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‘I’HE TIMES;
SSjPublished every W©dnesday morning - *
gP KTHK GRANITE BUILDING,
Corner of Oglethorpe and Randolph streets, by
M. FORSYTH, A I?I.JQinSTO^
PROPRIETORS.
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ADVERTISE Vi ENTS coaspicmusly inserted at
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tinued until ordered our, and charged accordingly.
Legal Advertisements publish’ and at the usual ]
rates, and with strict attention to the requisitions
of the law. •
Sheriff’s Sales under regular executions, must
be advertised for thirty days; under mortgage
fi fas, sixty days before the day of sale*.
Salks of Land and Negroes, by Executors, Ad
ministrators or Guaidians, for sixty days before
the day of sale.
8 ales of personal property (except negroes) forty
DAYS.
Citations by Clerks of Courts of Ordinary, upon
application for letters of administration are lobe
published for thirty DAYS.
Citations upon application for dismission, by
Executors, Administrators or Guardians, month
ly for SIX MONTHS.
Ordkrs of Courts of Ordinary, (accompanied with
a copy of ilia bond, or agreement) to make tiile
to land, must be published three months.
Notices bv Executors or. Administrators or Guard
ians, of application to the Court of Ordinary for
leave to sell the Land or Negroes of an estate,
four months..
Notices by Executors or ad ninist rntnrs, to the
Debtors and Creditors of a . estate,for six weeks
(£7* Letters to tin* proprietors o*l business, must
be post paid, to entitle them to altentio i.
LAW NOTICES.
Itiriiarct 11. Clark,
ATTORNBY AT LAW,
Albany, Ga.
Reffurences :
Hon. ChH 9. Henry, 1
H-*n. Levi S. D’f.von J
Messrs. Unarltm Si vVard, j
M Hull McAlliter. liq. j
M.ij. U. P .W :rs, ti Boohs n county:
Hon; ton Warren, Lee county.
Robert LiiiwUy, ( Albany, Pa.
Thomas P Saulh, \
June 4, 1843. 23—btnov
J. CAW,
ATTORNEY a T L A W;
BAINBRIDGE. (DECATUR CO.) QA.
Will attend punctuaty the Superior Courts ofihe
conn lea of Kariy, i-iaker, and Decatur of the South-
Western, and of tlie eo.in’y of I'boims of lue Sunili
in Circuit. May 21, 1343 21 tt
Iverson &■ Fordylli,
HAVE re noved to office in “’Times” building,
uii stairs.
May 14, 1343. 23—If
C. S. Stock, well,
ATTORNEY A T L A W;
Columbus, Ga.
Office on Broad Street,over Air. Le'Jay’s Jewel
ry Store.
April 2, 18 4-5, 1 I —if
CONE &. WILLIAMS,
A T T CRN E Y S A T L A \V .
Columbus, Georgia.
OPFIvJE in Honpei’s Nr v Building; East
side Broad street, near the market.
FRANCIS H COSE, (
CUARLI3 J. WILLIAMS. (
April 2, ISti. ll- f.
Slokerl 21. I.sJer
AT T O ltN E Y AT I.AW.
Tazewell Marion County Ga.
March 12 1813. ‘ 12— ly.*
William ,4li/.cll,
ATTO RN B Y A V I, AW ;
Tazewell, Marion County, Ga.
March 5, 1345, 11 lv’
Janiifi *i. .Mitchell,
ATT OR N B Y A T L A W,
Residence — L lll n jik in, G corgia.
WILL devole hi, atlentiao li ’rnafler, exeiusivn
iy to hie jiru'ession, and wid attend punctu
ally to all business -iitrusted loins caie, in any toun
ty m the Llnaiiahneuitee or Buiiiu-VVe.ierii Circuit*.
Feb 5, 1313 U—lv
J- S. illUciicll,
ATTORN E Y A T LA\V .
Starksvillg, Lee Cos. Ga.
February 3,1815- 6—ly.
William It. .Marlin,
SOLICITOR ANI) ATTORNEY AT
LAW.
Office, in Girard, Alabama.
Respectfully tender# his profession ii
services lo tlie publi: gvnera'ly ;bo lakes tins
metliod of apprisiu * his patrons, tnat he makes no
collection* fo< le-s tliaii ten pr cent, on any sum
not exc i*o.l. ng onu t mu sand dollars, his reasons for
this publi at ion, is *o g v.: general notice to iliosi who
have already mirmtu.i him wnh their business, witn
out specin contract ; that they nuty withdraw the
•nine if they prefer, and a*l future patrons if any, may
expect to be governed by litis no'ice.
VVJvI. B. MARTIN.
January ft. 1845 21 y
LAW NOTICE.
William B. Pryor
HAS aetiled himself ia ilie Town of LqiGrange.
Troup county, Georgia, ami will practice
law hi the counties of Troup, IVI riw< tlier, (Jowe a,
Campbell, Carroll ami lleaul. of the Coweta Cucuit
—and Harris, Muscogee and Talbot of tho Cliatta
hoochoe Circuit.
Dec 18. 1814 51 —ly
Taylor & Ooaickc,
ATTORNEY’S A T L A W;
Cuthbkrt, (Randolph county,) GJa.
THE undersigned having associated themselves
ill the practice of .hu Caw, will give tlu jr at
tention t • any b isuress confided to them in the coun
ties of Ran Jo ph. Early, Baker, Lee, Sumter, Dooly
ami Decatur in the .Soutliwe item, and Stewart of the
Chaiiapoochee circit t■- They will aso attend ihc
courts m Harbour ami Henry counnes in Alabama
WILLI V Vi TAYLOR.
LEWIS A. GUN EKE.
November 13 1844. 46— ly.
Hcesa Sc Ocniiaril,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW;
Chawfoud Ala.
cnuiu s. Reese, /
. f. DKSNAHO. )
Se|>t. 18, 1814. 38—lv.
11. 11. PlsUt,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Albany, Baker County, Ua.
