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he firs', ranjt are (rout the 8 ulli. In this
arena tlie intellects of the tree and slave
Slates meet in full end fair coin pet. lion.—
C'fature must have been usually bountiful to
us or ue have been U least reasonably as
siduous in the cult ivelion of such gifts as she
has bestowed, unless indeed you refer our
superiority to moral qualities, which 1 am
tore you will not. More wealthy we are
not ; itur Would mere wealth avail iu such
rivalry.
Thu piety of the South is unobtrusive.
We think it proves toil little, though it is a
confident 1 lung fora man lo ‘lam that he
-Hands higher in the estimation us his Crea
tor, and ie less a s. niter, than his neighbor.
II vociferation is to cart y dir question us re
ligion, the North and protiahly the Scotch
have it. Our seels are levy, nariuiinioiis.
pretty much united among themselves, and j
pursue their avocations ill humble peace.—
In fact, oOr prolessors of Religion seem lo
think, whether correedy or out, that it is!
ll.eir duly “lo do good in secret” and to carry i
llicir holy enmtort* lo the heart of each mdi
vidua I, without reference lo class or color, lor
his special enjoyment, aid not well a view in
exhibit their zeal before liiu world. So fat
es numbers are concerned, I believe our cler
gymen, vv lien called on lb make a sliowag,
nave never bad occasion to blush, if compar
isons were draw n between the free and sume
Stales. And ah bough cur |>-ohm's itu tml
teem with controversial p miphluis, jvor our
puipis shake wph excommunicating thun
ders, the daily walk olourreligious commu
nicants furnishes Apparently as little fund for
for gossip as is to Uo found in most oilier re
£>oll?. It may he regarded as a mark of out
want of excitability—i hough that is a quality
accredited lo us in an eminent degree—dial
few of the remarkable religious Isms of the
present day have taken root among us. We
have been so irreverent as to laugh at Mur
mnnism and Mdleri-m, which have created
such commotions farther North ; ami mo J■
ern Prophets have no honor in onr country.
Rhakers, K ippisis, D.inker?, Socialists, Four-
Tierists anti Urn like keep themselves alar off
Even I’useyisni has not yet moved •). V’iiii
may altribole this to our Domestic Slavery it
?ou choose- I believe you would dosojtiet
y. There Is no m aerial here lor arch char
acters .to operate upon.
■But your grand charge is that licentious
ness in intercourse between the sexes is a
prominent'trait of our social system, and that
■it necessarily arises from slavery. Tins is a
favorite theme w ith the Abolitionists, male
and female. Folios have been written on it.
it is a common observation, that there is no
subject on which ladies of eminent virtue so
much delight to dwelt, and on which in espe
cial learned old maids like Miss Martiueati
linger with such an insatiable relish. They
expose it in the Slave Slates with the most
minute observance and endicss iteration.
Miss Martineau, with peculiar gust, relates
a series of scandalous stories which would
feave Boccacio jealous of her pon, but which
are so ridiculout-ly false as to leave no doubt
tint mue wicked wag, knowing she would
write a book, has furnished her materials—
a game too often pi lyed on Tuutists in this
country. The constant recurrence of the fe
rtjalo Abolitionists to this topic, and their
bitterness in regard to it, cannot fail to sug
gest to even the most charitable mind, that
*3uoh rage without betters the fires wiihip.”
.Nor are their immaculate coadjutors of the
•other sex, though perhaps less specific in (heir
charges less violent in their denunciations.
But recently in your Island a clergyman has,
at a public meeting, stigmatized the whole
Slave region as a :‘Broihel.” Do these peo
ple thus cast stones being “without sin ?’’
Or do they only
“Oompoioi.t for sins llity are inclined le
by damning those ihty have no mind to.”
Alas that David anu Solomon should be al
lowed to repose in peace—that Leo should
be almost canonized, and Luther more than
sainted—that in our own day courtezans
should be formally licensed in Paris, and
tenements in London rented lor years to wo.
men of the town for the benefit of the Church,
with the know ledge of the Bishop—and the
poor Slave States ol America alone pounced
upon and offered up as a holocaust on the
Altar of limnaculatenees to atone for the
abuse o! natural instinct; by ail mankind ;
and if not actually consumed, at least exposed,
anathematized and held up to scorn, by those
-who
Wiih a Rival's or an Eunuch’s spue.”
But I dortdtintend to admit tliat this charge |
”•* just or true. Without meaning lo pro-i
•faas uncommon mhdesty, I will 6ay that I ‘
Wish this topic could bo avoided. 4 am ol
opinion, and I doulit not every right-minded
man will concur, that the public exposure and
discussion of this vice, even to rebuke, inva
riably does more harm than good; and that i!
it cannot becliei ked by instilling pure and vir
tuous sentiments, it is tar worse limn u.-eless
lo attempt to do it, by exhibit mg us deformi
ties. I may not, however, pas it over; nor
ought Ito Irel any delicacy in examining a j
question to which tlie Slave-holder is invited
and challenged by Clergymen and Virgin*-.
So tar troth allowing, then, that licentious-|
ness pervades this reg on, I broadly assert, |
and 1 reler lo Hie records of our Courts, to
the public prc-6, and to tbe knowledge of all
who have ever lived here, that among our
white population, there aie fewer cases ol
divorce, separation, t rim con. seduction, rape
*nd basiardy, than among any other the
millions of people on the civil.zed earth. Ami
this tact 1 believe will be conceded by the \
Abolitionists of this country themselves. I
am almost willing to reler it to them and sub.
mit to their decision on it. 1 wou.d not liesi
■tate lo do so il 1 thought them capable of an
impartial judgment un any mailer where
‘Slavery is in question. But it is said that
the licentiousness consists in the constant
intercourse between white males and colored
females. One of your heavy charges against
us tias been that v\e reg.rd and treat tlle-e
people as brutes ; you now charge us with
habitually taking them to our bosoms. I
•will not com nenl un the inconsistency of
these accusations. I will net deny that some
intercourse if ill * sort does take place. lis
character and ox.en', however, are grossly
end air. cionsly exaggerated. No aumonty
divine or human lias )ei oeen found sulticifinl
to arrest all such irregularities among men.
But it is a known fact, that they are perpe
trated here, lor the most part, in the cities.
Very few mulatioes are reared on our planta
tions. In the cities a large propnil.on olihe
inhabitants do not own smves- A slid larger
proport mu are natives ot the North or tnreigu
ers. Tney should share, and justly, an
equal part in tins sin with the Slave-holders.
