Wright, even although one or afi of these gentlemen, in whole or in part, entertain opinions held by a majority of’ the people of this far trom it. These gentlemen were all in strumental in giving the electoral vote of Geoigia to General Harrison, and, by conse quence, in fastening upon the country these i highly objectionable measures. If elected to i Congress, as members of Congress how can they do otherwise than support the men, if not the measures of the Whig administration! And how are these objectionable measures i adopted, but by promoting, in the first inski nee. to influential stations the advocates, the sup- j porters of them ? To what leniency, to what : forbearance, :s a southern member of Congress entitled from his constituents, when lie avows j his inability to thwart the pernicious acts ol ; men, whom he has been himself instrumental in raising to power , with a full knowledge of \ their precious political opinions ami acts! —; You must go to the root of the evil, if you i expect to administer an effectual remedy- You must select men, whom you know must necessarily exercise a controlling influence in | public tfftairs, with a special eye to their par- j ticular opinions on all cardinal points, and not “ with a feeling akin to generous confidence.” Mr. Gilmer particularly, or Mr Dougherty, or Mr. Wright may condemn many of the j measures of the Whig administration, yet had they, or either of them, any assurance previous to the election that, these measures would not be urged ! On the contrary, must they not have seen from the political complex, ion of the prominent and especial advocates of Gen. Harrison at the North and West, tint, in the conduct of the government, the pecu liar opinions of the South would be altogether subor-Jinaie—yet personal antipathy ai.d local considerations induced them to overlook tbh consequences of the step they were taking. Are such men safe politicians —statesmen to whom ought to be entrusted* at ti e present juncture, the manageinent of our po itical al fairs, “vVho hug the substance, while thev fight the shadow”/ Where now, even a* tins early day m the history of a Whig AtSoinis t ration, does all honorable member of Congress from this State* who daclaHed’ that lie “ wad with his party in opposition to Mr. Van Burem and in support of Gen. Garrison, wi'h whose constitutional opinions he tons not altogether pleased" —wheie, we say*does this h •riorable gentleman now find biuk-eli ? Iti what straits has he allowexl devotion to party to d> ive him / Is he not,almost at this very moment, making a vam effort to stay the very t rrent lie con tributed to put in motion, while tlie very men whom party induced him to support are now ask-rig hi ii, with officious insolence, how he dare lift up his voice against the 1 bone a id sinew of the ‘ '< trig party, against those who fought the battle, ara! won the victory--how he, who was sufficiently honored by being permitted to bring up the rear of this immac ulate par y, dare obtrude the “ narrow and in sufterabie doctrines upheld in Georgia” upon the consideration ol Congress, and especially to expect for them the coun'enance or regard of the Whigs proper —the Whigs essential —the YV lugs exclusive ! How does this hon orable member fancy Ins present associates.... his new comrades in the political field ! Their reception ci him is certainly any thing bui courteous. Perhaps, however, lie is sufficient ly recompensed by aiding in the preservation of the integrity ol the party at home, although at the ex ease of painful agony abroad And yet support is asked for Messrs. Gilmer, Dougherty and Wright who are, to some de gree, responsible for all these odious measures, by promoting and sustaining lhe very men who have had the principal agency in obtru ding them upon the country. How farcica] —how ridiculous, to attempt to delude an in telligent people by political management ol that descriptio- ....so shortsighted and improper. i he Democratic party, on the other hand, present for office men who eariy discerned ihe evils which would surely flow from the elevation of Ilarrison....and who hesitated not an instant as to their political course., .who | knew that opposition ‘o the men, thereby to’ prevent their attaining power, was the most | effectual mode to suppress acts which would j inevitably attend their success. The worst j predictions of Messrs. Colquitt, Cooper