Jan 1. 1843 I—if
ISm-ks & siuphcusou,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW;
TALBOTTON, QA.
TAMES M. BUHK3, >
TAMES L. STEPHENSON j
Feb 28. 1844 9—if
OOLaUITT & COOK,
ATTORNEY’S AT LAW;
LA ORANGE, GEORGIA.
Will practice in Ihe counties of Tronp, Meriwether,
Oowqia, Fayette, and Carroll.
Waiter T. Colrititt, Columbus, Ga.
Wm. O. O. Cook, La Orange.
April 23 31—ts
| 1 1 | ,
FORSYTII & JOHNSTON, EDITORS.]
MOODY & DUUK,
HAVE a line 10l ofQcot K ill Ti 1 11-lICSSCC
IICSSCC BACOAf—AIso, n Idrge Jot of
good
feathers, Flour, and Corn-meal,
all of which will bu sold at the lowest prices FOR
CASH.
June, 4, 1815. 24—ts.
JOHN LYERLTT,
HAS rmn -ved to Dillingham's corner, nearly
opposite his - Id stand, “here he will keep on
hand for sale, a good assortment ol
FASCY ANS> STAPLE
Mnv 28 ISIS.- 22—ts
SlMfrlAG & SSJiIIUIESI
CLOTHING.
S. M. HAMITTON,
(Next Door to J. Kktin.)
HAS c un noticed*rpceivinjr a large Stock of
Sp i.ig and Suunher Clothing.
Blue, black and green cloth Frock and Dress Coats;
UrapdVto, h rccix and Dress Coa.s;
Croton do do t o
White, brown and check Linen, Frock and Dress
Coats ;
TbVrtdcs Frock and Sank Coats ;
Uatitaloons and Vsis,of every variety and descrip
tion </f Gouda.
Shirts, Drawers, llam!kerchiefs and Cravats,
Ties, and Snick*, of every vanity.
Si k and CoUoii -Un.brel 1 ; a.
ll.i h and Cnps, and very other articlo of Gentle
fnen’s wear, suitable for the avason.
A; ii 1 SO, 1 8 ! • 18—ts
Y SIW G038)S! IVI3 AY GOODS!!
fgIHE suhflcriher i<now receiving at the old store
12. former y occup id by M -ssr.*. Stew nri &.
Fo tut tine, and more recently by Messrs Hi I, Daw.
son &L Cos, an entire new u nd dpsitubic assor<incut oj
FAMBLY UKOVUZZIES &C. &.C.
which ho off rs to tlie public at prices I” sui* the
limes. 11. McKAY.
Dec. 4, 1941. 49—-f
MUTUAL SIMEUHA7Y Cx3 CO2VI
PASfft CS* NSW-YOF.I£.
No of Li res Insured during the month of
June 1815 00.
Condition of tire Company Ist February and at this
dat •.
D ile. iVb. Pul. Gross Losses and Amount
issue and, receipts, expenditures, inn slut
January 31, 1 086 124 687 27,415 97 273
Tuna ‘ 30, 1513 131,907 38,315 153,532
[nerca'e since
Ist February, 427 67,220 10,901 5(5,319
M. KOIH.VSON, President.
The business of thin Company is rupidlv and regu
larly pj(jres>ng. presenting every prospec*, both of
security and protit.
A|j) icii iuns received and all desirable informa
tion nirnished hy H. S. SMI Til, Agcit.
Juyl6, 1845 29—4 t
ZS3O&S SSL3.XNOOUT
At lue Cheap Book-Store,
0!.l Siaml*near the Market.
THE snhwcnher in’end'n tr to dispose'of Ida en
tire mock. i- SELLING OUT as fast as pos
sih’e a< prices siiU 100 er tlinn eve*'.
Teachers. I*.irents*, and the. |*ub ic in gen. r;d, nrh
ra■ m shy invited *o call and examii i* liis very exien
• ive stec ‘, bp’hire purciiaaing elsew liro.
Jm y 16. 1815 19-ts GEORGE DUNHAM.
vrv MTON rdfeUAX-^ACADEIYIv.
raillf! n-\l lerui ii iii-tJpii.ri will cemuience
JSL 0.1 Monday. Ju‘v ist AmYo.
‘i'nition per term of 22^eats ( 7 50
French “ “ (Extra) 10 00
Tuition payable inXidlance.
R. \y. lIImUN RO. P.ncipal.
has beep prijpnsid nu extra charge ot
five thdlaiß hi
J JhijyVft.
Totlift BSiH otlior
Cvcilitors ol* tho ii>scißc o Fin at con.
TL/TOU are. hereb* iiotifi* and your demand
la. t” the under-igtied w thin four in mills from
i! t e, ih'it the emire nmonn* ofthe liab litie- of said
insMMi iun he asci rtairied and that li tiihu iui b*
made pro rata amoil ‘ ihe several creditors.
Ail co'iiimui'eaiions iu writing on this fcuhj'Ct
inu.-i be post paid,
CHAS. H. RICE, Receiver.
Macon, May 28.18 t 5. [M. TeleJ 22—3 m
AUentioii.l ( Guaids.
A in ELECTION w%l hoJmeid at the Company
To. R x in, on mat. at 8 o’clock,
I*. Al.for a 4th the Columbus Geards.
vice John Fors\th proniuMl.
yillYlP T. SCHLEY,
July 16,1845 wpt. Colttmbwa Guardfl.
Hazlitt’s A n vick to ms Fox—We have
been inuc.li in'erestod in Hazlill’s Table
Falk, w hich forms Part 111 el’ \Vil“y and
Putnam's Library of Choice Beading. From
his advice to his s< n on going from home to
school, we select ilie following item :
The World Donut begin to quarrel with
the world 100 soon; for, bad as it may he, it
is tho best we have to live in here. If rail
ing would have made it better, it would liave
been reformed long ago; hut as this is not to
ba Imped for at present tho-best way is to
slide through it as contentedly an l innocent
ly as we'may. The worst fault it lias, is
want of charity : and calling knave and Joul
at every turn, will not cure tins failing-
Consider as a matter of vanity that if there
were not so nnuy knaves and fools as we Ii and,
the wise and honest would not he those rare
and shining that they are allowed
to be, and (as a matter of pltilos iphv) that if
the world be ready incorrigible in tins respect
it is a reflection to make one sad, not angry.