.Facts cannot be ascertain, and, or I doubt not it
would ap|*ear that they are the chief offen
der*. If the truth be otherwise, then persons
from abroad liavo stronger prejudices ag nnst
the African race ‘ban we have, tie this as
.it may, it is well known that tins intercourse
us regarded in our society a-; highly disreputa
ble. If carried on habitually it seriously af
sects a man’s standing, so tar as it is known ;
and he who takes a eoloreJ in stress —with
ra-e and extraordinary exceptions—loses
caste ai once. You will say that one ex
ception should damn our whole country.
How much less .criminal is it to take a wlnle
mistress ? In your ayes it should be at ieast
an equal offence, lou .look around you at
home, from the cottage to the throne, and
count how many mistresses are kept in un
blushing notoriety.,-without any loss of caste..
Such caseß are almost unknown here, and
down even to the low'est walks of life it is
altnoet invariably fatal to a man’s position
and prospects to keep a mistress openly,
whether white or black. What Miss .Marti
nsau relates of a young man’s purchasing a
lured concubine from a lady and avowing
■ his design?-, is too absurd even for contradic
tion. No person would dare to allude to
such a subject in such a manner lo any de
|ceu< female in this country. If he did, he
j would be lijhcluJ— doubtless with your ap
probation.
j After ail, however, the number of the mis
led breed in pioportion to that ol the black
|is infinitely small, and out of the towns
| next lo nothing. And when it is consider! and .
|iliat ihe African race has been among us f ■ j
‘two hundred years, and ihatlhoseof ih
I rmsed breed cmninualy intermarry—often
; tearing lorcc families— Uis a deeded proof j
of our continence that so lew comparatively !
! arc lo be found. Our misfortunes are two-j
‘told. From the prolific propagation ofthese
! mongrels among lliemselves, we are liable to I
:be charged by tourisis w ith tlelinquinci.es j
( where none have boon commuted, while,
; where one lias been, it cannot be concealed.
Color marks indelibly ilia offence, aid re
| veals it to every eye. Conceive that, even,
i in your virtuous and polished country, if eva-
Irv bastard through all the ciicles of your
i social sy*Jeiu uas thus branded by i.atuie
ami known lo all, what shocking develop
j menu might there not be ! How little tadig
na'ion m.g.ht your saints have to spare tor ;
I the licentiousness of the slave region. But l |
j h ive aloiu- iqilh this disgusting topic. And I .
;tlduk 1 may justly conclude, after all the i
| scandalous charges winch tea-tablu gossqs j
and long-gowned hypocrisy have brought!
against the slave ‘homers, that a people whose
men are previously brave, intellectual and
I hospitable, and whose women areunaiiiicted
iy chaste, devoted to domestic life and happy
in it, can neiihec be degraded nor demoraliz
ed, whatever their institutions may be. My
decided opinion is, that our system of Slave
ry contributes largely to the development
and culture ol these high and noble qualities.
In a commericial point of view—which I
will not omit, Slavery presents some difiicul- I
ties. Asa general rule, I agree it must be j
admitted, that free labor is cheaper Ilian j
Slave labor. Il is n fallacy to suppose that |
ours is unpaid labor. The slave hirusell j
must be paid for, and (bus ins later iu ail J
j purchased at once, and for no trilling sum. j
] Ills price was in the first place paid mostly ]
j to your countrymen, aaid assisted inbui ding |
irp-stnne of ItiOfO colossal English fortunes
I since illustrated by patents ol nobility, and
(splendid piles of architecture, stained and ‘
| cemented, if you Ike the expression, with the
I b ood of ■kidnapped innocence; but loaded
j with tro heavier curse than Abolition and its
(begotten fanaticisms have brought upon your
(land— some of them Im nislied, some yet to
I be. But besides the first cost of the slave,
jhe must Ire fed and clothed—well fed ami
! well rkiihrd, if not for humanity’s sake, that
lie may do good work, retain health ami life. j
and rear a family to supply his place. When |
old or sick lie is a clear expense, ami so is j
the helpless portion Os hie family. No poor
law provides lor him wlien unable to work, !
or bungs up his children 4m out service
when we need them- These are ail heavy
charges on slave labor. Hence, in all coun
tries where the denseness of the .population
| has reduced it to a matter of perfect certainty
that labor can be obtained whenever wanted,
and the laborer be forced by sheer necessity
lo hire Ibr the smallest pittance that will
keep soul and body together and rags upon
his hack while in actual employment—de
pendent at all other times on alms or poor
rates ; in all such countries tit is found cheap
er lo pay this pittance than ito .clothe, feed,
nurse, support through childhood and pen
sion in old age a raoe of slaves ! Indeed,
the advantage is so groat as speedily to com
: pensate for the loss of the value of the slave.
! And I have no hesitation in saying that if I
j could cultivate my lands on these terms I
I would without a word resign my slaves, pro
vided they could be properly disposed of.
But the quest ion is, whollrer free or slave
la! or is cheapest to us in this ■country at this
time, situated as we are. And it is decided
at once by'the fact that vvs cannot avail our
selves of any other than slave labor. We
neither have nor can we procure other labor
to any extent, or on anything like the terms
j .mentioned. We must therelore content our- j
| solves with our dear labor, under the con- ■
soling -reflection that what is lost to us. is I
(gained to humanity ; and that inasmuch as
j our slave costs us more than your free man I
costs you, by so much is ho better off F"ii |
w ill promptly say, emancipate your slaves,
and (lien von will have free labor on silua- ■
able terms. That might be if there were j
five hundred where there now is one, and
lhe continent, from the Atlantic to the I’aci- |
| fir. was as densely populated as your Island. I
But until that comes io pa.-s no labor can be i
procured in America on the terms you have j
While I thus freely admit that to the iiuli— j
•vidual proprietor slave labor is dearer than!
Iree, 1 do-not menii to admit it as equally |
clear that it is dearer to the community and !
to the State. Though it is certain that the j
slave is a far greater consumer than your j
lalvorer the year iound, yet your pauper sye- j
! iem is costly and wasteful. Supported by j
; your community at-large, it is nut adniirtislet-1
1 ed by your hired agents with that interested j
\ care and economy—not to speak of hutnam- |
ty —which mark the management etours by j
each proprietor for Ins own non-effectives, |
(anil is bo'h inure expensive lo those who j
pay, am: less beneficial lo these who receive
its bounties. Besides this. Slavery is rap-:
j idly filling up our country with a handy and
! healthy race peculiarly adapted to our climate !
and productions, and conferring signal polili- j
ca! and social advantages on us us a people to
which 1 have already referred.