and j Black have been realised, not only, wo believe, to the satisfaction of every Do.nocrat, but! of every intelligent Whig who yet retains any j reverence for the doctrines of the Republic m j party. Support of the candidates of the De mocrucy, at this particular moment, is a mat. ter of imperative duty with all who wish to reestablish the cherished principles of the South, as these gentlemen take a proper view of the matter, are sensible that no effectual mode can be adopted to check this pernicious! course, but by exercising a stern and uncom promising opposition to the men who give thej impetus, and are chiefly responsible for the action. They will seek to remedy prevailing! and apprehended evils by eradicating the cause ; or by inflicting on it public condem-1 nation to such an extent as to paraiise its ef forts, and destroy its influence....and not like; their opponents keep it in full vigor by ex pressing undiminished confidence in its integ rity and purity of motive. MR. WISE, OP YA.-TIIK EXTRA SESSION. This gentleman has recently addressed a letter to certain individuals in Virginia, in re ply to an invitation to a public dinner. We regret our inability to publish the letter entire ihis week : itsha‘l appear in our next publi cation. YY'e have found room for the conclu ding paragraph, which sums up, in truly graphic style, the acts of tho late extra session of Congress. YVe recommend the extrac* to the attention of oi*r reader? and ask t ■ •'* ? careful consideration, coming as it dies rr ; an individual who, if he be not a YY'hig, nee • no proper or improper occasion to exhih his; bitterness toward the Democracy, The day ,s approaching, and i distant, wh * ®ry Republican will respond, with a cm dial amen, jt the sentiments contained in the extra t we .t day publish from the le ‘erof Mr. Y* ,-e. Consul to Havana —It will be gratifying to the friends of James S. Calhoun, Esq, to learn tha’ he arrived safely at Havana, un the 3rd of this month. TMR JHXOaiTV PttOTESf. YY'e fin 1 among the proceedings of the House of Representatives of this State, on the Bill inst., a formal statement of reasons, by’ the minority of that body, for their course on the Report and Resolutions of Mr. Howard. That statement will be found in this paper— and it is really difficult to determine whether it is chiefly remarkable tor brevity, or for fee bleness of expression and argument. To gether, they form probably its great and only characteristics. This Minority Protest is signed by forty two, out of more than two hundred members of which tho House o! Representatives is com posed ; an 1 it cannot escape attention that certain honorable members—attached to the Whig party—of some note in its ranks— and whose actual opinions on all of the topics embraced in the Rejiort and Resolutions of Mr. Howard, are matters of curiositv and o* ; inquiry throughout the State—either negpect i ed or declined to affix their names to this sin- J gular document Among them, we may in : stance tho Chatham Delegation—an honor i able member from Clark —and an honorable ! member from Baldwin, himself the author, al ! so, of a report on national politics. One, how ever, can readily perceive, we think, why he is found among the missing. The Minority Report of he member from Baldwin says that | “ the majority of the Republican party were for years, probably, opposed to the Bank,’* while the Minority Protest affirms that “the constitutionality of such an institution ” fU . ! S. Biuk) “is fully admitted by a majority of the people of this State and of the United 1 S lies,” an<l by a “ majority of the Republican | an 1 State Rights party since the foundation of the Government.” It is at once apparent, therefore, why the adoption of both papers woa.d hardly be compatible w.thconsistency : the one admitting that “ a Bank was for years, probably, opposed by a. rnaj >rity of the Republican par y;” aid the other affirming precisely the reverse. There is*-also, another assertion in ihe above extract from the Pro test,which would scarcely be endoisedby a gentleman of the proverbial political prudence and sagacity oi the” honorable tumuler fro nr Baldwin. It is the declaration that she con stitutionality of a Bank “ is fully admitted l>y a majority of the people of Georgia.” We thought the idea was exploded throughout the country, and quite as touch in Georgia as elsc ivnere, that the election