We tqay laugh or weep at the madness of
mankind; we have no right to viilify them,
for our own sakes or theirs. Misanthropy
is not tlie disgust of tlie mind at human na
ture, hut with itself; for il is laying its own
exaggerated vices, and loul blots at the door
of others ! Do. not, however, mistake what I
have here said. I would not have you, when
you grow up, adopt the tow and sordid fash
ion of |wdialing existing abuses or of putting
the best face upon the worst things. 1 only
mean that indiscriminate, unqualified satire
can do little good, & that those who indulge in
the most revolting speculations on human
nature, do not themselves al ways set tmj fair
est example, or yjjivo to prevent its lowest
degradation.
Questions fur Astronomehs. — What is
Eclipse? A racer thatpassed before a body
called Henry.
What is longitude? A clothes-line.
Prove it. It stretches from polo lo pole.
What are siar>? Separate bodies, like
Ellen Tree, Macready anJ Forrest.
When do they fpim nebulxl When their
prospects are clouded.
What are celestial globes ? A woman’s
eyes.
What are the bells of Jupiter? His sus
penders, l suppose.
The rings of Saturn, what? Trophies of
female conquest.
What is a transit? Part of the phrase
“Sic transit gloria mundi.”
When is light ascensjon?** tVhen you
get up in the morning good natored.
What is latitude? A cross grained chap
that fools his time angling, whereon he meets
longitude.
TIIK IXION Ot’ THE STATUS, AND TIIK SOVISRKICNTT THE STATES.
gUMSmiMe
TO VIOLA--A POETESS OF THE WEST.
BY atRS. AMELIA B. WELBY.
She hs passed, like :i bird, from the minstrel throng,
She has gone to the land where tlm lovely belong ;
Her place is husn’d by h* r lover's side,
Y< t ins heart i* full of hi** fair voting i)ri<le ;
The hopes of his pi• it are crush and and bowed.
As he iiiinlts ot his love hi her tong white shroud
For the sighs cf her pci fumed I reath,
Were kisstd fretn her lips by his r vui—Death.
Cold is her b isnm, her thin, white arms
Ali finitely crossed • ‘er its cy charms.
As she lies like a statue of Gmi n art,
U i h a marbled bro.v, and a cold, hush’d heart.
I !er locks were brig t. but their gloss is hid;
lit r eve is sunk ’iicalh its Wuxen Ii i ;
And tSiusshe d-s, mht r narrow !.a I,
Our fair young tnnis’i oi, die loved o ali.
Li.ht a* a bird’s were her springing fi cf,
Her rit nrt a? j *yoes, hers ugsusswoet;
Put never au iin shall that heart be st ft’d,
W.ili its glad wi and song*, like a sinvtug hud ;
Never shall the stra ns be sung,
That mi swee ness dropp’d from her :i!vcry tongue,
i he music is over, and death's cold dart
Hath broken the spe lof that free, glad heart.
Cfcn.atcve, when the breeze is still,
Ad die moon floats u, by he distant hjU,
A l wander a. -ik, *r. id tlie Mtmincr bower?,
And wreath ruy locks wnh the swm, wild flowers
1 will ibiuk ot the time when .-lie linger’d there,
V\ ith her mi and h tie eves, and Iter long fair ban;
I will treasure her name in my- bo-oud.s core—
Hut my heart is said, 1 can sing no more.
SONG OF THE AMERICAN EAGLE.
BY A LaDY OF VEIiMONI^
1 build niy nest on the tin tin'aiii’s crest,
Where llio “ ild winds r tk rnv Eaglets to rest,
Where the liglrnings flish un I the tli nders trash
And ‘he ipan. e tot rents to; in and da- ii ;
Foidby spiri’ free lien for h shni be
A type fui die Soi sos Liberty.
Aloft 1 fly fijpm my eyrie high,
T!noug!i the vaulted dome ofihe azure vky,
On a >uii-team bright take my airy fl ghf ,
And float in ,a flo dos liquid light.
For 1 love to p'ny in the noon*'de ray,
And bdsß in a blaze from tho throne of day.
Away I V'injg a tireless wing,
Un the. feiiili- ry,<sknd 1 poise an t wing;
I dart down ih<* steep where the lightnings leap,
And the ctyar hßte canopy slowly swiep ;
(Uiu t ■ mo i.< he it why
Os a free and fearless liberty.
I love the edlie mountains stand
Like tlie wu cli to > ers of a patriot hand ;
For l may no’ hi le is my glory an I pride,
Though di • lard in- never so fair and wide,
Where ‘uxnrv r ignp o’er vohip' non* plains,
And fetteis the free born soul in chains.
t, M ,
Tlien give me in thy flight to see
The land of the p. igritus hver fee;
And 1 in ’er will rove ‘roin the haunts l love,
But watch from mv sripine! fr. ck above,
Your ba; ner fr* ov< r land and sea,
And exult in y< ur giorious dt s iny.
Oh, guard ye well, the land where l dwell
Lest hi future times the ta c J tell,
S’ hen slowly expire.- i smouldering fires,
The goodly h* r tage of your siies^.
How Freedom’s light r se clear and bright,
Tiil'o q leuched the flumes in a starless night,
SLAVERY.
From the South Caroliimui.
GOV. HAMMOND’S LETTIdRS ON SOUTH
EUN SLAVERY.
Silvkh Bi.UFr,S. CL, Jan. 23, 1845.
To Dr , Clarkson, London.