.1 h ive yet to reply to die main ground on
which you and your.coadjutors rely for the
overthrow of our system ol slavery. Failing
in all your atleuipla lo piove dial it is sinful
in ns nature, immoral ill its effects, a puli'ical
evil, and profi less to those who maintain it,
you appeal to die sympathies of mankind,
and attempt to arouse the wmld against ms
by the most shocking charges of tyranny and
cruelly. You begin by a vehement denun
ciation of “die ii responsible power ol one
man over his fell >w men.” The question of
Ihe respona hilily of power is a vast one. It
is ihe creat political question of modern
tunes. Wuolo nations divide off upon it and
establish different funda nenial systems of
government. That-“responsibility,” which,
in one sol of millions, soems amply sufficient
io check die government, in the support ol
which they dev-ue their lives and fortunes,
appears to another s.-t ol millions f mere
mockery of restraint. And accordingly as
die opinions of these millions differ, they
honor each other with die epithets ol “Serfs”
or “Auarchi-ts.” It is ridiculous lo introduce
such an idea a? this into the discussion of a
mere Domestic Institution. But since you
have introduced it, I deny that the power ol
the slave holder in America is “icrespousi
ble.” lie Is responsible to God. He is re
sponsible to die world—a responsibility which
Abut,tionists do not intend to allow him to
evade—md in acknowledgement of which I
wrile you this letter. He is responsible to
the cominuniiy in which he lives, anil lo the
laws under which ho enjoys h;s civil-rights.
J'ho?e laws do not permit him to kill,Jo
inaim, or to punish beyond certain limits, or
to overtask, or lo reluse to f ed and clothe
•us slave. In short, diey forbid him to be
tyrannical lo the slave- If any of these laws
have grown obsolete, it in because they arc
so seldom violated that they are forgotten.—
You have disinterred one of them from a com
pilation by some Sudgc Stroud of Philad.,
io stigmatize its inadequate penalties foi
killing, maiming, <fec. Your object appears
to be—-you can have no other—lo produce
the impression that it must be often violated
on account of its insufficiency. You say a?
much, and lint marks our eslimale of the
slave. You forgot to slate that this law was
enacted by Englishmen, and only indicates
their opinion ol the reparation due for these
ofience#. Ours is proved by the fact, though
perhaps unknown lo Judge Stroud or your
self, mat we have essentially altered this
law ; and the murder of a slave has formally
years been punishable with death ju this
Slate. Ami so it, is, | believe, in most or all
the slave States. You seem well aware,
however, that laws have been recently pass
ed in all ihese Slates making it penal lo
leach slaves to read. Do you know vvliat
occasioni and their passage, and renders their
stringent enforcement necessary 1 I can tell
you. it was the Ah l.uoii agitation, li the
slave is not allowed to read his Bible, the
sin rests upon the Abolitionists; for they
stand prepared to furnish him with a Key to
i winch would make it, not a hook of Pope
iV, love arid peace, hut of despair, hatred and
hood; winch would convert the reader, not
into a Christian, but a Demon. To preserve
bun from such a horrid destiny, it is a sacred
d,uiy which we owe to our slaves, out Jess
than lo ourselves, to interpose the most deci
sive means. Iftho Catholics deem it w rong
to trust the B ide to the hands ol ignorance,
shall we be excommunicated because we wii
not give it, and with it the corrupt ami final
coniiiieuifrT.es of the Abolitionists, to our
slave! Allow our slaves to read your pam
phlets, stimulating them lo rut our throats !
Can you believe us lo be suc-U unspeakable
fools!
<Concluded next week.)
From the Savannah Georgian.
TUB NEXT GOVERNOR.
The fact is assumed that Governor Craw
ford has resusciated the credit of the Ntate,
and by f is eminent financial abilities, restored
[ts currency to a sound condition. On the
assumption ol this fact the Whigs ask Ihe
people to forget to w hat party Mr. Crawford
belongs, and what are Ins p"lu i at principles.
We propose to inquire into tlie Iruvb nl this
I assumption. Uutd we hear from Ins Excel
lency at the ensuing session ol the Legisla
ture, we cannot tell what is ihe precise con
dition of affairs. But w e assume, a claimed
by the Whigs, that vvlteu Mr. Crawford went
into office, tiieState bonds were beknv par,
and the Central Bank Bills at a discount of
seven per centum, and that now they are ap
preciated to par. We propose to prove that
ins Excellency lias had as little effect in pro
ducing Ibis appreciation, as has a chip upon
live rising of Ihe waters on winch it floats.
A review of the matter will establish that
the change has been brought about in ohedi
ence to die great law of cause and effect,
and that a similar change must have taken
place under the administration of any Gov
ernor in the absence of all legislation w hich
could hate in any uay interfered with ilie op
eration of that law ol cause acid effect. We
nelieve that the precise state of things in re
lation to our finatces would have existed, as
now exists, had any man of nidinary honesty
and capacity filled the Gubernatorial Cbair.
To establish the justness of our belief, we
propose to consider
Ist. The causes w hich produced embar
rassment in the currency and finances of i.ur
Stale.
2d. The removal of it hose causes— the time
when, -Hid the instrumentality fey winch such
removal took place.
One great cause c>f bur financial embarrass
ment was the establishment ol the Central
Bank. There were evils intrmate .in the
manner and mode this Institution was estab
lished, and resulted, as Governor Forsyth
predicted in his message in 1829? from defects
in iho machinery, which no management ot
the llinectors could remedy. This is obvious
Ist. Because the capita! was constituted not
only of Bank Stock, (of which ihat in the
Daiieti Bank to the amount of S' 5 24,00 U has
been entirely sunk, am! lliose in the Augusta
and Stale Batiks depreciated,) but of all debts
claim'd by the Sla'e, liowcaec old, desperate
or unfiigfunate. 2d. Because such Institu
tion was tinder the control .of the Legislature
a popular assembly, many of the mom hers
of w hich became Us debtors,and all of them
were the representatives ol its debtors. 3d.
Because by the 3 I seclioo of its charter, ihe
whole revenue of the State, whether arising
from axes on the peopleor dividends,on Bank
stock owned bv the Slate, was lo he deposit
ed in this Institution subject lo all dralls on
the part of the Slate, < ulhorizedtiy the ap
propnations of the Legislature.
The evils arising Iroin a system so errone
ous cannot be easily exaggerated. 1 1 s capi
tal, being fictitious, melied from Its grasp.—
The members of the l egislature, some of
them debtors, all of them representatives of
debtor.-, increased by their legislation, the
lev.ls of the system. Unchecked by the ne
cessity of immediately raising by taxation,
means to meet their appropriations, these
were profusely made and throw, n for .payment
upon the Central Bank, without considering
liovv iliat Institution was to meet the payment.
To make matters worse, the taxes w Inch by
the charter of ihe B mk constituted a part oi
its capital, were fiom year to year taheiqfront
it and given tu the Counties.