oi 1840 turned upon any one principle, or any special interpretation o: constitutional power. YY'e infer, therefore, that, no prudent, politician, alive to the facts, and to Ins own political security, would open ly endorse the declaration that a majority of the people of this State believe tu the consti tutionality of a United States Bank. Tne second paragraph in the Minority Pro test refers to the veto power belonging to tho Executive of - tlie'U. States—and the correct ness of its statements,’ and the clearness with vbich’Lt sets fo'tffErihe adcusl opinions of the signers as to the proper arrangement of this veto power, are worthy of special remark. No attempt is making, in the opinion of these orty-two gentlemen, to abolish 1 the veto |>>vver. Now wh*e constitutes an attempt? To make it, is the agency of’ one or oi one? hundred necessary! Os can ‘it not be as ab solutely made by the former as by the latter rib .Tiber ? That the-attempt has been made.’ agreeably to political parlance,’we do not sup pose aumi sofa doubt. “ \Ve are opposed to-’ the abolishment of the Veto power ” — but not to its modification, or to is rootuSu ction, (a V the case might be) why not add ! Instead,’ however, of apprising t he people of their act ua 1 vie .vs as to a modification of the- power—to’ satisfy those particularly who are unable to see, in practical effect, the distinction between an abolition and a modification of this power, and they are by no means inconsiderable in number —the Protest is enveloped in the most utter darkness. Tne third and last topic is tlie case of the vole of xMr. Berrien for Mr. Everett. “ YY'e do not believe (<ays the Protest) that our Minister to England is a practical Abolition ist,” and we are “ confirmed in this belief'’ because Mr. Berr.en “ voted to confirm his nomination ;” or, reversing the language of l the Protest, would it not, probably, approach I somewhat nearer the fact to say. because Mr. j Berrien (what possessed the man to do it, thus | to involve us in this difficulty with our polit ical opponents !) voted to confirm his nomine ! jon, we must not “ believe that our Minister ! to E gland is a practical Abolitionist.” Why, ! then, in the name of common sense, not vote | apainst the resolution which censured Mr. Berrien for this official act ? If gentlemen were confirmed in the belief that Mr. Everett I is not a practical Abolitionist, they were cul pable not to stand by their w distinguishe l Senator,” who, in the language of the honor able member from Baldwin, is entitled u to the thanks of the whole South ” “ for tftes sig nal ability with which he lias sustained the ! interests of Georgia, and the rights of the peo ple of the whole Union :” or, in the equally ! nervous language of the Savannah Republ.- can, and in reference to this very case, his vote lor Mr. Everett, “ for the true American ! feeing” of the distinguished Senator—“or Southern feeling, if that term is preferred.” Why, we again ask, treat Mr. Berrien thus ; shabbily after riis devotion to “ the interests of Georgia”—and the exhibition of his “true American to refuse to vote against a ; resolution upbraiding him, in the severest manner, for his support of an individual on i account, of his Abolitionism—-when certain gentlemen are “ confirmed in the belie j “that he !is no Abolitionist / YVhat an extraordinary and singular mode of requiting an individual for important services rendered—-for great sacrifices made, and for unexampled devotion ito the public weal! If Mr. Everett is not a ! nractical Ab -litionist, why, after reiterating their belief that such was the fact from their I places in the Senate and in the House, did Senators and Representatives, embracing a 1 whole party, decline to vote, thereby showing ‘Hie whole ’king ‘■> ■->'’ r( ’ <'e :ar tht r comment fir explanation. Vi uy, the: when the evidence is clearly ore- nted—in an authentic anti official form—that ‘ • r. Ever ett. does entertain the opinions conta.oe ! .n the resolution upon which *fv Whig y.v.y’.y , i fused to vote -<•;>!!. one which every Southern ; man at or e acknowledges const note ‘he j practical \. *• •'it• mst —.why (lien, we say, rr i ppa the sincere declara i..n that y i, do net believe Mr. Everett to be such, having \our ; selves furnished the veryhest evidence, of a di‘* | ferent opinion really, ov your refusal to sue ! tain “ the distinguMif and Senator *