Kir:—l received r short tone qgo, n let
ter Irom the Rev. Willoughby M. Dick
iyson, dated at your resid.-nee, ‘-Playford
Hall, near Ipswich, 2(ithNuv, 1514.” in
which was inclosed a copy of your Circular
Letter addressed to professing Christians in
our Northern States, having no concern
with Slavery, and to others there. 1 pre
sutne that Mr. Dickinson’s letter was writ
ten with yonr knowledge, and the docu
ment inclosed with your consent und appro
button. I therefore feel that there is no
impropriety in my addteseing tny reply t!i
tectly to yourself, especially as there is
nothing in Mr. Dickinson’s cnmtnunic ttioo,
requiring serious notice. Having abundant
leisure, it wi 1 be a recreation tome to devote
a potlion of it to an txaminatiun and lree
discussion ol the question of slavery as it
exists in our Soutnern States; and since yon
have thrown down the gauntlet tome, l do
not hesitate to take it up.
Familiar as you have been with the dis
cussions of this subject in all its aspects,
and under all the excitement it has occa
sinned for sixty years past, I may not he
ab.e to present much that will he new to
you. Nor ought Ito indulge the hope of
materially affecting tlie opinions you have
so long cherished, and so zealously promul
gated. Still, lime and experience nave de
veloped fact, constantly furnishing fresh
tests to opinions formed sixty years since,
and continually placing this great question
in points ( f view, which coul i scatcely oc
cur to the most consummate intellect even a
quarter of a century ago: and which may
not have occurred yet to those whose previ
ous convictions, pi ejudices and Itabiis of j
thought have thoroughly and permanently |
biased them to one fixed way of looking at
the matter: while there are peculiarities
in the operation of every sec al system, and j
special local, as well as moral causes ma
terially aliccting it, which no one, placed at 1
the distance you are from us, can fully
comprehend or pr perly appreciate, be
sides, it may be possibly, he anotellv to vou
to encounter one who conscientiously bo
lives tho Domestic Slaveiy of these States
to be not only an inexorable necessity for
tho present, hut a moral and humane in
stitution, productive of the greatest political
and social ad vantages, ami who is disposed,
as I am, to defend it on these grounds.
1 do not propose, however, to defend the
African Slave Trade. This is no longer a
question. Doubtless great evils atise from
u as it has been, and is now, conducted:
unnecessary wars and cruel kidnapping in
Alrica: t he most shocking barbarities in
the Middle Passage and pethaps a less hu
mane system of slavery in countries con
tinually supplied with fresh laborers at a
cheap rate. The evils of i-, however, it
may be fairly presumed, arc greatly exag
gerated. And if I might judge ofihe truth
of transactions staled as occurring in this
trade, by that of those reported as transpir
ing among us, I should not hesitate to say,
that a I urge portion ol the stories ttt circula
tion are unfounded, and inostofthe remaind
er highly colored.
On the passage.of the Art of Parliament
prohibiting this trade to LSritish subjects
rests what you esteem the glory of your
life. It required twenty years ol arduous
agitation, and the intervening extraordica•
ry political events, to conviin e your coun
try men, and among the restyour pious King,
of the expediency of this measure: and it
is bat just to say, that no one individual
rendered more essential service to the cause
than you did. In reflecting upon the sub
ject, you must often ask yourself: What
aftef all has been accomplished; how much
human suffering’ has been averted; how
many human beings havc'been rescued
COLUMBUS, GA. WEDNESDAY. JULY 23, 1815.
from transatlantic slavery? And on tlie an
swers you can give these questions, must
in a gieat measure l depend the
happiness of your life. In framing them,
how frequently you must he reminded ol
the remark of Mr. Grosvenor, in one of the
early debates upon the subject, which I be
lieve you liave yourself recorded, “that he
had twenty obji-ctious to the abolition o; the
Slave Trade: n-e first was, ll,at it was ini
possible —the rest lie need not give.” Can
you say to yourself, or to tho world, that
\Uis first objection of Mr. Grosvenor has
been yet confuted? It was estimated
at the eonnnenc- inent ol your agitation in
1757, that forty-five thousand Africans were
annually transported to America and the
West Indies. And the mortality of the
Middle Passage, computed by so.no at 5,
is now admitted not to hive exceeded 9 p r
root. Notwithstanding your Act of Par
liament, the previous atv It ion bv the Uni
ted States, and that all the powers in the
world have stt iscquen’ly prohibited this
tiade—some of the greatest of them dec ar
iiig it piracy, and c ver tig the African
s'ens with armed vessels to prevent it Sir
Thomas Fow cl Buxton, a coadjutor of yours,
declared in IS 10, that tlie number of Airf
cans now annually sold into slavery beyond
the sea, amounts, at the very least, to one
hundred and fifty thousand souls; wlii.e
the mortality of the Middle Passage has
increased, in consequence of the measures
taken to suppress the trade, to 2j or 31) per
cent. And of the one hundred and fiity
thousand slaves who have been captured
and iberated by Bii isliMeuof War since
tlie passage of your Act. Judge Jay, an A
tner eaii Abohtiuliiis’, a -setts that one bun
died thousand, or two-tlnrds, hive peri lied
between tinir capture and liberati n. Does
it not ieai!y seem that Air. Grosvenor was
a Prophet? That t ougit nearly all -‘tin
l-osih lit,i s” if 1767 have vanished, and
iieiome as fatmli ir J'acts as our household
customs, under the tnagio influence of
Sli-am, Cotton at and universal peace, yet
this wonderful prophecy siili stands, defy
ing tiine and tlie energy and genius of man
kind. Thousands if valuable lives afid fif
ty millions of pounds sterling have been
given away by your Government in fruit
less attempts to overturn it. I hope yon
have not lived too long for your ow n hap
piness, though you liave been spared to see
that m spite of all your toils and those of
vour fellow laborers, and tho t.ccomplish
nient ol all that human agency cuu and do,
the African Skive Trade has increased
ihree-lold under your own eyes —more ra
p dly, perhaps, than any other ancient
brunch of commerce—and that your efforts
to suppress it have affected nothing more
than a three-fold increase of its horrors
Tin re is a God who rules this world—All
powerful—Farseeing. lie does not permit
His creatures to foil His designs, it is He
who, for His allw ise, though to us often
inscrutable purposes, throws ‘‘impo-sibili
lies” in the way of our fondest hopes and
mo t strenuous exi rl ous. Can you doubt
t h s?