In 1839, Governor G,liner, in his message
.(see Journals of Senate 1839, p. 24) write.? —
“I most corneal myself wilh reminding the
[ Legislature that whilst for several yeais its
appropriations nave hreu greater than the
‘i rea.-ury could [ay. the general annual taxes
which belong properly to the Treasury have
been given ‘to the Conulies , and vvliat is of si ill
inme importance to be remembered, that the
credit ol the State has been sacrificed and ile
c arar.ler disgraced,.by the protest,•tiuauutber
State,of a delit of three hundred thousand,
doilars, contracted by the Central llank Under
the authority of the Legislature & has prevented
the Bank /jam paying when due, by inquiring
that its intuits should be applied lo oilier pur
poses.’’
Another cause calculated lo increase the
pecuniary embarrassment* es the Central
Bank, and lo cause them to react upon the
Stale was, the course pursued by the Whig
parly in tins Staie. It is iu be borne in mind
fhai lortlie grealer portion of ihe time this
institution was under the direction ol leading
Democrats. Instead of attacking the system
anil exposing its,intrinsic defects, the Wings
with a view to injure Jjie Democratic Di
r colors, aid through .them the party to winch
they belonged, attributed.all the difficulties
ol ihe Institution not to those errors, but to
the ii.rapacity or infidelity of the Directors.
To rarry nut their designs a panic against
ihe Bank was invariably gotten up when lire
Whigs were m powei. To gratify .parly
host illy, every effort was made lo break down
ihe Bank, and debase us currency., of which
efforts brokers and stockjobbers took gfio I
cine to avail themselves. Party movements
thus aided to Jncrease the intrinsic evils and
lo involve more deeply the institution, and
consequently the Stale, to which it belonged
in pecuniary embariassuients.
The remedy applied to these accumulated
embarrassments was in ilseil another cause
of pecuniary difficulty. Stale bunds were is
sued so ;iinprovidenlly that under the ad
ministration of Mr. Gilmer, as we have seen
the credit of the Slate received a shock by the
protest in anniher Stale ofdier debt amount
ing to $800,090.
Another cause ol financial embarrassment
was the extensive outlay, in anticipation of
(he resources ol,the Slate, on the Stale Bail
Hoad.
Finally, the great and overrunning cause
of confusion in our money affairs was the
failure ofthe Bank of the United Stales and
the general suspension of the State Banks,
and the universal commercial depression
commencing in 1837—a cause which operat
ed to the injury of the credit of other States
and led 11 the disgraceful measure of repu
diation,
Such w ere the causes of the confusion in
the moneyed affairs of the Slate. They were
enough lo break “a Roy.il merchant down.”
We now propose lo consider their remo
val.
First—there was the recovery of the
Country generally, anil with it of the Stale
of Georgia in the period which intervened
between 1837 anil 1843. when Governor
Crawford was eleciea. Individuals, the
Geneiiil Government, and ihe Slates gradu
ally recovered tiotu the great euibarenss
menis into which they had been thrown by
the commercial revetsesof 1837. Next, a\
•o the Central Bunk and ihe Slate Taxes-
In 1839 the act which gave a portion of I lie
taxes lo ilie Counties was repealed. The
Resolutions of ilie Legislature of 1840. re
quiring the Central Bank lo pay the debts of
the Western and Atlantic Rail Road in
current funds, were repealed, as also the 4di
section ol .the act of 1840, directing Stale
bonds lo be issued to lake tip ihe notes of
Hie Central Bnnk. In 1841 ltic Darien
Bank was put in liquidation, and the Cen
tral Bank was prohibited from making loans
until it could sustain iis circulation at car,
and the Bank also prohibited front trading
as part of its capital any other than solvent
evidences of debt.
In 1841 lire work upon the State Rond
was susp tided, except upon the fits! fiftv
two miles—the Engineer corps was reduced,
—the Commissioners discontinued—and a
disbursing agent appointed. In 1841 the
B eitnial law was passed, this saving some
SSO 000 In $60,000 per annum to the-Stale.
In 1842 the Central Bat-k was ptoliilijteil
from lul l liar issi.es, and from discounting
new p|>cr, and required to born iis hills as
they were redeemed, iu pursuance of which
SBOO,OOO ol iis bills were burned sluritig
I Gov. McDonald’s administration. Titus,
previous to the election of Mr. G. W. Ciavv
fonl, the causes of embarrassment were re
moved. The Stale had recovered from ihe
convulsions of I 837-the Bank of Darien
had been put in liquidation—the issue of
Slate Bonds restricted—the taxes which
had been given lo the counties, directed in
to their proper clianai:l, the Treasury ol lbe :
Slate—Hie operations of the Central Bank
attested—the expenses ou the State Road
limited., and a saving to the Stale of some
sfi(l,otr<) effected by the Biennial law. Now ,
all this was done befoie Mr. Crawford came
•inlo office, ami tlie necessary, nuv, unavoid
able effects were to lelitve the .Stale and
Leievaie her credit.
What agency had the present Executive 1
with all this? Absolutely nothing. The
money, which by the removal of iliese.cau
ses accumulated in the Treasury of the
Slate, enabled the Bank to tedeem its notes
at par and a,p| teciated the .Stale Bonds lo
pai value.
We feel justified in asserting then, that
no matter who was Governor, the same ef
fects would have resulted from the same
causes. Whenever we, can with truth say
that the log which floats on the surface of a
river this week six leet higher above its
banks than it did the week Ireiore, has caus
ed the rise of the river winch has uplifted
it, we may attribute to Governor Ctawlord
the improvement in our Slate finances. But
not before.
[From the Macon ’Telegraph.]
REASONS FOR OPPOSING GOV. CRAW
FOKt) ANU THE WHIG PARTY.
w•e are asked why oppose Governor |
■Crawford? Why did not the Convention
give a leason ? It would be enough to saiis
ly any honest Democrat to answer the
| question by asking another. When did
Uovsr nor Craw ford ever vote for or support
a Democrat ? But what reason do the
Whigs offer for his support ? He lias re
stored the solvency of the Central Bank ! !
U hat impudence, nay what lolly 1 Why
not go a step further and say he has teslof
i and equal exchanges ? For before be was
elected exchange on tile north was 20 per
cent ; nmv it is about par. i’liese dishonest
politicians well know, that the Central Bank
hills were made good liy laws passed by a
Dumociatic Legi.-1 atm re. But if it wese
not so—il it was by the “sole act ot Governor
Crawford, then .Mr. Ctawlord is a fit subject
for impeachment, for lie has -acted without
iaw, or assumed to make the law tor him
seif, according to my reading of the consti
tution, a Governor <l Georgia, can cxetcise
Legislative powers only in conjunction wilh
Senators and Repre-entatives during their
session. But aliet their adjournment his
sole duty is to see that the laws are faithful
ly executed in pursuance of his oath. If
Mr. Ctawlord has gone beyond this, he has i
vio ated ttie Constitution and exercised the
m library powers of a king. Let Mr. Craw,
.ford and his friendsheware on what grounds
they place liis claims lor indulgence.