Kxpei ieuco having ceitied the point, that
this Trade cdnnnt be abulMedbij the use of
force, and that blo:ka<JinJkMjfiacruns serve
only lo make it more profitable and more
cruel, I am surprised that the attempt is
persistedSio, unless it servfrtpßs a cloak to
some other purposes. It would be far bel
ter than il now is, for the Airman, if the
tradyivas free from ad restrictions, and let t
tojitfe mitigation and decay which time and
competition Would surely bring about. If
kidnapping, both secretly and by war made
lor the purpose, could be by ai y means pre
vented in Alrica, iJie next greatest blessing
you could bestow upon that country would
he to transport its actual slaves in comfor
table vessels across, the Atlantic. Though
they mig! t be perpetual bond-men, still,
they would emerge from darkness into light
—from barbarism to civilization—from idol
atry to Christianity—in short from death to
.life.
But let us leave the African slave trade,
which has so signally defeated the Philan-
Ihropij of the world, and turn lo American
slavery, to which you have now directed
your attention, and against which a crusade
lias been preached as enthusiastic and fe
rocious as that of l’eler the Hermit—de
stined, I believe, to be about as successful.
And lit re let me say,there is not a vast differ
ence between the two, though you may not
acknowledge it.— The wisdom ol ages has
concurred in the justice and expediency of
establishing rigli s by prescriptive use, how
ever ti rnous in their origin they tnay have
been. You would deem a man insane
whose keen sense ofequity would lead him
to denounce your right to the lands you held,
and which perhaps you inherited from a
long lit.ti of ancestry, because your title
was derived from a 6axon or Norman con
queror; and ymii lands were originally wres
ted by violence from the vanquished Brit
tons. And so would the New-England
Abolitionist regard any one who would in
sist that lie should restore liis farm to the
descendants of tlie slaughtered Ited men
to whom God had as clearly given it as lie
gave life and fieedotn to the kidnapped Af
rican. That time does not consecrate
wrong, is a fallacy which all history expo
ses; and which the best and wisest men of
all ages and professions of religious faith
have practically denied. The means, there
fore, whatever they may have been by
which the African race now in this coun-
ItV liave been reduced to slavery, cannot
affect us, since they are our property, as
yout -Lind is yours, hy inheritance or pur
chase and prescriptive right. You will say
that man cannot hold properly in man. —
Tho answer, is that lie can and actually
dors hold property io'his fellow allthe world
over, ill a var.ety of forms, and has always
done so. I will shciw presently his authority
for doing it.
If you were to ask me whether I was an
advocate of slavery in tlio abstract, l shouid
probably answer, that f am not, according
lo my understanding of the question. I do
not like to deal in abstractions. It seldom
leads lo any useful ends. There are lew
universal truths. Ido not now remember
any single moral truth universally acknowl
edged. VVe liavo no assurance that it is
given to our infinite understanding lo com
prehend abstract moral truth. Apart from
Revelation and the Inspired Writings, what
ideas should we have even ol God, Salva
tion and Immortality? Let the Heathen
answer. Jnst.ee itself is impalpable as an
abstraction, and ali„ir.ict liberty the merest
phantasy that ever amused the imagination.
This world was made for man, and nun for
the world as it is. Ourselves, our relations
with one another and with all matter are
real, not ideal, I might say that lam no
mure in fa or of slavery in the abstract, than
1 am of poverty, disease, deform in, idiocy
or any other equality in the condition of the
human family; that I love perfection, and
think I should enjoy a Millenium such as
God has promised. But what would it a-
rmiuut to? A pledge that I would j >in you 1
to set about eradicating those apparently j
inevitable evils of oitr nature, in equalizing]
the condition of all mankind, consummating
life perfection of our race, and introducing
the iVliileniuni? By no means. To effect
these things belongs exclusively to a High
er Bower. And it would be well for us to
leave the Almighty to perfect His ow n
works and fulfil IBs mvn Covenants. Espe
c ally, as the history of all the past shows
how entirely lutile all human efforts have
proved, when made for the purpose of aiding
Him in carrying out even his revealed de
signs, and how invariably he has accom
plished them hy unconscious instruments,
and in the face of human expectation. Nay
more, that every attempt which has been
made by fallible men to extort from the
w orld obedience to his “abstract” t otions of
t ight slid wrong, lias been invariably attei)-
temled with calamities, due and extended
ju>t in proportion to the breadth and vigor
of the movement. Oil slavery in the ab
stract, then, it would not be atniss to have
as linlo as possible to say. Lt us con
template i’as it is. Ami thus comtetupia
ting it, the first question we iiave to a.-k
ourselves is, whether it is contrary to the
Will of God, as revealed lo us in His Illy
Jsct.’ptures—tae only certain means given
us to ascertain His Will. It it is, then
slavery is a sin. And I admit at once that
evety mac is hound to set his face against
it, and to emancipate his slaves should he
hold any.
Let us open these II ly Scriptures. In
the twentieth chapter of Exodus, seven
teenth verse, 1 find the following words:—
“Tliou slialt nut covet thy neighbor's liou-'e,
thou shall not covet toy neighbor's wife,
nor his man servant, nor his ox, nor liis
ass, nor anything that is thy neighbor’s”—
which is tlie Tenth of tiiose commandments
that declare tlie essentia! principles ot the
Great Moral Law delivered to Moses by
God Himself. Now, discarding all techni
cal and verbal qu biding as wholly unwor
thy to bn used in interpreting the Word of
God, what is plain meaning, the undoubted
intent, and true spirit of this commandment?
Does it not emphatically and explicity for
bid you to disturb your neighbor in the en
joyment of his property; and nide especial
ly of that which is here specially mentioned
as being lawfully aud hy this command
ment made sacredly liis? Prominent in the
catalogue stands his “man-servant and his
maid servant,” who are thus distinctly con
secrated as his property and guaranteed to
him for his exclusive benefit in the most
solemn manner. You attempt to avert the
otherwise irresistible conclusion, that slave
ry was thus ordained by God, by declaring
that the word “slave” is not used here, and
is not to be found in the Bible. And I have
seen many learned disertations on this point
from Abolition pens. It is well known
that both Hebrew and Greek words transla
:ed “servant” in the Scriptures, mean also
aud most usually “slave.” The use of one
word instead ot the other was a mere mat
ter of taste with tlio Translators of the Bi
ble, as it has been with the commentators
and religious writers, the later of whom
have I believe for the most part adopted
tho term “slave,” or used both tertq| indis
criminately. If, then, these Hebrew and
Greek words inciude the idea of bo'.li sys
tems of servitude, the cniidi) innal and un
conditional, they should, as the major in
cludes the minor proposition, be always
translated “slaves” unless the sense of the
whole text futbids it. The real question,
tlien is, what idea is intended to be con
veyed by the words used in tho command
ment quoted? And it is dear to my mind
that as no limitation is affixed to them, and
tlie express intentior? was to secure to man
kind the peaceful enjoyment of every species
of property, that the terms “Bund men and
Bond-maids” include allclassesof servants,
and establish a lawful, exclusive and inde
feasible interest equally in the “Hebrew
Brother who shall go out in the seventh
year” and “the yearly lured servant,” and
those “purchased from the Heathen round
about,” who were to be “Boml-inen forev
er,” as the property of their fellow man. You
cannot deny there were among the Hebrews
•‘Bond-men forever.”
You cannot deny that God especially au
thorised his chosen people to purchase
“Bond-men forever from the Heathen, as
recorded in the 2 Uh chapter of Leviticus,
and that! hey are there designated by the
very Hebrew word used in tlie Tenth com
mandment. Nor can you deny that a
“Bond-man forever” is a “Slave;” yet you
endeavor lo hang ail argument of immortal
consequence upon the wretched subterfuge,
that the precise vvord “slave” is not lo be
found in the Uanslation of the Bible. As
if the Translators were canonical expoun
ders of the Holy Scriptures, and their words,
not God's meaning, must he regarded as Ills
Revelation.
It is vai.i to look to Christ or any of his
Apostles to justify such blasphemous psr
versiona of tho word of God. Although
slavery in its most revolting form was every
where visible around their, no visionary no
tions of piety or philanthropy ever tempted
them to gainsay tlio Law, even to mitigate
tlie cruel severity of the existing system. —
On the contrary, regarding slavey as an estab
lished as well as inevitable condition of human
society , they never liin'ed at such a tiling as
its termination on earth, any more than that
“ilie poor may cease out of the laud,” which
God affirms to Moses shall never bo: and
they exhort “all seriflfnts under the yoke” to
“cuunt their masters as worthy of al! honor:”
“to obey them in all things according to the
flesh; ii"t with eye-service as men-pleasers,
hut in singleness of heart, fearing God:”
“not only the good and gentle, but also the
forward“for wliat glory is it if when ye
are buffet ted for vour fan its yo shall lake it
patiently, this is acceptable of God.” St.
Paul actually apprehended a runaway slave
and sent him to Ins master ! Instead of de
riving from the Gospel any sanction for the
work you have undertaken, it would be diffi
cult to imagine sentiments and conduct mure
strikingly in Contrast than those ol tlio Apos
tles and the Abolitionists.
It is impossible therefore to suppose that
slavery is contrary lo (ho Will of God. It is
equally absurd lo say that American slavery
differs ill forir or principle from that of the
chosen People. We accept the Bible terms
as the difinitiun of our slavery, and its precepts
asthe gaider of our conduct. VVe de.-ire
nothing more. F.ven the right lo “butfet,”
which is esteemed so shocking, finds its ex
press license in tlio Gospel. 1 Peter ii, 20.
Nay, w hat is more, God directs the Hebrews
to “boro holes in tho cars of their brothers”
to mark them, when under circumstances
they became perpetual Slavery Ex. xxi. 6.
1 think, then, I may safely conclude, and
I firmly believe, that American slavery is not
only not a sin, but especially commanded hy
God through Moses, and approved by Christ
through liis Apostles. And hero I might close
its defence ; for what God ordains and Christ
[VOL. V.—NO 30.
sanctifies should surely command the respect
and toleration of Mail. But I IVar there has
grown up in our lime a Transcendental Re
ligion wliii li is throwing even Transcendent
al Philosophy into the shade—a Religion too
pure and elevated for the Bible ; which seeks
to erect among men a higher standard ot
Alorals than the Almighty lias revealed or our
Saviour preached ; and winch is probably
destined to do more to impede the extensions
of God's Kingdom on earth than all the Infi
dels who have ever lived. Error is error. It
is as dangerous to deviate to the right bund
asthe left. And when men professing lobe
holy men, and who are hy numbers so re
garded, declare those things to be sinful
which out Creator lias e.vpre-sly authorized’
and instituted, lLey do more to destroy H s
authority among minkind than the most
wicked can effect by proclaiming that to be
innocent which He has forbidden. To ibis
self-rigineous and self-exalted class belong
all the Abolitionists whose writings I hate
read. With them it is no end ol the argu
ment to prove your popositions by the test ol
•the Bible, interpreted according to its plain &
palpable meaning, and as lyulerstood hy ail
mankind for three thousand"years before their
time. They are more uigoii.ous at constru
ing and interpolating to accommodate it to
their new-fangled and etherial code nf morals
than ever were Voltaire or Hume in picking
it to pieces to free the world from wlnt they
considered a delusion. When the Aboli
tionists proclaim “mansteahng” to be a sm
and show me that it U so written dmi u by
God, I admit them lo be right and shudder
at the idea of such a crime. But when I
show them that to hold “bond.men forever”
is ordained by God, they deny the Bible, and
set up in its place a Law of their own mak
ing. I must then cease to reason with them
on this branch ol the question. O-.r religion
differs as widely as our manners. The Great
Judge in our da) of final account must decide
between us.