But after all, opposition lo George Craw
ford is not the grievance complained of. Il
is because in his peison, as llicir tepre-enta
live, we oppose the Whig party. This is
ihe •heail and fiont of our offending.” Ask
•tlre question hen, gentlemen, like inave and
- men : Why do you democrats op- :
pose the w hig .party ? Simply because you 1
oppose deinoeiaey. Because your piinei j
pies are in diiect opposit on to the .demo
cratic principles as avowed in the Baltimore !
Resolu ions, adopted by the Convention. |
Again you ask what have national politics
to do with state politics ? 1 answer tlieie is
and can he. no distinction—there is no such
thing ns national politics. Tkeie is no na
tion with ns. hut a .cunfi dttnoy or Union of
States. Willi, raw each Siam and nothing
remains. The term ” National Govern-’
mphi,'” withs is only an abstr: ctinu, an
idea. It ‘indy .means •, (awkwardly,, to be
sure.) a Congress of Shale?. Therefore it
lias always be it, and 6o it must always
continue, lliai each Stale earths into the
councils of the Congress, her domestic or ;
Slate politics. Would i’ la.-t be an anoraa !
Iy to excite (he special wonder of men. lo
-ee Ihe federal Stale of iMassaelmsei.s send
to the Congress Democ ntic Senators and
Representatives ? Such an absurdity never j
has and never can occur.- in any Stale. Isit|
net their duty, then—nay, does not their |
own and then children’s safety, demand of
the people of each Shite in guard with tier- I
nal vigil nice, such principles as they lie -I
lieve will secure to them and llicir descen-1
and ials, liberty and happiness ? Ar.il I need
j hardly add, that this cajmoi be effected un-1
less the people tase care in the select inn of j
iheir public servants, to .put confidence ill 1
.no one who docs not bmh profess and prac-1
lice Dcmocr hie principles—in other words,
principles that have for ilieir olijert ihe hap
piness of l lie many instead ol the few. The
obsolete frderal ilt vice of “Measures and not
men,” has long since been exploded by all
honest men of all parties. Our mono is
*• Men and Measures.” Wo arc not green!
enough to expect Bemoctaiic measures from .
a federalist, especially if he is holiest. But |
we have a right to expect such measures
from a Democrat that is honest, and should!
trust none other.
With the foregoing reasons I do not ex
pect the political hacks of the .whig party
w ill lie satisfied. They do not seek .reason,:
nor innh—party .power is theirobject. But
I ha ve a word lo add to the generous, noble
hearted young men of that parly —if they
will listen for a moment to an old man who
has done the stale some service, who never
sought, never held, and never expects office.
You are destined to exert an influence for
good or fm evil ti|ion the destinies of your
country. High dr low, lich or poor, all
innsl lake a part for all lime to come, cither
in strengthen ng or destroying the glottoiis
fabric of this Republic. The approach
of tyranny —the eternal foe of republican
institutions—is always by hidden steps, l
stealing away little by lime, the power of
the many, aid conferring it on thereto —until
Caesar, iu the garb if a Tribune, commands
the eleeiiiu) of Consuls.
Thai ihe V\ big parly have advocated and
sustained measures calculated to comer pow
er ami privileges on what t! ey choose to
c ill the upper classes, uu one candidly re- !
viewing iht ir acts can deny. Tlu ir tariff
policy ts ti e same as that us Abbott Law
rence, and the Boston lederalists who de
clared in IS 11, ihat il was a great uiisf r
furtiine to men of proper y that Massachu
setts hail abandoned Inr allegiance of Great
Britain. Tne Whig pai'y ol Georgia— ’
the V\ big paity of I lie Union, have boasted
and now boast, that they “-laud on the same
platform” with these federal aristocrats of
New England. They taunt the Deu)ocr,'t
ic parly with being composed of discordant
materials—while the whig-, say they all,
oorili and south, bolievealike—and that 100,
when every intelligent man knows, that the
wings of Now Eng and are as hostile n>
southern instiio kins as the people ol'Einr-
IhhlwJ.li whom they sympathise. But lose
uorthu larid', and oilier iiionopi lies, is by ao
means ‘he onlv, nor die mo-t heinous sin oi
the whig party. I charge them stamping
upon one platform w ith the old fvdtral trea
son, Willi taking part with England against
! their own country; and in the words o! Hen-
Iry Clay, of old time, when his clarion voice
; was cheering on the aunies of democracy
against die hosts of Brnain, I tell you, “this
treason will be your toomb.” Neither monar
chy nor a British parly will do well in this
i country. 11 lam asked for the ev deiice ot
this eitarge, 1 have only to point to the ac
tion ol the whig Congress, and their party
loesses. Link at their conduct touching
the outrage of murder and burning of the
Caroline by the British, and then un the trial
of McLeod in New York. Also tire taking
i’o?scssiun of the slave? of the Creole. G.
Biitian Had no better defenders at home than
•she fad here in the whig parly. Need I call
attention to the action of that piarly lathe
, affair of Texas? Their deeds are too recent
: o requite recital—but what makes tlie.-r
conduct more treasonable in tins last affair
is. that, the avowed reason of hostility to the
annexation of Texas, as given by Great
Britain and ;heir northern allies, is that it
will strengthen the Suulhl 1 put it poeverv
young man of the whig party in Ihe sOblS il
both their interest and honor do inrwpeqaire
diet) lo hasten down from a “platforgfw winch
; confines them to such company? j®
As aa ev fence of the inherent tyranny of
lie wing party, iheirapprova! and fbppnri ol
die aristocrats ol Rhode Island in their more
Algerine disposition towards Mr Dorr, is
abundant proof. They tiy lo hide from
die people die enormity ot Ihe lift bv # castmg
upon Mr. Door all maiiiier offcprqjSiriuoi.—
But it is all false. 1 know Dorr personally,
and all whoelo know him, know tlfft a more
amiable, honor? tile, and respectable man ■doe*
not live. Htsem consisted in fiaking sid s
with the people against afHvrse proud aria
craev, among whom he had been educated.
His destruci ion will rcmartl in history a stand
ing rejeoach upon the age,skSc by side with
the deeds of Nicholas lowardiSflliepoor Poles.