Turning from tho consideration of slave
holding in its relations to man as an account
able being, let us examine it in its influence
on his political and social state. Though,
being foreigners to us, you are in no wise
entitled to interfere with tlie civil institutions
of this country, il has become quite common
fur your countrymen to decry slavery as an
enormous political evil to us, aud even to du
[ dare that our Northern States ought to w.til
draw from the Confederacy rather than con
] tintie to submit to it. The Abolitionists appear
j to concur fully in these sentiments, and a por
tion at least of them are incessantly threat
ning to dissolve the Union. Nor should I
be at ail surprised if they succeed. Ii would
not be difficult, in my opinion, to conjecture
which region, the Norihor South, would suff ‘
ter most by such ar. event. Fi r one 1 -hotilil j
not object, by any means, to cast my lot in n I
i confederacy of S.ates whose citizens might
all be slave-holders. I indorse without re
serve the much abused sentiment ot Gov.
McDuffie, that “slavery is the corner of onr
Republican edificewhile 1 repuiiia’e, a.-
ridiculously absurd, that much lauded but :iu
where accredited dogma ol Mr. Jefferson, lit l
“all men are born equal.” No Society has
ever yet existed, and I have already inci
dentally quoted the h ghest authority losltow 1
that none ever will exist, without a natural
variety of classes. The most marked ot these
must in a country like ours, be the rich and
the poor, the educated and the ignorant. It
will scarcely be disputed that the very poor
have less leisure to prepale themselves for
the proper discharge of public duties t ban the
rich ; and that the ignorant are wholly unfit
for them at all. In all countries Bave ours
those two classes, or the poor rather, who
are presumed to be necessarily igmnant, are
by law expressly excluded from all participa
tion in the management of public affairs. In
a Rupublican Government this cannot be
done. Universal suffrage, though not essen
tial in theory, seems to be in fact a necessary
appendage to a Kepubl.can system. When
universal suffrage obtains il is obvious that
the government is in die hands of a numeri
cal majority ; aud it is hardly necessary to
say that in every part of tlie world more than
half the people are ignorant and poor. Though
no r ne can look upon poverty as a crime, and
we do not generally here regard it as any ob
jection to a man in his individual capacity,
still it must be admitted that il is a wretched
and insecure government which is adminis
tered by its most ignorant citizens, and those
who have the least at stake under it. Though
intelligence and wealth have “teat influence
here as evety where in keeping in check
reckless and unenlightened numbeis, yet il
is evident to close observers, if not to ail, that
these are rapidly usurping all power in the
non-slave-liolding Stales, and threaten a fear
ful crisis in Republican Institutions lliete at
no remote period- In the slave-holding States
however, nearly one-half of the whole popu
lation and those the poorest and most ignor
ant, have no political influence whatever, be
cause they are slaves. Ofthe other half a
large proportiou are both educated aud inde
pendent in their circumstances, win e those
who unfortunately are not so, being still ele
vated far above the mass, are higher toned
ami more deeply interested in preserving a
stable and well ordered Government, than
the same class in any other country. Henco
slavery is truly the “corner stone” and foun
dation of every well-designed and durable
‘•Republican edifice.’’
With us every citizen is concern'd in the
mainlainance of order, and in promoting lion
esty and industry among those of tho lowest
class who are our slaves ; and our habitual
vigilance renders standing armies, whether
of soldiers or Policemen, entirely unnecessa
ry. Small guards moiir cities, and occasion
al patrols in the country, ensure us a repose
and security known no where else. You
cannot bo ignorant that, excepting the
States, there is no country in the world whose
existing Government would not be overturn
ed in a month, but for its standing armies,;
maintained at an enormous and destructive
cost to those whom they are destined to ever
awe—so rampant and combative is tho spirit
of discontent whenever nominal Free labor
prevails, with its ostensible privileges and its
dismal servitude. Nor will it|be long before
the “Free States,” cf this Union will ho com
pelled to introduce tho same expensive nia
cliineary to preserve order among their “free
and equal” citizens. Already lias Philadel
phia org inizsda permanent Battallion for this
purpose: New York, Boston and Cincinnati
wdl soon follow her example; and then the
smaller towns and densly populated counties.
Tlie intervention of their militia lo repress
violations of the peace is becoming a daily
affair. A strong Government after gome of
the old fashions—though probably with anew
name—sustained by the force of armed mer
cenaries, is the ultimate destiny of the non
slave-holding section of this confederacy,
and one which may no! ba very distant.
It is a great mistako to suppose, as is gen
erally done abroad, that in case of war slave
ry would be a source if weakness. It did not
weaken Rome, nor Athens, nor Sparta,
though their slaves were comparatively far
more numerous than ours, of the same color
fur the most part with themselves, and large
nuinb''rs ofllwin familiar with die useofarme.
I have no apprehension that our slaves wouAf
se ze such an opportunity to revolt. The
present generation of them, born among tie,
would never think of such a thing at any
time, unless instigated lo it by others. A
gaitift such instigations we ate a ways on
our guard. In time “I war we should be
inure watchful and het'or p eparrd to pnt
down insurrect !• ns than at any ether period.
Should any foreign nation he so lost to every
sentiment of civilized humanity ?s to attempt
to erect among ns the standard of revolt, or
to invade us with Black Troops for the base
and barb irons purpose of stirring up service
war, their efforts would he 3;gnatiy rebuked.
Our slaves could mt. he easily seduced, nor
would any thing delight them more than to
assist in stripping Cuffee of liis regimentals
to put him in the Cotton-field, w liich would
bethefateof most black invaders, without
any very prolix Imm of*'appreflliceship.” it
rs l am satisfied would be the case, our slavi s
remained peacefully on our plantations, and
cultivated liioin in lime of war under tho
si'peiiuteiiileoce of a limited number of our
citizens, it is obvious that we could put forth
more strength in such an emergency, at less
sacrifice, than any o’.her people of tie; same
numbers. And thus we should in every point
of view, “out oi this netilc danger, pluck ilia
flower safety.”
How far slavery may be an advantage o>
dis advantage to tiiose not owning slaves, yet
united with u- in political association, is a
question lor their sole consuls atu-o. ft n*
tiue that our Representation in Congress is
increased hy it. But so are onr Taxes ; and
tlie non-slave-holding Suites being the n>i
jorily divide amongthemselves far the greater
portion ot the amount levied hy the Federal
Government. And ( doubt not that when it
comes to a close calculation they wili.notbo
slow tti finding out that the balance of pi. fit
arising from tue connection is vastly in their
favor.
In a social point of view the Abolitionists
pronounce slavery to be a monstrous evil.—
If it was so, it wotilo he onr own peculiar
concern, and superfluous benevolence in them
to lament over it. Seeing their bitter hos
tility tn us however, they tmulit leave us to
cope with our own calamities. But they
make war upon usout of excess of cl.a tty, and
attempt to puri'y us by covering us with
calumny* Y'ou luue read and assisted lo
circulate a great deal about alfiays, duels
aud murders occuritig here,and all atliihut
ed to the terrible deiunralizatkm of slavery.
Nut a single event ol this sort takes place
among us, but it is caught up by the Aboli
tionists and paraded over the world wnh end
less comments, variations and exaggerations
Ytu should not tai-e what reaches you as a
mere sample, and infer lint mere is a vast
deal more that you never hear. You hear all
and more than all, the truth.
It is true that the point ot honor is recog
nized throughout the slave region, and that
disputes of a certain class are frequently re
lerred for anjustmentto the “trial by combat.”
It would not be appropriate for mo to enter,
in Ibis letter, into a defence of tho practice
of duelling, nor to main’ ain at length that it
does not tar nsh the character ol a people to
acknowledge a standard of honor. What
evet evils may arise from them, however,they
cannot be attributed to slavery, since the
same notion ami custom prevails both in
Fiance aud England. Few of your Prime
Ministers, of ilic last half century even.fcave
escaped the contagion, l believe. The af
frays, of which so much is said, and in which
rifles, bowie-knives and pistulsaioso promi
nent, occur mostly in the Frontier States of
the South-West. They are naturally inci
dental to the condition ot society as it exists
in many sections of these recently settled
countries, and will as naturally t ease in due
time. Adventurers from the older States and
from Europe, as desperate in character as
they are in fortune, congregate in these wild
regions, jostling one another and often forc
ing the peaceable and honest into rencontres
in self defence. Slaveiy has nothing to do
with these things. Stability anl peace aro
the first desires of every slave-holder, and the
Ituo tendency of the system. Il could not
possibly exist amid the eternal anarchy and
■civil broils of the ancient Spanish dominions
in America. And for this very reason, do.
meslic slavery has ceased there. So far from
encouraging strife, such scenes of riot and
bloodshed as have within the last lew years
disgraced our Northern cities, and as you
liave lately witnessed in Birmingham and
Bristol and Wales, not only never have oc
curred, but I will venture lo say never will
occur in our slave-holding States. The only
thing that can create a mob (as you may call
it) here, is the appearance of an Abolitionist
whom tlie peop e assemble to chastise. Aud
this is no more of a mob, than a rally of shep
herds to chase a wolfaout of their pastures
w ould he one.
But we are swindlers and repudiators!
Pennsylvania is not a slave Siate. A ma
jority of the Sia'es which have failed to meet
their obligations punctually are non-slave
holding ; and two-thirds of thei debt said to
l) • repudiated is owed by tlieso States. Many
of the States of this Union are heavily en
cumbered with debt—none so hopelessly as
England. Pennsylvania owes $22 for each
inhabitant—England $222, counting her
paupers in. Nor has there oeen any repu
diation definite and final, of a lawful debt,
that [am aware of. A few Slates have fail
ed to pay some instalments of interest. Tho
extraordinary financial difficulties which oc
curred a few years ago account for it. Time
will set all things right again. Every dollar
of both prin.ipal and interest owed by any
Suite, North or South, will be ultimately
paid, unless the abolition ot slavery over whelms
us all in one common ruin. Bui|have no oth
er nations failed to pay 1 When were the
French Ass'grats redeemed? How much
interest did y ur National Bank pay on its
immense cnculation from 1797 to 1821, dur.
ing which period that circulation was incon
veriilde, and for the lime repudiated ! How
much of your National Debt has been incurr
ed for money borrowed to meet the interest
on it, thus avoiding delinquency iu detail, by
insuring inevitable bankruptcy and repudia
tion in the end? And what sort of operation
was lhat by which >our present Ministry re
cently expunged a handsome amount of lhat
debt by substitutin g througn a process just
not compulsory, one species of security for
another 1 lam well aware that tho faults
of others do not excuse our own, but when
tailings are charged to slavery, which aro
shown to occur to equal extent where it does
not exist, surely slavery must be acquitted of
the accusation.
It is roundly asserted, that we are not so
well educated nor so religious here as else
where. I will not go inio tedious statistical
statements on these subjects. Nor have I,
to tell ilie truth, much confidence in the d
tails of what are commonly set forth as statis
tics. As to education, you will probably ad
mit that slave holders should have more leis
ure for mental culture than most people.
And I believe it is cliargi and against them that
they are peculiarly fond of power, and ambi
tions ot honors. If this be so, as all the pow
er and honors of bis country are won mainly
by intellectual superiority, it might be fairly
presumed thut slave-holders would not be
neglectful of education. In proof of the ac
curacy of this presumption I point you to the
facts, that our Presidential chair has been
occupied for forty four or fifty-six years by
slave-holders ; that atuther has been recent
ly elected to fill it for four more, over an op
ponent who was a slave-holder also ; and lhat
in the Federal offices and bjth Houses of
Congress considerably more than a due pro
portion of those acknowledged to a stand in