•PULASKI.
From the I ‘ou titutianalist.
GOV. CRAW KOROLS ECONOMY,
In the Soiitlierii Recoider of Tuesday Bth
inst. I read acomniumcaiiunsigi ed a “School
Master,” laudatory of ihe sdtuinistrat'on ol
Goy. Crawford, in that divine command
which directs us not to hear false witness
against our neighbor, is likewise embodied
dje no less jwli’ lesorne moral of not hearing
lalse witness Jor our neighbor. The “<S ichonl
Master” ha 6 evidently violated the latter, in
Ins article before inc-
De says dial Gov. Crawford, has made tno
Penitentiary a source of profit, instead of an
expense to the stale. 1 haW too long been in
the liaoitof hearing this favorable report, I oth
from wing and democratic administrations—
and 1 solemnly believe that the “School Mas
ter” is guilty of bearing false witness. The
Penitentiary of Georgia a profit to the slate !
Ji was only at the last so-?ion ofthe legis
lature, that 32,(100 dollars His appropriated
lo pay alt the debis of the Penitenttarv- (At
dial lime, there was in materials, stuck and
inaindaci ured art.cles, on hand, $44,452)
There was al.-o an appropriation of lS.tltWi
dollars made by the legislature of 1843 lor
the purchase of materials, sobs.stence, and
pay nl snlai it a, for the following two years,
lor the Penitentiary.
Now Ict-trs rlluslTaie, briefly, how the pro
fitable results of our Penitentiary operations
| are generally inamilaclured. The Principal
Keeper or his Book Keeper, or the D.rceii r
Will estimate the value of the wr,k and me in
removing one of the brick walls of the Peni
tentiary a few leet from where it stood before I
11c will then put dawn the value ofrebu.Jding
the burnt portion of the Pemien-iaiy!—il.e
removal ol a liouse—the addition of a room
the swinging-ot a gate—die digging of tan
vats and wells—and 1 could mention a hun
dred charges, and all against the State! be
; cause her property, the Penitentiary, is im
proved! This is the way the Penitentiary
i lias proved profitable to me Stare !
| I assert, tearless of contradiction, that die
■ Penitentiary is as rirucli aa expense to the
(state at this time, a? it has heendutirg many
years of iis opera dun. The Immbiur attempt
ed to be circulated, that it is a source of pro
fit, is only worthy ol'lh, se who are attempt
ing to bolster up die waning fortunes of
whipgerv. ’I hey know that the ars- rd mis
false. Ask one of these ‘• School Master”
j wise-acies, how much money the Penitentia-
Directors have placed to the credit and sub
ject to die ordei of ihe state, from actual sides
of work done in the Penitentiary, during the
time of Gov. Crawford’s ailimine'nrKuii, alter
| deducting expenses of die instiiulion, and j
( what will lie tell you? Not a dollar! On
the other hand, il proper inquiry be made ol
the right source, it nil! be found, that the
Peihienliary .will be at liatt 20,000 wi r?e off
at the next session ol die legislature, than it
j was alter its debts wore paid in 1843.
! Ido not believe dial tlie Peoi eniiary will,
(at Ihe next session, ask for any new appro
j print ion—but why not? All its debts .were
paid in 1843 ; and it had an unencumbered
capital ol 41.452 dollars, in slock and uiate-
I rials mi hand. Nay, more, the legislature at
: dial lime, made a liberal anpropriation ol
! 48,000 dollar.?, lor require, subsistence, &c.
Why, what in the name of common sense,
1 could Ihe people expect, but lhat the enor
jmoils appropriation? of 1843, would satisfy
iihe Penitentiary for four or five years yet lo ;
(come. Profits! It may he possible, that
many of the uianiifanl ured arricles, a part ol
tlre old slock of 44 452dollars,have heen-sold,
and I presume that it must be from tlnssource
diev obiainod tlteir piifits'. And this is a
beautiful commentary upon die financial abili
ty thatg ive.rna our .Penitentiary operations,
j These profits are about on a par with the
majority and minority reports of the Peniten
, liaty committee of the last legislature. The
difference in their estimates of ihe value of
j slock and materials was 7,452 dollars! Jt
’ may be that die difference -here mentioned
! has been put down as profits, under Guv-
Crawford’s administration.
Let us state the pecuniary advantages
which were given to the Penitentiary, by the
whig legislature of 1843.’
To pay Penitentiary debts, 32.000
Slock and maloriale on band, 44,452
At propriilloiiH for repair?, and subsis
tence for 1844 and 1815, 18;000
$94,452
And yet the whigs have the unblushing
hardihood to la!!abuot the economy of Gov.
Crawford’s administration.! “
I I know no other principle upon which to
reconcile the paradoxical notion ofthe “School
Muster’’ wings, titan Ihe whig logic of last
Slimmer, that the more money squandered about
j the Penitentiary, ihe grealer the profits to the
I Slate.
| The Pen tentiary of Georgia has been a
(tax upon the |ieoplv, of 12,1410 dollars each
(year, since is creation in 1816.
G v. Crawlnrd’s two years. 95.452
Average lor two years previous, 24,U0U
$70,452
By this statement, it will appear that Guv.
l oan f,,rd has received 70,432 dollars, in Iwo
years, more lhan was ever appropriated be
fore —and this is the way whig* prove their
principles ol economy 4he more lhal you
(spend the greater your saving.
But tlie ‘'School Master” refers to the re
port of the F.ii.iiico Commit:ee of 1841 to
sustain his assumption, that die Penitentiary
has been a source o (profit lo the state,since
Gnv. Cravvfon.’s adini.o-lralion commenced.
Allow me to reter the reader to die same
Finance Report. It says “The operation if
the entire year of the Penitentialy, shows a
toss io the state beyond ihe annual uppropria
lion <if'S> l,(j7G 85 cents.” It is already known
iliat 18.000 duhats was appropriated to the
Teniient.arv for the year 1844, and 1845
Tins was 9,000 dollars for eacli year. Lei
us then calculate tlit profitsJ
Annual Appropriation, 9,000
Loss beyond the appropriation, 4,676
Total loss, 133)76
Here is a beautiful snecimen of profile ! as
shown by Gov. Cravvfiud’s specially appoint
ed Finance Cumuli.lee; and one ol the argu
ments that will be used in favor of tne economy
and financial ability ofthe whig nominee lor
Governor. ,
But, a.though the last legislature appro
priated 32,900 dodars lo pay all tlie debts ol
me Penii-eniiary. we are tuld by iiis Finance
Coniiniliee that alter paying out that immense
amount “a large debt is tell uutsiand.ng and
unpaid, besi es die interest due uu the debts
paid.”
In the name of the outraged and plundered
people of Georgia, 1 do hope aud trust, that
their seal of indignation may be stamped up
on iho re financial rulers whose craven croaks
about economy, economy and economy are only
being made, luddude Tne people drum an ex
amination oltbe wasteful prolhgacy, that is
now carried on in Milledgeville.
Who was chairman of the Committee on
the Penitentiary, at tlie last session of the
Legislature? Mr. Redding,die present Prin
cipal Keeper ol the Penitentiary. And it was
rum lus report that the amount of indebted
ness us die I’enilemiary was made know n.—
80l now it is found our lo be much greater
ihan was then shown ! —aud Irk? Iy tlie next
Legislature may be called upon to.appropriate
32,000 dollars .more to pay all tlie debts ol
that institution. And then we will hear an
other homily upon the profits ol the Peniten
tiary 1
I have not time, at present, to notice the
great sailing of Governor Craw loid’s admin
istration, in some other mgttere mentioned by
a “School Master.” In a day ur two, I wit!
resume die subject : and hope to shew lo the
so detant ”School Master” Ihat although he
may bo sucking the pap in MiUedgev-jlte, he
.s not to be 3tr Guide loritlie peqpie ol Geor
gia. PINKY WOODS.
BEAUTIES OF THE TARIFF.
Attention has olten bees called before to
other “Beauties of the Tariff,” contrasting
die high duties imposed on necessaries of
popular coiiMMiiptlou, with the low ones on
luxuries Which find llicir market only a
mong The rich. We have not before siren
the article of Lace noticed, as Jt is done by
a well informed correspondent as follows:
to’he article I wish to refer *o is that ol
lark. Every lamily throughout diecnuntiy
uses mine r,r less of the ankle ot lace, for
irimming and other purposes. SJk lace i
expeiieive, and few but reaily wealthy
can use it in ar greaipj.ianiiiy. Colton
lanes are cheap, awL bv every le
unde wlhj has not meeidf of puichasing die
?iiik ankle. Now seifhuw these tar.lf inn
kers have managed lufmrow the lax, or bur
den of his great art Jfieef consumption up
on the poor, and ahipsi entirely exempt the
rich. A few dayjpince 1 Viw an invoice
if tire silk about one
thousand which welched twenty
pounds. It pays deny by weight, at the
rate of $2 50 per pound. Os course, the
win le amount us du:y on the invoice was
hoi SSO, or five per cent. lat die same time
saw an invoice of cot ton laces, amounting
to one thousand dollars, which pa;d a duty
ol $290. or 20 per cent. Let me state il
thus; The ricn, in buying one thousand
dollars worth of lace, pay a lax hi the go
vernment ol only S3U- ii he pour or tu.d
d,ling .classes, in lifer mgJone thousand dot.
Lars worth of lace, [fiGjnax to like govern
ment of S2OO. Aud rjjis is the tariff'sojtist
in itself, so equal in ilTbvnrXits, and so ne
cessary lo tlie prospijily \t tne c umry!
lis jnslice is but rdftery, iTfe- beneli's but
cruelly and wrong. Let its iniquities be
swept Irani the statute book. T.
Fiom Hit- G Uun? I, lut inn alist?.
The A h g papers are iu a state of trepi
dation at die idea ol the two Uandi Jates lor:
Governor taking die slump. Buell a propn
-siuun would qu.te shock their sense ol pro
priety, particularly ut this juncture. One o!
them comes out v ery flatly anil says dial Gnv
Grawflord will not do it, uny liow we cun jix[
il. It vvou.d probably ho embarrassing lo
iiim, & now, ol all tunes in the vvoiid, would
be the most awkward to come out “ win,
those principle*.’’ lioo. Charles Brou noi
Philadelphia,.called lor them, during die Go
vernur’e short career in Congress. The on-
Jy 6,-oech She Governnr tuade lu tha.t . sseui
lily, was to lhc effect, “dial he would declare!
hi? pnnciplesand die principles if die whig),
ol Gcoigui at Ihe proper tone.” That time
lias, it seem?, not yet come,or perhaps it has
passed, fur Senator Burrien relieved him ol
■ mil trouble so iar as Hie principles of the
w ings oi Georgia ate concerned, by promul
gating ihein from the t'uroad pta lot in” ai
Boston. As to the Governor’s owai princi
ples, if they are anything peculiar, they are’
perhaps to he reserved rs ant que specimens
ol obsolete ideas, and given to loe puul.c.loiig
after those of his party hawe received their
quietus bv the repudiation of die ballot box.
IVe confess however, we should like to hear
ihe author of the .Spring Hill resolutuflis of
‘833, descant from die stump on the Tariff
ut 1842. We believe, however, dial no in
tention-exists Jo challenge him toa thorough
canvassqby slumping it through the .stale.—
Mr. .McAllister does not intend .doing so.-.-
But he will not refuse occasionally to accept
the hospitalities of Ins friends, and, if desired
lo address diem on public matters. We hope
dial onr Governor will not entirely refrain.
If he would make hut ji single speech and
write il out for us, we will lake pleasure .in
publishing it, and forwarding a copy lo hvs
Philadelphia friend. Doubtless. he is waiting
lor dial proper time to arrive with all lhc com
mciidahle patience of Ins Quaker education
and habile.
A DEGENERATE SON.
General Mamican Hunt was dafealed for
die Onu.vcin.inn in Texas by Maj. Richaid
Bardie, a grandson of.Dr. iFrankliyt. It is
said hyilhe Galveston News that lie will be
the onl y ami-annexationist among the Dele
gates. j
Old Dr. Franklin would not have leagued
himsell xulh Biitish and French emissaries
to defeat the great measure in which liis
own country’s interest were so deeply in
volved, and we wonder what influence could
prevail to prostitute liis deceudaut.
The New York Express is melancholy
mnu on the completion of the annexation of
I exas. and turns bitterly upon the aboli
tionists for havmg faded to defeat it by not
supporting Mr. C.ay. To the deleat of Mr.
Cl y lie attributes die success of annexation,
■uni thus tepr,'aches Hie aili slavery men
w ho voted for B riny with treichery lo abo-
I.tiunism, because they did not vote for Mr
Clay :
‘•To this miserable ami ferocious clique
of abolitionist? (and yet m numbers comemp
,|W) are we mdeb'ed fur this extension and
perpetuity of the slave government of this
country. If they repent for a thousand years,
and wall all the while m sackcloth and ashes
they never can atone tor tlie injury mev have
ii.fl.ued upon mankind and upon their coun
try.”
The Advertiser here the other day copied
a number of election slaiisncs from ihe New
York Tribune, lo prove that “the Birney
vote secured die election ol Mr. Polk,” the
elei t oiiof Mr. Polk securing the annexation
“I Texas- Considered ihat the Birney voiaa
were cast against Mr. Polk, and aie assailed
i ecause they are charged vv.di being unfaith
ful in die alliance which they owed to the
wings, It would have been more honest to
state thii it was me want of die Birney vote
which defeated Mr. Clay, not that the Birnay
vote elected P.*lk w!k> got none of it. ‘i-'bs
whole of the Advertiser’s statistics from the
1 r.bune goto establish the assumption which
we never knew a democrat to dispute bus
winch the whigs in ihe south have often de
nied with great show ol reaent.iiai.t whets
stated by democrats, that the mass of aholi.
tionists are whigs, and that the source of
that taiiaticism aud die material wh.ch sus
tain it, are lo be found for tue most part with
in the bosom of whiggery. With tins view
the Advertiser and die Tribune concur iu
analysing die vote of New York, to shew
that die atmlrtiojiists near y in mass tad vo
ted in IS4 i lor Harrison; and that when they
voied lor Birney, they were taken from the
vvhg side, where it is claimed by the north
ern wings that Urey ought to have staid from
principle. It is not Worth while to examine
the figures very closely, for we admit unre
servedly the conelusiun that aiml tionism,
had it united thoroughly with Mr. Clay,
might have elected him president; bt •
have no sorrows lb r die failuieofsuch a *.
hi nation, to lie followed by Ihe consequen.
oes which northern whiggery laments to
have Inst—the rejection ut Texas and an or
ganized I io?! .lily ol northern acid federal in
fluence against the slave IS'ates. On iho
contrary, me south without disti cliouof po
litical party, ought to rejoice with .exceeding
joy at their escape from the dangers of such
a domination.— [Mobile Register.
POSTMASTERS’ COMPENSATION.
‘1 he following order has been issued by the
Postmaster General, to meet the embarrass
ments likely to arise from the resignations
of postmasters holding small officer, whose
emufumenis are reduced by the new law :
Post OrriCK Depab'i.msxt, July 9, 184S.
■Ordered, That fiom and after the Ist day
ol July, 1845, eveiy. deputy postmaster whose
commissions, on Uie poslagcsof letters ai 3ft
per coni., and ol newspapeis at 50 per cent,
under the aci of the 3d March, 1845, sbsU
lad short ol the sum of $0 25 lor any one
quarter, orif the proportional part of that
sum lor any fraction of a quarter, be author?
ized tactedit himself, in a separate item m
bks account current, tor extra commissions on
the postage ol tellers at 2tf per cent., under
the act of 3d March, 1845,
If die postmaster be eu-utled ro the allow
ance ol 29 percru-it. dor night service, he will
not credit the extra commission here n.un.
l.oned, s5O per cent, is the utmost which
can be allowed ill any case under the law.
Ordered, ‘That every deputy
whose con,missions on die pi stage ot tellers
and newspapers, and other allowances, shall
exceed the sum ol $6 25 ip any one quarter
or die due proportion nl tlnesavd sum ip any
pari ol a quarter, tie aodioriwai to the extent
that such comuiisspiji and allowances fall
short ol ihe amount lo which such deputy
lostmasier was i*nln led for the corresponding
quarter ol llie fiscal year ending 39i|i June,
1845, io credit feuugeit io a separate iietn \n
lus account current, Ibr su -h amount ot
cnujtutsstnjis as shall make Ihe wnojc amount
credited equal to the same; die said extra
commission lo fee subject to due prevising
contained in die 41et section f live act oi 3d
March, 1845, and to the regulatuina of the
department issued in pursuance ife- reof.
C. JOHNSON.
Chamber of Commerce, >
Columbus, J2/j July, 1845. J
The Board met according Jo appointment,
Henry King, E.-q. in ihe chair? and C. E.
Mims, requested io act as Se*reiary ; when
die tollowing preamble and retailuiions were
offered by J. B. Green, -and unanimously
adopted ;
The gT oatusefulnessof-CliambersofCom
nveroe, wherever established, has been clear
ly shown by lire neguluiiiy and certainty
they Mil rod ore into die iiimiagemeiit anti
era n?!ici. ions of die varied and extendi and op*
eriiiiaos.ol Merchants. This order anil re
gularity. no matter hmv desirable, canruxL
beauained hv individual exerdi n, however
eminent die iiuli vidua I may be w ho an cm pi*
lo introduce them. J.i eari only he effectual?
iv accomplished by iihe joint efforts of as*
soeiaieil merchants who. by their respeefa
biliiy a-nd experience, may be safely looked
to as beacons to direct, and pilots to con
duct tbe less experienced and die .nnirdual
ed hi all cases winch may a.p|>ear doubtful
Rule 1. That whenever seller oi buyer,
cannot agree about the value ol bales of
cotton containing ivvo qualities, which was
sold without the knowledge of one or both
parlies, such .(Inference shall he submitted
lo.llie coni,yittnee, .neither of whom shall fee
a parly ,tuUr.ustcd.
2- That every bale of cotton-containing
two qualities sold wii limit the knowledge of
die purchaser, shall he considered as sold at
the value of the poor Cotton.
3. That it shall he die duly of every
member of ibis Association to expose every
person who shall'know ingly at*U u.ny cnlKm
by miscepresentarfbns or false samples; and
when such sales are made, it shall be con.
sidered as binding, or at the option of the
purchaser.; and il binding,,only at the value
us the Inna-Idle samples.
4. For the encoutagetnent ,of domestic
mnnulaeluring. we deem cnliqn put up iu
aooxl heavy cotton hugging, Wiitli six ropes,
,ia go ,and .order ; and will purchase il s? such.
5 Col ll m in slme shall be rewetghed af
let sixty days, w henever .required by the
purchaser, ai die expense of the seller.
0. The storage, and other expenses on
.cotton and outer produce, shall be paid by
the seller of,die snuie.
7. -Square hales of cotton .tmtst be bound
with at least six ropes bcldce they shall be
considered in older.
8. Cot too i tin st be bound wiiih hemp or
Manilla rope lobe conaideaed in good order.
9. No steamboat shall compel a man le
receive Ins goods ,iu die rain, nr after sunset.
10. Steamboats unly entitled io collect
freight according to die,distance they bring
it.
11. A standing committee of
be appointed moodily by roiation, .from an
alpliulieiical list of the members; three of
whom shall he a quotum for the purpose of
awarding, deciding arbitrations, and settling
all disputed accounts, or other matter*
which may be submitted to them.
HENRY KING, Ch’n.
I C. E, Mims, SeC'y.